BANCROFT 
LIBRARY 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

Theo  H.   Crook  Collection 


CONFIDENTIAL 


SUBJECTS 


VENEZUELA-BRITISH  GUIANA  BOUNDARY  ARBITRATION 


DIGEST 

Of   evidence    arranged    according    to 

SUBJECTS 


Prepared  for  Private  Use  of  Venezuelan  Counsel 


NEW  YORK 
The  Evening  Post  Job  Pkinting  House,  156  Fulton  Street 

1899 


52 


CONTKNTS 


Chapter  I.  Geographic  features  and  definitions. 

OrinocM>  Delta.  page 

General  description i 

Military  importance  of  Barima  Point 7 

Poineroon-Moriica  Region 9 

Lower  Esseqnibo  Region 12 

Cnynni-Mazaruni  Ba.sln. 

Definitions 15 

Forests 17 

Savannas 18 

Obstacles  to  river  navigation 20 

Routes  of  travel,  actual  and  proposed 21 

Definitions.     Amacura 23 

Amazons 24 

Arabian  Coast 24 

Barima 25 

Cuyuni 25 

El  Dorado 29 

Essequibo 30 

—upper 38 

Guiana 38 

Itabo 40 

Manoa 40 

Mazaruni 41 

Nova  Zeelandia 42 

Orinoco 42 

— as  far  as 44 

— Dardanelles  of 44 

— near  to 45 

Quake 46 

Spanish  Main 46 

Terra  Firma 46 

Wild  Coast 46 

Chapter  II.  Dutch  Trade  and  Fisheries. 

Dntch  Trade  —in  general. 

With  the  Portuguese 49 

Spanish 49 

Indians  of  the  coast 51 

Indians  of  the  interior 53 

Participated  in — by  Surinam  Dutch     56 

—  by  French  and  others 57 

Character  as  to  legal  rights. 

By  permission  of  Spain 58 

Surreptitious,  clandestine  and  illicit 60 

Never  under  a  claim  of  right 63 

Nature  of  trade — for  horses 64 

-  -for  various  Indian  products  66 

(i) 


ii  CONTENTS. 

Chapter  11.  Dutch  Trade  and  Fisheries— (Continued). 

PAGE 

How  carried  on 67 

Spanish  trade  to  Essequibo 68 

Slave  Trade. 

Slaves— whence  and  how  obtained   ^o 

— by  whom  captured  and  bought 75 

— surreptitious  character  of  trade  in n 

Slavery — cruelties  practiced 78 

— its  status  and  importance 81 

— abolition  of  by  British,  its  effect 84 

Dutch  Fisheries 86 

Chapter  HI.  Boundaries. 

Claims.     By  the  Spanish — to  Guiana  as  a  whole 89 

— to  Essequibo 94 

— to  all  the  coast 96 

— to  the  Pomeroon-Moruca  region 97 

— to  Barima  and  Orinoco  mouth 100 

— to  Cuyuni,  Mazaruni  and  the  interior 103 

— basis  for,    and  Spanish  views  of    Dutch   claims 

to  same 106 

By   the  Dutch — to  the  Pomeroon-Moruca  region no 

— to  Waini 112 

— to  Barima  and  Orinoco  mouth 115 

— to  Amacura 117 

— to  Cuyuni,  Mazaruni  and  the  interior 118 

— to  all  the  coast 121 

— basis  for,  and  Dutch   views   of  Spanish  claims  to 

same 123 

By  the  British — in  colonial  records,  correspondence,  etc 125 

— in  diplomatic  correspondence 129 

— in  ofificial  or  semi-official  maps 132 

— in  Cases  and  Counter  Cases 135 

— alleged  basis  for 1 37 

Admissions.     liy  the  Spanish 1 40 

By   the    Dutch— direct,  in  general 143 

— that  Moruca  was  a  frontier  post ....  147 

— passes  required  at  Moruca 151 

— tolls  at  Moruca 152 

— boundaries  on  the  Cuyuni 153 

By  the  British — boundaries  on  the  coast 1 54 

— boundaries  in  the  interior 1 58 

— customs  collected  in  Moruca 160 

—  Barima  light-house 161 

By  the  Venezuelans 162 

Ignorance  as  to  Boundaries  - 

By  the  Spanish 163 

Dutch 1 64 

British 166 

Boundaries  as  inferred  from  designations  used 167 

Acts  of  jurisdiction  by  one  nation  passed  over  without  protest  by  the  other  173 


CONTENTS.  Ill 
Chapter  IV.  Nature  of  Spanish  and  Dutch  occupation. 

PAGE 

Spanish  occupation — its  purpose I75 

— its  methods 1 79 

— its  influence  and  results 1 79 

— efforts  and  plans  for  extension  of ; 

-expeditions  to  interior,  and  establishment  of  mis- 
sions and  villages  there i8i 

-reconnaissances  of  coast  by  Inciarte  and  others  . .  i86 

-plans  for  Moruca  Post  and  San  Carlos  de  la  Frontera  1 87 

Dutch  occupation— its  purpose  ;    to  trade,  plunder  and  plant 190 

— its  methods ^9- 

— its  influence  and  results I93 

— its  efforts  and  plans  for  extension  always  limited  to 

trade  relations I94 

Chapter  V.  Remonstrances,  and  meaning  of  treaties. 

Remonstrances  and  acts  or  declarations  of  like  nature I95 

Meaning  of  treaties — Truce  of  1609 214 

—Treaty  of  Munster,  1648 217 

"    Utrecht,  1 7 14 -3^ 

"    Aranjuez,  1791 -3- 

"     London,  1814   233 

— Agreement  of  1850 233 

—Treaty  of  arbitration,  1 897 240 

—Charters  of  Dutch  West  India  Company 241 

— Dutch  trading  regulations 244 

Chapter  VI.  British  Trade  and  Timber  Cutting. 

British  Trade 245 

British  Timber  Cutting 246 

Chapter  VII.  Indians. 

The  Indians  considered  by  themselves. 

In  general "53 

Akaways -55 

Arawaks ^57 

Caribs 261 

Makusis 270 

Warrows 270 

Various  tribes  unclassified 274 

Their  relations  to  the  Essequibo  Dutch. 

Hostility  to  "76 

Independence  of,  as  appears  from 

—allegations  in  Cases  and  Counter  Cases 279 

— the  words,  invite,  persuade,  induce,  etc 281 

— the  words,  order,  threat,  demand,  etc 284 

— the  \Nor As,  friend,  ally,  neighbor,  etc 285 

—  insolence,  and  demands  made,  and  Dutch  treatment  of  Indian 

complaints  .....    -°9 


iv  CONTENTS. 

Chapter  VII.  Indians — (Continued). 

PAGE 

Treaties  with  Indians 290 

Altitude  assumed  by  the  Dutch  towards  others  as  to  Indian 

relations 291 

Nature  and  purpose  of  Dutch-Indian  relations. 

Alliances— for  hostile  purposes,  in  general 294 

— to  enslave  uncivilized  Indians   297 

— to  enslave  Spanish  Indians 297 

Alliances — for  defence  of  Dutch 3°' 

Alliances — for  trade,  in  general 303 

— for  trade  in  slaves  and  capture  of  runaways 305 

— inconstant  character  of 3°9 

Protection  given  Indians  by  the  Dutch 31° 

Creole-Dutch  language 3^2 

Their  relations  to  the  French,  English,  Snrinam-Diiteh,  etc 314 

Their  relations  to  the  Spanish. 

In  general 3'^ 

Hostility  to    318 

— its  cause 320 

— its  character  (rebellion) 322 

As  subjects — ottradas  and  compulsory  settlement  in  Missions 324 

— punishment  of  rebels 325 

— recognition  of  the  Spanish  as  masters   326 

— obedience  to  Spaniards 328 

— Spanish  claim  to  sovereignty  over  them 330 

Their  relations  to  the  British. 

Appointment  of  Indian  Captains 332 

— by  the  Indians  themselves 334 

— by  the  Dutch  and  British 335 

Protectors  of  Indians 341 

Suppression  of  Indian  slavery  and  its  effect 346 

Treaties  or  agreements  with  Indians 347 

What  Indians  were  controlled 350 

Admissions  that  British  did  not  control 354 

Allies  and  friends,  not  subjects 358 

Attitude  towards  British  sovereignty 362 

Their  relations  to  the  Venezuelans 363 

rresents  to  Indians. 

By  the  Spanish 364 

By  the  Dutch — origin  of 365 

— frequency  of 366 

— character  and  object  of 367 

By  the  British — frequency  of 373 

— object  and  character  of 376 

— to  Indians  outside  the  colony 380 


CHAPTER  I. 
GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES. 

ORINOCO    DELTA-GENERAL    DESCRIPTION. 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  region  bouinkMl  on  the  north  and  nortlieasi  by  tliet^uHor  I'aria 
ami  tlie  Atlantic  Ocean  ;  on  the  east  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  by  the 
divide  separatlni!;- the  waters  of  the  3IorHca  from  the  waters  of  the  Waini ; 
on  Ihe  south  hy  the  Iniataca  nionnlains;  and  extendintj  thence  westward,  is  a 
ireog-ra pineal  and  political  unit,  the  material  occupation  of  a  part  of  which,  by 
the  nation  tirst  discovering  and  exploring  it,  is  in  law  attributive  and  constructive 
possession  of  the  whole.  V.  C.,  224. 

British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  untrue.  Neither  geographically  nor  politically  is  the 
region  therein  stated  a  unit,  and  no  possession  ever  taken  by  Spain  can  be  con- 
strued as  giving  constructive  possession  of  the  whole.  B.  C.-C,  ijj. 

The  Venezuelan  contention  as  to  the  geograpliical  unity  of  the  so-called 
[Orinoco]  delta  region  as  defined  by  them  is  therefore  entirely  unfounded. 

Sa}nc,  p.  12. 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  Orinoco  Delta  Kegion  ...  is  bounded  on  the  north  and  west 
by  the  Orinoco  itself;  on  the  south  by  a  range  of  hills  or  mountains,  to  differ- 
ent parts  of  which  have  been  applied  the  designations  Piacoa  ntouutains  and 
Iniataca  mountains  :  on  the  east  it  is  separated  from  the  second  of  the  four  tracts 
above  mentioned;  first,  by  a  wet  savanna  diflicult  to  traverse;  and,  further 
inland,  by  a  tract  of  while  sand,  miles  in  length,  white  almost  as  the  driven 
snow,  hot  and  dazzling  to  the  eyes,  diflicult  aud  even  painful  to  travel  over. 

V.  C,  14. 

Inlo  the  Orinoco,  at  aud  above  IJarima  point,  flow  various  streams:  the 
Uarima,  Amacura,  Arature,  Aguire  and  Imataca. 

The  Barima,  between  Mora  passage  and  Barimi  point,  can  hardly  be  called 
an  independent  stream  ;  it  is  rather  one  of  those  many  channels  through  which 
the  Orinoco  empties  its  waters  into  the  ocean.  At  certain  states  of  the  tide  the 
waters  of  the  Barima  flow  westward  and  are  discharged  into  the  Orinoco ;  at 
other  states  the  current  is  in  the  opposite  direction,  the  water  from  the  Orinoco 
flowing  eastward  through  this  same  Barima  channel,  and  discharging  through 
the  Mora  passage  into  the  sea.  This  set  of  conditions,  which  converts  the  lower 
Barima  and  the  Mora  passage  into  a  veritable  Orinoco  mouth,  gives  rise  to  un- 
usual conditions  in  the  Mora  passage  itself.  Same,  p.  ij. 

U) 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

ORINOCO    DELTA-GENERAL    DESCRIPTION-(Continued). 

Venezuelan  Case. 

The  Uiver  Hariiua  Tails  iii1«>  tlif  south  side  of  the  thiiMK'o  near  the  most 
eastern  point  of  its  nioutii.  '  •  <^-.   ^i- 

-.     Brilish  Counter  Case. 

The  Barima  aiMl  the  AiiiaKiini  .  .  .  iiiig:ht  be  supposed  by  a  person 
unacquainted  with  the  physical  history  of  this  coast,  lo  niii  into  the  estuary 
of  the  Orinoco.  ^''  t.-C.,7, 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  entire  eoast  re?iion  troni  Hariuia  point  south-east,  as  far  as  tlie 
divide  separating;-  the  »a(ers  of  the  Moruca  from  the  waters  of  tlie  Waiui,  is 
an  intesrral  part  of  the  Orinoco  delta.  '^  V.  C,  224. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  unfounded.  Neither  the  Barima,  nor  still  less  the  coast 
region  as  far  as  the  watershed  between  the  Moruka  and  Waini,  is  any  part  of  the 
Orinoco  delta.  ^-  C.-C,  /jj. 

-.     British  Case. 

The  delta  of  the  Orinoco  lies  between  the  River  Vagre  on  the  west  and  the 
main  stream  of  the  Orinoco  on  the  east.  Tlie  low  land  on  the  eoast  to  the  east 
of  the  Orinoco  has  no  connection  with  the  Orinoco  delta,  having  been  formed 
by  the  detritus  brought  down  by  the  rivers  to  the  eastward  of  the  Orinoco,  and 
carried  westward  under  the  influence  of  the  westerly  current  and  the  prevailing 
wind  on  that  coast.  B.  C,  S. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Rivers  Aniakuru  and  IJarinia,  tlie  Waini  with  its  tributary  the  Barama, 
and  the  Pomeroon  flow  directly  into  the  sea.  B.  C.-C,  j. 

Tlie  Aniakuru  and  Barinia  are  not  tributaries  of  the  Orinoco,  but  are,  in 

fact,  independent  rivers ;  .  .  .  the  conception  of  the  Lower  Barima  and  the 
Mora  Passage  as  a  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  is  entirely  at  variance  with  the  facts, 
and  is  founded  only  on  erroneous  mapping.  Saiiw,  p.  6. 

A  first  lilance  at  a  map  -fancifully  drawn  and  coloured  as  at  p.  1  of  the 
Atlas  delivered  with  the  Venezuelan  Case — may  give  the  impression  that 
the  Aniakuru  and  the  Barima,  especially  because  of  the  north-west  trend  of  the 
lower  part  of  their  course,  belonj;'  to  the  Orinoco  system.  It  can  be  clearly 
shown  from  the  origin  of  this  north-west  trend  that  these  rivers  have,  in  fact,  no 
connection  with  the  Orinoco  system.  Same,  pp.  6-j. 

The  snir^:estion  made  in  the  Venezuelan  Case  that  the  alluvial  country  is 
characterized  by  "  iiilerlaciii;?  bayous"  as  distinguished  from  "  true  flowing 
streams,"  is  based  on  a  misconception  of  the  nature  of  the  itabos. 

Same,  p.  S. 

The  sea-tides  fntiii  ilie  mouths  of  both  the  Waini  and  the  IJarima  How 
alternat(>l,v  into  the  3Iorawliana  ;  .  .  .  llie  current  of  fresh  water  which 
comes  down  from  the  Upper  Barima  Hows  to  tlie  sea  jiarlly  through  the  Barima 
mouth  and  partly  through  the  Morawhana.  Same,  p.  //. 


GEOGRAPHIC     FEATURES,  3 

ORINOCO    DELTA-GENERAL    DESCRI  PTION-lContinued'. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Detinition  of  the  juiiuil  limits ol  llic  doKu  ol"  tlio  Oiiiioco.  These  are,  as 
already  stated,  the  liiver  Yngio  on  tlu^  «ost,  and  on  (he  caisl,  th«  main 
stream  of  the  Orinoco,  flowing  south  of  the  Islands  of  Tortola,  Imataka,  and 
Cangrejo  (or  Ciab)  Island.  B.  C.-C, //. 

[1750.]     Anonymous  Spanish  MS.  in  Hydrographic  Ofifice,  Madrid. 

From  this  [Great]  mouth  [of  the  Orinoco]  it  is  a  passage  of  one  hour  across 
the  sea  to  the  entrance  oi  the  River  Barima.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  /Q4. 

1757.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Iturriaga. 

IJarima,  which  llo>vs  into  the  [Orinoco]  mouth  itself.  />.  C,  //,  ijy. 

1768.     Francisco  Cierto. 

The  Creek  of  Barima,  which  is  dose  lo  the  great  mouth  of  the  River 
Orinoco  and  falls  into  it.  B.  C,  III,  lyo. 

1768.     Manuel  Cubas. 

Upon  arriving  at  the  mouth  of  tli<(  Creek  of  Barima,  which  falls  into  the 
Kiver  Orinoco  close  to  the  great  month.  Same,  p.  lyi. 

1779.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

Here  [near  the  mouth  of  the  Arature]  we  cut  masts  for  the  felucca  and 
launch,  so  as  to  have  them  ready  for  the  opportunity  of  crossing  from  the 
mouths  of  the  said  Orinoco  to  the  creek  or  river  of  Barima. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  21S. 

The  Orinoco  apparently  does  not  communicate  its  watei-s  to  the  said  creek 
(Barima),  and  even  if  it  does  they  are  very  little  felt,  for  it  was  impossible  to  per- 
ceive any  other  change  except  that  of  the  tide.  Same,  pp.  2ig-22o. 

The  Orinoco  does  not  communicate  its  waters  t(>  any  of  the  creeks  included 
between  that  of  Barima  and  the  River  of  Esse^juiljo.  Same,  p.  2jS. 

1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

[The  Orinoco]  rises  and  falls  once  every  year;  the  waters  begin  to  rise 
slowly  in  the  month  of  March,  and  in  the  month  of  August,  in  which  they  attain 
their  greatest  height,  again  subside  with  the  same  slowness  until  February,  in 

which   they  remain  at   their  lowest   level,   between  which   and  its  highest  point 
there  is  a  difference  here  in  the  capital  of  about  14  fathoms. 

The  rise  of  the  river  is  favoured  by  the  east  winds  or  breezes  w  hich  prevail  for 
eight  months  in  the  year.  B.  C,   V,  jj. 

From  Carucina  [20  leagues  more  or  less  up  the  Orinoco  from  Toint  Barima] 
the  ridge  runs  along  the  same  side  of  the  Orinoco  with  a  small  tract  of  meadow 
land  between  the  two  and  of  hill  country  which  ends  at  the  River  Caroni,  where 
the  range  turns  to  the  south.  This  portion  of  land  has  in  length  the  distance 
shown,  and  in  breadth,  from  north  to  south,  twelve  leagues,  more  or  less,  up  to 
the  town  of  Oputa  where  begins  the  flat  tiact  of  snvannahs  which  reach  to  the 
Cuyuni  and  beyond.  Same,  p.  j/. 

The  south  coast  of  the  Orinoco,  from  the  pomt  of  Barima,  20  leagues  more 
or  less  inland,  up  to  the  creek  of  Carucima  is  low-lying  and  swampy  land. 

Same,  p.  6j. 


4  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

ORINOCO    DELTA-GENERAL    DESCRI PTION— (Continued). 

i8o3.      Major  McCreagh. 

In  fiiloriiijr  t!n'  Kivcr  OriiMK-o  by  the  south-east,  generally  called  the  great 
channel,  Ca|M'  Hiiriiiia  roniis  Hu'  soiilh-cast  point.  IL  C,  V,  lyj. 

1839.     Wm.  Crichton,  Suiierintcndcnt  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

1 1)  then  descended  the  Wyena  to  the  mouth  of  the  Morocco  Creek  |  Morji 
Passasrt'l  whit'li  iiiay  pnuM'rly  be  toniied  a  iiumtli  of  the  nariiiia  discharging 
itself  into  the  Wyenn  River  within  a  very  short  distance  of  the  sea. 

B.  C,  VI,  75. 

1841.      R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The   River   IJarima   Tails  into  the  south  side  of  the  Orinoco,  near  the  most 
eastern  point  of  its  mouth  and  in  a  direction  almost  parallel  to  the  coast. 

B.  C,  VII,  33. 

1879.     ^-  ^-  i"i  Thurn. 

The  land  [between  EssequH»o  and  Orinoco]  is  chiefly  low-lying  swamp 
and  is  covered  with  dense  forest  ;  and  though  few  rivers— the  Pomeroon,  the 
Morooca,  the  Vani  or  Guiana,  and  the  Barima,  with  their  tributaries — run 
through  it  to  the  sea,  yet  none  of  these  are  of  any  great  size,  length,  or  im- 
portance. V.  C.,JJJ,  I  JO. 

1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

In  the  [Pomeroonj  district  the  rivers  form  its  most  important  features.  These 
are  : 

Rivers.  Chief  Tributaries. 

Pomeroon Arrapiakroo  and  Issororo. 

Morooka Manawarin. 

Waini Barrimanni,  Moreybo  and  Barama. 

Barima Arooka  and  Kaitooma. 

Amakooroo. 

In  addition  .  .  .  there  is  a  number  of  creeks  and  also  .  .  .  of  natural, 
or  partly  natural,  waterways,  liere  called  itabboos.  which  connect  the  rivers  the 
one  with  the  other,  the  whole  water  system  thns  constitnted  formint;-  a  net- 
work which  pervades  the  whole  district.  The  most  important  part  of  this 
water  system  forms  a  sinsjie  waterway,  consisting  partly  of  rivers  and  creeks, 
partly  of  itabboos,  from  the  southern  extreme  of  the  district,  on  the  Tapacooma 
Lake,  to  its  northern  e.xtrcme.  B.  C,  VII,  2^3. 

1897.     Major  C.  S.  N.  Grant,  R.  E. 

The  delta  of  the  Orinoco  ...  is  bounded  on  ()ne  side  by  the  Vatrre 
River,  and  on  the  other  by  what  may  be  looked  ii])on  as  the  main  stream  of  the 
Orinoco  itself,  (lowing  south  of  Tortola  and  Iniataca  Islands. 

'I'hi'  ^eoio^ical  formation  of  the  delta  projK'r  is,  I  believe,  iliilVrent  from 
tiiat  of  the  coast  reirion  south  of  the  Orinoco.  The  former  iscomposed  of  the 
debris  brought  down  by  the  river  itself,  and  is  dark  in  color,  the  latter  is  largely 
composed  of  sand,  and  much  ligiiter  in  appearance.  Santc,  p.  3.p. 

There  can  be  .  .  .  little  doubt  that  all  tliis  low-lying  coast  country,  ex- 
tending from  Cape  Nassau  to  the  mouth  of  tlie  Amacura,  has  been  built  up  of 
the  detritus  brought  down  by  the  Amazon  and  the  Essequibo  and  its  conlluents, 
the  Cuyuni  and  the  Ma/eruni,  and  lliat  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  delta  region 
of  the  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  243. 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  5 

ORINOCO    DELTA-GENERAL    DESCRI  PTION-(Continued). 

1897.     E.  F.  im  Thuin. 

I  have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  cUstrict  referred  to     .     .     .     for  the  last 
fifteen  years,  and    .     .    .    ain  of  opinion  llial  tliCi  slalcnuMils  made 
ai'O  I'orn'd,  and  tliat  the  conclusions  iorniod  hy  Major  dlrant  ai)[>oar  to  inc  to 
be  sound.  B.  C,  VII,  243. 

1897.     D.  F.  Turnbull. 

The  Orinoco  lias  a  delta  on  its  north  side  and  on  its  south  side  consist- 
ing-of  the  usual  delta  swamp  forniati<>!i.  intersected  witJi  bayous  generally 
large  and  deep  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  water  which  passes  through 
them,  but  more  or  less  obstructed  by  mud  banks  or  bars,  and,  in  the 
case  of  the  smaller  ones,  by  fallen  trees.  .  .  .  On  the  North  side  and  in 
descending  the  river,  the  really  firm  land  stops  about  at  the  head  of  Brazo 
Macareo  ;  below  that  is  the  delta. 

On  the  south  side  there  is  Arm  land  down  as  far  as  Iniataea.  It  does  not 
consist  of  a  continuous  firm  bank  to  the  river,  but  of  a  series  of  spurs  which  run 
out  east-northeast  from  the  main  Imataca  range  of  mountains.  The  river  runs 
to  the  north  of  east ;  the  main  Imataca  range  trends  to  the  south  of  east,  so 
that  it  recedes  from  the  river.  These  spurs  run  out  obliquely  towards  the  river. 
As  the  general  course  of  the  Orinoco  is  to  the  east,  these  spurs  approach  it 
obliquely,  and  thus  serve  to  keep  the  river  from  cutting  to  the  south.  IJetween 
these  spurs  there  are  what  one  may  call  bays  lilled  with  river  mud  more  or 
less  consolidated  into  swamp  or  firm  savannah. 

These  spurs  which,  on  the  south  bank,  reach  down  the  river  as  far  as  the 
town  of  Imataca,  (back  of  which  the  main  range  of  the  Imataca  mountains 
trends  off  more  to  the  south),  the  ends  of  these  spurs  seem  to  stop  further  off 
to  the  south  and  the  sort  of  great  natural  bay  thus  left  by  them  has  been  filled 
up  with  mud  and  sand,  making-  the  great  southern  delta  of  the  Orinoco. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  324. 

Thus,  if  a  person  coming  down  t!ie  river,  finds  on  the  south  Ijank  of  the 
river  more  or  less  firm  laud  until  he  gets  to  Imataca;  below  that  nothing 
but  delta  swamp,  largely  under  water  in  the  wet  season,  with  an  occasional  bank 
of  hummock  where  a  few  Indians  live.  The  spurs  terminate  too  far  back  from 
the  river  to  be  visible.     .     .     . 

From  the  Imataca  range  a  series  of  spur-like  formations  run  out  in  an  E-N-E 
direction  towards  the  Orinoco  ;  these  prevent  the  river,  in  general  terms,  from 
cutting  away  its  south  bank.  Between  each  of  these  low  ridges  there  is  a 
drainage  stream  which  finds  its  way  into  the  Orinoco;  and  the  lower  portion  of 
each  of  these  streams  generally  flows  through  an  alluvial,  swamp-like  region. 

Same,  p.  323. 

Considering  now  Tniataca  town  ;  It  stands  on  the  north  slope  of  the  last 
end  of  the  spur  from  the  Imataca  mountains.  This  spur  is  here  about  175 
feet  high.  lieyond  it  however  are  some  low  <let ached  hills  which  might  be 
considered  as  prolongations  of  it — some  on  Corisimo  Island,  and  one  a  little 
lower  down,  say  100  feet  high.  These  are  the  last  hills  seen  in  descending-  the 
Orinoco.  About  here  the  main  Imataca  range  (consequently  its  spurs)  trend 
off  towards  tlu^  south,  and  therefore  appear  to  recede  from  the  water.  The 
intervening  land  is  Orinoco  delta.  Same,  p.  326. 


G  GEOGRAPHIC     FEATURES. 

ORINOCO    DELTA-GENERAL    DESCRI  PTION-(Cotitinued). 

1897.  D.  F.  Tiirnbull. 

Imataca  town,  which  rises  directly  from  the  water,  stands,  strictly  speaking, 
not  on  the  Orinoco  but  on  the  Corisimo.  The  Corisimo  is  however  not  a  drainage 
stream  simply  but  rather  a  part  or  arm  of  the  main  river.  It  makes  in  from  the 
Orinoco  proper  as  a  waterway  350  yards  wide,  with  a  wide  channel  carrying  30 
feet  of  water  and  more.  This  reaches  to  the  town  of  Imataca,  about  two  and  a 
half  miles  from  the  river  proper,  and  then  bends  to  the  east-northeast,  and  gets 
back  to  the  Orinoco.  This  waterway  is,  at  Imataca  town,  as  large  and  deep  as 
I  have  stated,  and  so  continues,  sul)stantially.  until  it  again  reaches  the  main 
river.     I  have  been  through  it  in  a  steam  launch.  V.  C.-C,  III,j26. 

1898.  Michael  McTurk. 

Tlic  Iinalacca  Moiintaiiis  do  not,  to  the  extent  sng'gested  in  the  said  Chap- 
ter [V.  C,  Chapter  11]  divide  the  territory  which  is  intended  to  be  included 
in  the  term  Orinoco  Delta  Reg'ion  from  tlse  otlier  part  of  tlie  territory  in 
dispntc.  The  Imatacca  Mountains  start  from  the  southern  shore  of  the  Orinoco 
near  where  it  is  joined  by  the  Caroni,  and  then  extend  in  a  south-easterly  direction 
towards  the  Atlantic  sea-coast ;  but  they  very  soon  rapidly  diminish  in  height 
until,  on  approaching  the  sources  of  the  Parima,  they  are  nothing  more  than  a 
series  of  low  hills.  There  is,  in  fact,  no  well-defined  mountain  range  for  very 
many  miles  west  of  what  is  known  as  the  Schomburgk  line.  The  Imatacca 
Mountains,  some  distance  before  they  approach  the  Schomburgk  line,  develop  into 
a  series  of  low  hills,  the  highest  of  which,  at  the  source  of  the  Aunama  and  the 
Accarrabisi,  was  estimated  by  Sir  Robert  Schomburgk  to  be  600  feet,  and  they 
ultimately  terminate  in  a  series  of  spurs  of  low  altitude  which  run  in  various 
directions ;  one  known  as  the  Blue  Mountains  goes  ofT  towards  the  junction  of 
the  Cuyuni  and  the  Massaruni,  another  terminates  at  Mount  Yarakita,  which  is 
about  250  feet  high,  and  another  may  be  said  to  terminate  at  Mount  Everard  on 
the  Barima. 

Tiiese  different  spurs  |of  the  Imataca],  however,  do  not  affect  the  general 
watershed  of  the  country,  which  may  be  roughly  divided  into  two  groups  :  those 
rivers  nliicli  fl(»w  directly  from  the  northern  slope  of  the  Imatacca  range  into 
the  Orinoco,  namely,  the  Sokoroko,  the  Imatacca,  the  Aarnirre,  and  the 
Areture,  and  those,  namely,  the  Ainakuru,  Barima,  Waini,  Barama,  Morucca, 
and  Pomeroon,  whicli  flow  into  the  Atlantic.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  401. 

The  said  Cliapter  [//,  of  V.  C\  sn»-i?ests  that  tlie  Amakurn.  Rarima.  and 
even  the  Waini  are  not  inilepondeiit  streams,  bnt  are.  in  fad,  merely  part  of 
tlie  Oi-inoco.  This  is  nol  tiie  fact,  .  .  .  the  original  course  of  the  Ama- 
kura,  1}  iri mi,  Waini,  an  1  Pomeroon  was  from  the  face  of  the  spurs  of  the 
Imatacca  range  .  .  .  eastwards  towards  the  sea,  but,  owing  to  the  way  in 
which  the  large  tr.ict  of  alluvial  deposit  has  I^een  formed,  each  of  these  rivers, 
after  a  certain  distance  lias  had  its  cours.^  very  considerably  turned  to  the  north- 
west. .  *.  .  There  is  a  similarity  in  the  pliysical  formation  at  the  mouths  of 
the  Amazon,  Essequibo,  and  Orinoco  which  conclusively  points  out  that  the 
deltas  at  the  moutlis  of  these  rivers  hive  been  formed  under  like  conditions. 
Tlie  (lee|)est  channel  of  each  of  these  rivers  is  on  the  east  or  side  from  which  the 
wind  and  current  first  meets  the  mouths  of  these  rivers,  and  their  deltas  are  to 
the  west.  Savic,  p.  401 . 

'I'he  simncstion  in  the  said  Chapter  ( //,  of  /'.  C.\  that  the  Mora  passasi'e,  or 
Moratvlianiia,  converts   tlie    lliver  Itarima   iiit(»  a  verilalnle  thinoc«>  mouth 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  i 

ORINOCO    DELTA-GENERAL    DESCRI  PTION-(Continued). 

is  al>st)liit,oly  uiiioiiiKlct].  The  Moniwhanna  is  simply  the  largest  of  many 
itabos  which  exist  within  the  district  of  the  alluvial  deposit.  .  .  .  The  course 
of  the  Morwahanna,  at.  represented  in  the  atlas  delivered  on  behalf  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  of  Venezuela,  is  incorrect.  It  is  there  shown  as  a 
single  straight  reach  flowing  on  from  the  VVaini  into  the  Barima.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  Morattliaiiiiii  is  by  no  means  straight,  and  joins  the  Waini  at  a  con- 
siderable angle;  its  course  is  correctly  laid  do^vii  in  3Ir.  !I<»liciiliirk's  (  hart, 
which  accompaiiios  the  Britisli  Counter  Case.  .  .  .  The  Morawhanna, 
.  .  .  like  all  other  itibos  or  water  passages,  originally  consisted  of  two 
streams  or  creeks,  both  rising  in  the  same  swamp,  the  one  flowing  into  the 
Waini  and  the  other  into  the  Barima,  and  the  itabo  was  formed  in  the  usual  way 
by  canoes  and  boats  being  forced  through  the  swamp.  B.  C.-C,  A/>/>.,  402. 

The  tide  rushes  up  the  Waini  and  also  up  the  connecting  passage  between 
the  Waini  and  the  Barima,  the  Mora  Passage,  so  that  for  a  certain  time  the 
water  in  the  Barima  is  falling,  whereas  the  water  in  the  Mora  Passage  is  rising, 
but  as  the  flood  tide  up  the  Mora  Passage  becomes  less  and  less  strong,  the  cur- 
rent of  the  later  flood  tide  in  the  Barima  asserts  itself,  and  then  there  is  in  the 
Mora  Passage  what  is  technically  called  "  slack  water,"  to  be  followed  by  falling 
water  in  the  Mora  and  Waini,  although  it  is  still  flood  tide  in  the  Barima  .  .  . 
The  siigifestiou  that  the  Waiui  empties  itself  into  the  ocean  partly  through 
its  oivii  inoiith  ami  partly  throujih  the  Mora  Vassage  and  the  Barima  River 
is  thus  shown  to  be  absolutely  incorrect.  Same,  p.  402. 

ORINOCO  DELTA-MILITARY  IMPORTANCE  OF  BARIMA  POINT. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  importance  of  Barima  point,  and  of  the  land  and  rivers  immediately  sur- 
rounding it,  is  due  to  its  commanding  position  with  reference  to  the  "  Ship's 
Mouth  "  or  main  channel  of  the  Orinoco.  ,  .  .  This  iiuportauce  of  Barima, 
political  and  otherwise,  has  been  forcibly  set  forth  by  explorers  and  writers, 
and  hijs  been  recounized  and  acted  u|>on  by  British  statesmen.     ]-'.  C,  i~-iS. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Political  unity  of  what  is  called  the  Orinoco  Delta  Region  is  asserted  solely  on 
the  alleged  ground  that  Barima  Point,  the  extreme  point  of  the  right  bank  of  the 
Barima  River,  commands  strategically  the  "  Ship's  Channel  "  into  the  Orinoco. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  Barima  Point  has  not  the  strategic  value  ascribed  to 
it  in  the  Venezuelan  Case.  The  ground  is  quite  unsuitable  for  the  erection 
of  fortifications,  and  the  Ship's  Channel  is  10  miles  wide,  its  inner  edge  being 
about  5  miles  from  Barima  Point.  B.  C.-C,  12. 

1839.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Taking  the  mouth  of  the  River  Barima  as  the  place  of  departure  ;  the  line 
.  .  .  onarht  to  be  directed  to  the  mouth  of  the  River  Amacura,  in  order  to  be 
able  to  insure  the  political  importance  which  would  always  be  attached  to  the 
mouth  of  the  OrinooK  B.C.,  VII,  5. 

1841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Colonel  Moody,  of  the  Royal  Engineers,  .  .  .  was  sent  in  the  earlier 
part  of  this  century  to  report  on  the  military  situation  of  the  Orinoco. 

Same,  p.  ij. 


8  GEOGRAPHIC     FEATURES. 

ORINOCO     DELTA-MILITARY     IMPORTANCE     OF     BARIMA    POINT- 

(Continued). 

1841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Barima  .  .  .  point  in  the  possession  of  Great  Britain  is  of  ?:reat 
valne  in  a  military  respect.  Tlie  peculiar  conti.:,airation  of  tlie  only  channel  (Boca 
de  Navies),  which  admits  vessels  of  some  draught  to  the  Orinoco,  passes  near 
Point  Barima;  so  that  if  hereafter  it  becomes  of  advantage  to  command  tlie 
entrance  to  the  Orinoco,  this  might  be  easily  effected  from  that  point.  This 
assertion  is  supported  by  Colonel  Moody's  evidence,  who  visited  this  spot  in  his 
militaiy  capacity  in  the  commencement  of  this  century.  B.  C,  VII,  ij. 

1841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk  (Confidential  letter). 

I  have  now  to  point  out  the  importance  which  is  attached  to  this  position 
[  Barima],  should  the  British  Government  establish  the  Amacura  as  the  boundary 
between  British  Guiana  and  Venezuela.  .  .  .  The  only  access  to  this  vast 
inland  commnnication  for  sailing  vessels  of  more  than  10  feet  draft  of  water 
is  by  means  of  the  Boca  de  Navios,  which  is  commanded  from  Point  Barima. 
.  .  .  Colonel  Moody  considers  this  position  "  susceptable  {sic)  of  being 
fortified  so  as  to  resist  almost  any  attack  on  the  sea-side  .  .  .  and  debarka- 
tion from  the  Orinoco  might  be  put  under  the  fire  of  any  number  of  guns— and 
the  land  reproaches  (sic)  .  .  .  could  be  easily  rendered  inaccessible  to  an 
invading  force.  This  .  .  .  importance  ...  in  a  military  respect 
.  .  .  is  fnlly  horn  ont  hy  personal  inspection  dnring*  my  late  snrvey  of 
the  entrance  to  the  Barima.  Same,  p.  jj*. 

1841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  Barima— a  point  of  more  importance  to  Great  Britain  than  I  have 
ventured  to  make  it  appear  in  my  memorial.  Same,  p.  j./. 

1848.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

.\  stronii"  hattery  estahlished  at  Pnnta  Barima,  where  the  Dutch  had  as 
early  as  1660  a  fortified  outpost,  >vonld  prevent  any  vessel  from  enterina;"  the  Ori- 
noco draw! nit'  more  than  eisrlit  feet  of  water.  Punta  Barima,  or  Point  Breme, 
as  it  was  called  by  the  Dutch,  commands  entirely  the  entrance  of  the  Orinoco  by 
the  Boca  de  Navios;  and  when  on  a  late  occasion  the  right  of  possession  to  this 
point  was  the  subject  of  discussion  between  the  British  Government  and  the 
Republic  of  Venezuela,  Punta  Barima  was  appropriately  and  emphatically  styled 
"  the  Dardanelles  of  the  Orinoco."  V.  C,  20. 

1850.     Belford  Ilinton  Wilson. 

The  I  Venezuelan]  (Jovernor  has  spoken  Af  raisinsr  a  fort  at  Point  Barima, 

.  .  .  The  .  .  .  delates  in  Congress  and  .  .  .  other  reports  .  .  . 
satisfy  me  of  the  desire  and  tendency  in  this  country  |Veneznela|  .  .  .  t(» 
secure,  by  actual  occujvilion,  possession  of  Point   Barima.  B.  C,  VI,  /So. 

1850.     Governor  Barkly. 

I  need  add  little  to  what  Sir  Robert  Schomburgk  so  forcibly  stated  at  that 
time  of  the  prospective  importance,  l»ot!i  in  a  military  and  a  commercial 
point  of  view,  of  a  site  which  eilVi'lnaliy  ci»!nman<ls  the  entrance  of  one  of 
the  niiirhf  iesl  rivers  in  the  world  ;  init  1  may  remark  that  it  has  gained,  rather 
than  lost  in  importance  since  he  wrote,  for  not  only  would  the  whole  coasting  trade 
of  this  Colony  .  .  .  be  at  the  mercy  of  any  nav.U  power  .  .  .  there  .  .  . 
but  the  supply  of  cattle,  indispensable  .  .  .  for  consumption  in  this  and  other 
Colonies,  would  be  cut  off,  and  both  the  inhabitants  and  the  troops  be  left  de- 
pendent on  more  remote  and  c.\i)ensive  sources  for  animal  food.        Same,  p.  iSj. 


GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES.  » 

ORINOCO     DELTA-MILITARY     IMPORTANCE    OF    BARIMA     POINT- 

(Continued). 

1857.     Lieutenant-Governor  of  British  Guiana. 

Point  Bariina  ...  is  at  the  oiitrauco  of  the  only  channel  of  the 
Orinoco  navigabtc  by  vessels  of  any  g-reat  burtiien.  B.  C,  VI,  204. 

1 88 1.     Lord  Granville. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  .  .  .  are  disposed  ...  to  submit  .  .  . 
aline  ...  29  miles  .  .  .  east  .  .  .  of  the  River  Barima.  .  .  .  This 
boundary  will  surrender  to  Venezuela  what  has  been  called  the  Dardanelles 
of  the  Orinoco.  It  will  give  to  Veap<;:ipla  the  entire  command  of  the 
mouth  of  that  river.  B,  C,  VII,  gg-ioo. 

1898.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  said  [Venezuelan]  Case  also  refers  to  the  value  of  Barima  Point  from  a 
military  and  strategical  point  of  view.  As  is  well  known,  there  are  other  en- 
trances to  the  Orinoco  than  the  one  by  Barima  Point,  and  although  it  is 
true  that  the  one  opposite  Barima  Point,  which  is  known  as  Boca  des  Navios, 
or  Great  Ships  Mouth,  is  the  most  used,  yet  th(^  eilg-e  of  the  naviirable 
cliannel,  which  is  of  itself  of  considerable  width,  is  at  least  5  miles  from 
liarima  Point,  and  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  soil  and  the  wash  of  the  sea, 
it  Avould  be  practically  imi)ossible  to  erect  any  fortilications  of  snflicieut 
strength  to  contain  heavy  artillery.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  402. 

1898.     \\.  F.  im  Thurn. 

I  would  further  add  that  from  my  own  personal  knowledge  of  Barima  Point, 
I  am  satisfied  tliat  tlie  only  method  (►f  armed  control  of  the  Boca  de  Navios, 
or  Ships  Mouth,  into  the  Orinoco,  would  be  by  a  sea  force,  which,  from  the 
nature  of  tiie  shore  and  of  tiie  ground  at  J^arima  Point  itself,  would  be  indepen- 
dent of  the  power  wliicli  actually  held  Barima  Point.  Same,  p.  407. 


POMEROON-MORUCA    REGION. 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  old  beach  line,  which  in  the  Orinoco  delta  is  now  well  inland,  makes  its 
nearest  approach  to  the  present  seaboard  nearthe  mouth  of  theMoruca  ;  it  is  now 
elevated  land,  according  to  the  quotation  fro.n  Schomburgk  above  giv^en  [  V.  C, 
26],  and  approaches  the  sea  within  about  two  miles.  .  .  .  There  is  no 
natural  inland  waler  communication  behveen  the  Orinoco  delta,  on  the 
west,  and  the  Moruca,  on  the  east. 

The  practical  effect  of  this  lack  of  natural  water  communication  is  that 
actual  communication  between  tlic  two  regions  has  been  very  slight.  Tiie  difti- 
cultv  of  crossing  from  the  Moruca  to  tlie  region  west  has  been  so  great  as 
to  constitute  an  actual  barrier  between  them,  a  barrier  which,  in  the  history 
of  settlement,  has  in  fact  served  to  keep  the  two  regions  apart.  /'.  C,  26-2/. 

The  above  facts  [quoted  from  im  Thurn,  /'n/rn,  pp.  ir-i2\  would  seem  to  place 
beyond  question  the  point  of  special  imjiortance  regarding  this  Moruca-Pom- 
ero<ui  Region :  viz.,  that  a  natnial  and  effective  physical  barrier  separates 
it  from  the  Orinoco  Delta  llegiou.  Same,  p.  28. 


10  GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES. 

POME  BOON -MORUCA    REGION-lContinued). 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Westward  of  the  Pomeroon,  however,  the  only  actual  sand-reefs  are  patches  of 
very  limited  extent  ...  no  sand-reef  exists  anywhere  between  the  Moruka 
and  the  Waini.  Such  sand-reefs  are  only  of  very  occasional  occurrence  in  the 
•' sand  and  clay  deposit."  .  .  .  This  deposit  constitutes  no  barrier  whatever 
to  passage,  and  tiie  description  of  the  sand-reef  given  in  the  Venezuelan  Case  is 
inapplicable  to  it.  .  .  .  The  assumption  made  in  the  Venezuelan  Case  that 
these  sand-reefs,  even  where  they  do  exist,  constitute  a  barrier  to  traffic  is  a  mis- 
take :  passage  over  them  is  in  fact  perfectly  easy.  .  .  .  Part  of  the  water- 
way which  is  formed  by  the  short  itabo  between  the  heads  of  the  Moruka  and  of 
the  Barabara  is.  in  Ihe  dry  season,  dilliciilt  to  pass.  IJut.  as  events  have  proved, 
it  is  not  inipassiMe.  and  it  is  used  at  all  times  of  the  year,  even  in  the  dry 
seasons.  ...  No  pliysieal  barrier,  either  by  sand-reef,  or  by  abseiiee  of 
inland  water  eommunieation,  exists  between  the  Moruka  and  the  Waini. 

B.  C.-C,  13-14. 

1 841.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Messrs.  Hamilton  and  Eyere,  the  former  a  native  of  Angostura,  the  latter  of 
the  Rio  Negro,  with  a  crew  of  twenty  black  Spaniards,  arrived  at  the  Post. 
.  .  .  The  object  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  visiting  this  part  of  the  Colony  was  princi- 
pally to  ascertain  if  a  path  eonld  be  made  from  3Ioroeeo  to  the  Kiver 
Winey.  Mr.  Hamilton  .  .  .  stated  .  .  .  that,  if  a  path  was  practicable 
to  Morocco,  he  could  undertake  to  land  cattle  in  Morocco  at  twenty  dollars  per 
head. 

Your  reporter,  knowing  the  impossibility  of  eouveyinfir  cattle  by  that 
rontc  took  the  liberty  of  directing  the  attention  to  the  head  of  the  Iserooroo 
Creek,  from  where  your  reporter  has  frequently  walked  across  to  the  River  Winey. 
.  .  .  The  difficulty  of  getting  them  [cattle]  conveyed  from  the  Barama  to  the 
Winey  would  not  be  considered  an  obstacle.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  2gj. 

1848.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Tlie  want  of  a  proper  eaiial  throni;-li  this  part  <tf  I'pper  M<»roeeo  forms  a 
eoniplete  barrier  for  several  months  of  tlie  year  to  all  <-<Mnmnnieation  with 
the  Hirers  Winey,  liariina  and  Oronoko,  thereby  cutting  off,  although  foratime 
only,  that  intercourse  so  essential  to  the  general  welfare  of  the  Pomeroon  district, 
but  more  especially  to  the  Arabian  coast.  J>.  C,  J'/,  iji. 

1 87 1.     \V.  C.  -McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Pomeroon. 

This  tract  of  land,  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  Marucca,  and  bounded,  for  the 
most  part,  by  the  said  river,  and  partly  by  the  sea,  is  as  large  as  the  island  of 
Wakenaam,  and  with  the  exception  of  the  hiirh  lands  known  as  St.  Koses 
l^lissioii,  otherwise  Maiial)ba,  Comachane,  and  two  or  tliree  other  small  hills, 
the  wliole  tract  is  nothini;-  more  or  le.ss  than  a  stvampy  Jnn^le. 

I  This]  tract  of  swampy  jungle  to  which  allusion  has  been  made  extends  to 
the  head  of  the  Baramanie  Creek,  a  tributary  of  Rio  Wynie.  Sir  R.  Schom- 
burgk,  in  his  map  of  Ciuiana,  has  laid  down  this  branch,  and,  although  wide  and 
very  deep,  its  extreme  length  don't  exceed  30  miles. 

'I'liis  canal  [on  the  Marucca]  formed  by  coreals  passing'  and  repassinir.  is 
r»  miles  loiiif,  and  rnns  throifurh  a  swampy  crosslnir  \sic\  in  its  course  a  sand- 
reef,  parts  ol  tiie  Owyebarri  Hill,  and  by  which  the  water  of  these  vast  swamps 
are  separated,  one  portion  flowing  towards  the  Wynie  River,  the  other  down  the 
Marucca.  Satne,  p.  21  x. 


Oeographic  features.  11 

POMEROON-MORUCA    REGION-(ContinuedJ. 

1886.     E.  F.  im  Tluun. 

Under  ordinary  circninsljuiocs  .  .  .  (•<Miiiniini<*a1io!i  bolwocn  these 
two  rivers  [Poisieroon  and  Bariina I  would  bo  by  sea;  biit  .  .  .  occasions 
will  arise  for  the  use  of  .  .  .  the  itaboo  between  the  Morooka  and  the 
Waini.  B.  C,  VI,  243. 

1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

From  tlie  head  of  tJie  Morooka  there  is  an  itabboo— unfortunately  OI- 
PASSABLE  IN  YFJIY  DRY  SEASONS— which  leads  into  the  Bara-Bara,  and 
thence  by  the  way  of  tlie  Biara  and  Barimanni  Ri^'ers  into  the  Waini  River. 

From  Warramoori  Mission  on  the  Morooka  River  to  Barimanni  Station  on 
the  Waini  River  .  .  .  this  part  of  the  waterway  IS  IMPASSAHLE  IN 
THE  DRY  SEASONS,  and  .  .  .  even  at  other  times,  unless  in  very  wet 
seasons,  the  passage  is  difilcult.     .     .     . 

Tliis  passage  .  .  .  lias  served  as  a  sort  of  natural  barrier  dividing- 
the  whole  Pomeroon  district  into  two  clearly  marked  sub-districts.  It  has, 
indeed,  until  recently,  almost  entirely  prevented  the  spread  of  population  from 
the  Pomeroon  Sub-district  to  that  of  Barima.  B.  C,  VII,  2^6. 

1 891.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  Pomeroon  Sub-district  and  .  .  .  the  Barima  Sub-district  .  .  . 
the  difficulty  of  communicating-  between  them.  Same,  p.  266. 

1892.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

After  five  hours'  bont  journey  up  the  Moruka,  the  country  on  each  side  of  the 
river  becoming  gradually  more  and  more  open — the  river  at  last  winding  through 
open  savannahs,  and  broadening  out  here  and  there  into  pools  so  thickly  set  with 
water-lilies  that  it  was  difficult  to  force  the  boat  through  them— we  reached  the 
point  where  the  waterway  leaves  the  river  and  passes  along  a  narrow  itabbo,  or 
artiticial  water-path,  which  conne  ts  the  Moruka  with  the  Waini  l^iver.  This 
connecting  passage  is  in  all  about  30  miles  in  length  ;  but  only  about  the  first  10 
miles  of  this  is  actually  semi-artiticial  itabbo,  made  by  the  constant  passage  of 
the  canoes  of  the  Redmen  through  the  swampy  savannah.  After  that  it  runs 
into  the  Barabara  and  then  into  the  Biara  River,  which  latter  runs  into  the  Bara- 
manni  River,  and  that  again  into  the  Waini.  at  a  point  about  80  miles  from  its 
outflow  into  the  sea. 

We  found  the  italil)o  section  of  this  passage  very  difficult  to  get  through. 
Generally,  it  was  hardly  wider  than  the  boat,  and  its  many  abrupt  windings  added 
to  our  difficulties.  Again,  the  trees  hang  down  so  low  over  the  water,  that  even 
after  we  had  taken  tlie  tent  off  the  lioat,  we  had  either  to  force  the  boat  under 
the  low-lying  branches  or  make  a  passage  by  cutting  them  away.  On  either  side 
of  the  channel  the  ground  is  so  swampy  as  hardly  anywhere  to  allow  foothold  of 
even  a  few  inches  in  extent.  The  light  hardly  penetrates  through  the  dense  roof  of 
leaves ;  and  in  the  gloom  under  the  roof  only  a  few  aroids,  ferns,  lilies,  orchids, 
and  great  masses  of  a  palm  which  had  at  the  time  of  my  journey  not  been 
described,  .  .  .  grew  among  the  fanListically  twisted  tree-roots  which  rose 
from  the  bare  mud.  Only  close  to  the  channel  itself,  where  just  a  little  more 
light  penetrated,  did  these  same  plants  grow  a  little  more  densely. 

This  itabbo  is  quite  dry  in  the  longer  dry  seasons,  and  is  then,  of  course, 
impassable  ;   for  walking  along  its  banks  is  out  of  the  question — a  circumstance 


12  GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES. 

POMEROON-MORUCA    REGION-  Continued). 

which  has  had  a  good  deal  to  do  with  the  fact  that  the  parts  jjeyond  had  up  till 
then  been  almost  completely  shut  off  from  the  rest  of  the  colony  ;  even  now, 
though  the  overhanging  trees  have  been  cleared  from  this  part  of  the  waterway, 
it  presents  no  slight  obstacle  to  the  swarm  of  gold  boats  which  would  press 
through  it  to  the  goldfields  beyond.  f^-  C.,  2J-2S. 

1897.  Jacobus  Ingles. 

Tlien^  is  a»  old  patli  in  llic  bush  bcliiiKl  Esseyiiibo  all  the  way  from 
S»lK'uaaiii  lo  r<niu'rooii  at  Issarooroo,  thence  to  Kwabanna  on  the  Waini  to 
Wycarabie  in  the  Barama,  then  along  the  left  bank  of  the  Barama  to  Hooree  on 
the  same  river  and  from  Hooree  to  Okaba,  five  miles  below  Coriabo.  This  is 
the  old  Postholder's  road.  B.  C,  VII,  225. 

1898.  Michael  McTurk. 

Tliat  it  1 1'oiiUM-aon-Monica  region]  is  nol  divided  from  llio  so-callod  Ori- 
noco Delta  Kci^ion  by  an  abseiico  of  waltM*  is  well  known,  as  old  and  well 
establislie;l  water  nnniniinications  exist  b!'tween  the  Waini  and  the.Mornkn 
by  means  oflheereeks  IJiramanni  and  IJara  IJara,  and  the  oonnectinsr  ilabo. 
as  also  between  the  Morucca  and  the  Pomeroon  by  the  Manawarin Creek,  the  River 
Wackepo,  and  the  usu  il  itabo,  as  has  already  been  stated  in  the  Case  delivered 
on  behalf  of  the  Government  of  Her  Britannic  Majesty.  The  suggestion  that  it 
is  also  shut  off  by  an  almost  impassable  sand  reef  is  equally  without  foundation. 
.  .  .  The  suggestion  in  the  Venezuelan  Case  of  the  indivisibility  of  the  so- 
called  Orinoco  Delta  Region,  and  of  the  Morucca-Pomeroon  Region,  and  their 
complete  separation  the  one  from  the  other,  is  entirely  erroneous  and  without 
foundation.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  40J. 

1898.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

It  is  hard  to  understand  what  is  exactly  intended  by  the  description  in  the 
Venezuelan  Case  of  the  tract  or  district  called  the  Moruka-Pomeroon  Region,  or 
exactly  what  territory  it  is  intended  to  include.  If  it  is  suggested  that  it  is  cut 
off  from  the  Waini  and  the  Itarima  by  any  natural  obstacle,  it  is  incorrect, 
.  .  .  if  it  is  intended  to  be  suggested  that  it  is  cut  off  from  the  country  lying 
immediately  behind  it  by  an  impassable  barrier  of  sand  reefs,  this  is  also  incor- 
rect. Sa)iie,  p.  4oy. 

LOWER  ESSEQUIBO  REGION. 

.     British  Case. 

All  the  rivers  below  the  points  to  whicli  tlie  tide  reaches  are  more  or 
less  navigable,  forming  means  of  communication  ;  but  above  these  points  they 
are  full  «>f  cataracts  and  rapids,  and  become  unnavigable  except  for  small  boats 
and  native  canoes.  B.  C,  146. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  statement  in  the  Venezuelan  Case  that  "  near  the  point  of  junction 
of  the  Ciiynni  and  iXassarnni  there  is  a  break  in  these  mountains,  and  tlinnigh 
this  .  .  .  the  Cuyuni  and  Massaruni  Rivers  jiour  their  united  waters  into  the 
Essequibo,"  is  entirely  misleading.     No  su«'h  n«»rg<'  exists.  B.  C.-C.,j. 

1739,     Commandeur  in  Ksseciuibo. 

As  the  continuous  rainy  season  .  .  .  makes  the  road  ab(»ve  the  [lowest 
Cuyuni  I  falls  very  dangerous,  it  has  prevented  the  making  of  any  further  dis- 
covery— assumnig  that  anything  at  all  is  to  be  found  there.  B.  C,  II,  Jo. 


GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES.  13 

LOWER    ESSEQUIBO    REGION-(Continued). 

1742.  Mining  Engineer  Hildebrancit. 

March  26.  [1742].  Set  out  with  nine  slaves  [to  s^o  from  the  Perker  and 
Haak  mine  in  the  Blue  Mountains  douii  lo  the  Ciijuiii  mouth  ]  but  the  water 
was  higher  than  I  had  yet  seen  it,  and  I  passed  ilie  talis  nitli  g-reat  daiig'cr,  but 
just  before  reaching  the  indigo  plantation  I  ran  on  a  rock  with  the  boat,  so  that 
a  cask  was  thrown  out  and  broken  and  a  hole  made  in  the  boat.        B.  C.  II,  jS. 

1743.  Mining  Engineer  Hildebrandt. 

Early  in  the  morning  I  looked  out  a  suitable  place  where  I  could  best  get  to 
from  there  overland,  in  order  to  make  a  station  for  storing  ore  and  other  com- 
modities of  the  Company,  and  also  at  the  same  time  to  make  a  path  overland 
in  case  we  should  have  anything  important  that  mlj;-hti  come  to  g'rief  in  the 
little  falls  Mhich  lie  above  the  sireat  fall  to  the  number  of  two.     Same,p.  jg. 

So  I  gjive  orders  to  make  another  small  path  through  the  bush,  to  be  used 
by  men  so  as  to  escape  tlie  ^reat  danger  of  the  fsiUs,  and  later  to  transport 
other  things  by.  Same,  p.  40. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  very  existence  of  the  Colony  is  precarious,  except  the  immense  belt  of 
forest  that  forms  its  southern  boundary,  be  occupied  by  some  friendly  Power. 

B.  C,  VI,  S3. 

1841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  dangerous  fall  Wakupang,  where  our  stores  were  lost  on  the  preceding 
day,  was  passed  without  accident. 

We  had  commenced  this  morning  (26th  July)  the  descent  of  the  third  series 
of  falls,  caused  by  a  small  range  of  mountains,  through  which  tlie  river  has 
broken  itself  a  passage.  It  rained  almost  incessantly;  and,  as  the  wind  was 
against  us,  it  endangered  our  descent  of  numerous  rapids,  and  the  coxwain 
could  hardly  look  forward.  We  had  to  unload  at  the  cataract  Aruaka- 
matnbba,  and  to  haul  our  corials  overland.  We  passed  soon  after  the  Woku 
or  Powis  Mountain,  which  rises  on  the  river's  right  bank  to  a  height  of  500  to 
600  feet;  this  ridge  extends  west-north-west,  and  east-south-east,  and  it  can  be 
seen  from  the  junction  of  the  Cuyuni  and  Maxaruni.  Little  islets,  consisting  of 
heaped-up  masses  of  rock,  divide  the  river  into  numerous  channels.  We  had  to 
pass  the  fall  Camaria,  and,  as  it  did  not  afford  any  portage,  we  attempted  to 
descend  it  in  our  craft.  It  nearly  proved  our  destruction.  As  it  was,  the 
craft  filled  with  water,  and  it  was  only  the  presence  of  mind  of  some  of  our  crew 
to  which,  under  the  Almighty,  we  were  indebted  for  our  safety.  We  reached, 
on  that  evening,  Kmatiihba,  generally  called  "the  dJreat  Fall,"  wliere  we  liad 
to  unload  and  to  haul  our  corials  overland,  and  encamped  at  the  foot  of  the 
small  island,  whither  the  corials  had  been  drawn.  Continued  rains  precluded  the 
possibility  of  any  observations,  and  we  started  on  the  morning  of  the  27th 
July,  under  the  same  unfavourable  weather.  An  hour  and  a-half  after  we  were 
at  the  foot  of  the  last  fall,  called  Akaya,  and  saw  before  us  the  junction  of  the 
three  rivers  Essequibo,  Mazaruni  and  Cuyuni.  B.  C,  VII,  sg. 

The  diHiculties  vvhicli  tlie  Cuyuni  presents  to  navigation,  and  those  tre- 
mendous falls  which  impede  tlie  river  in  the  first  day's  ascent,  will,  I  fear^ 
prove  a  great  obstacle  to  making  the  fertility  of  its  banks  available  to  the  Colony. 

Same,  p.  JO, 


14  GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES. 

LOWER    ESSEQUIBO    REGION-(Continued). 

1843.     Local  Guide. 

The  Loca/ Gu/(h' lor  \S43,     .     .     .     fsays|  : 

AImmc  llie  riii>i(ls,  wliicli  occur  about  .'>0  miles  Iroiu  its  (Essequibo's) 
nioiitli.  there  are  no  inhabifiiils  except  Indians.  The  same  is  the  case  with  the 
two  gre.-it  triliutaries  of  the  Essequibo,  the  Cjiyiiiii  and  the  Mazariini.  .  .  . 
A  siiort  <listame  above  their  junction  these  rivers  become  impeded  by 
rapids.  ^-  C"-'  ^7^- 

1880.      E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  linibcr  Irad  .  .  .  extends  toward  the  interior  as  far  as  the  low- 
est cataracts  011  the  various  rivers.  It  is  at  present  impossible  to  cut  timber 
l)rofitably  beyond  the  cataracts,  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  cat  tying  it  to  market. 
So  that  an  imaginary  line  roughly  parallel  to  the  scacoast,  and  cutting  each  of  the 
great  rivers  at  their  lowest  cataracts  marks  the  furthest  limit  from  the  coast  of 
this  tract.  This  part  of  the  country  .  .  .  once  contained  much  valuable 
timber     .     .     .     but  this  has  now  been  felled  and  destroyed. 

V.  C,  III,  407-40S. 

The  forest  tract  immediately  succeeds  the  timber  tract,  and     ...     is 

everywhere  covered  by  dense  forest,  as  yet  untouched  by  the  wood-cutter.    .    .    . 
The  Hrst  ra|>ids  called  Arctaka    .     .     .    separate  the  timber  from  the 
forest  tract.     These  rapids  interrupt  the  course  of  the  river  for  upwards  of  fif- 
teen miles.  Samc,p.4og. 

1888.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  lower  part  of  the  Cayuni  Kiver  is  very  much  obstructed  by  falls, 

which,  though  not  so  numerous  as  those  on  the  Mazaruni,  are  larger  and  tortu- 
ous in  their  course.  The  latter  circumstance  adds  to  the  difficulty  and  danger  of 
getting  over  them.     .     .     . 

I  made  the  preliminary  survey  of  a  route  for  a  road  from  Cartaboo  .  .  . 
to  the  placer  mines  on  the  Puruni.  .  .  .  For  the  first  .'JO  miles  from  Car- 
taboo  tlie  country  is  comparatively  level.  .  .  .  Beyond  this  distance  the 
land  rises  and  is  mountainous  and  rocky.  .  .  .  Unless  at  very  considerable 
expense,  I  do  not  thuik  a  road  could  be  constructed  over  this  latter  part  of  the 
route,  owing  to  the  rugged  nature  of  the  country.  B.  C,  VII,  J22. 

1892.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  old  road  from     .     .     .     Morabisci  Creek  to  the  open  water  above  the 
Camaria  Falls  was  reopened  and  is  much  used  by  the  miners  on  the  Cuyuni.  ' 
.     .    .    IJy  nsiiij;'  this  road  some  of  the  most  danijerous  falls  ou  the  Cuyuni 
Hiver  are  avoided.  Same,  p.  321). 

1896.     Marcus  Baker. 

From  the  mouth  of  the  Cuyuni  to  the  tirst  fall,  called  Akayn.  is,  according 
to  Schomburgk's  inap,  8  miles. 

IJeginning  with  Akayu  fall  the  river  widens  and  is  much  impeded  by  islands, 
rapids  and  cataracts  for  8  miles.  In  tliis  stretch  Schomburgk  enumerates  5 
cataracts  and  rapids,  as  follows,  going  up-stream  :  Acayu  cataract ;  Saregatava 
cataract;  Turrung  rapid;  I^matuha  great  cataract  around  which  is  a  portage; 
Arcabusa  cataract;  and  lastly  Camaria  cataract.  The  whole  series  is  some- 
times Cillk'd  the  Camaria  rapids.     It  is  a  dangerous  part  of  the  river.     Schoin- 


GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES.  15 

LOWER    ESSEQUIBO    REGION-(Continued). 

l)urgk  oil  Jiilv  L*(>,  isil,  <aiiu'  near  losiiij;- his  lile  lioiv,  and  i'rmu  time  to 
time  accidents  occur  by  ivliidi  travelers  are  drowned.  Small  hills  appear  on 
either  bank  at  Akayu  fall,  which  on  the  Great  colonial  map  are  shown  as  a  low 
range  parallel  to  the  Esseqiiibo.  ^^.  ^'.  Com.,  Ill,  2g2-2g4. 

1896.     Michael  McTurU. 

The  Portage  at  Little  Matop  on  the  Cuyuni  River,  .  .  .  Tlie  many  rapids 
in  the  Cnynni,  particularly  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  this  portage, 
renders  it  impossible,  except  at  very  great  risk  ot  lite  and  expense,  to  get 
timher  Ironi  any  distance  above  to  tlie  spot,  .  .  .  There  is  suitable  timber 
below,  but  it  is  quite  impossible  to  bring  it  up  against  the  stream  and  over  the 
rapids.     .     .     . 

The  preliminary  survey  of  this  road  extends  about  IS  or  '20  miles  from  t'ar- 
tabo.  .  .  .  The  conntry  over  which  this  survey  has  extended  is  high  and 
nndnlating.  and,  excepting  a  few  miles  from  its  commencement  at  "  €artabo," 
covered  with  virgin  forest.  This  excepted  distance  is  covered  with  scrub-brush, 
and  razor-grass.  ^-  ^■'  ^■'-''JJ^- 

1898.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  (alls  and  rapids  on  the  Cnyiini,  Massariini,  and  Esseiinibo,  althongh 
diflicnlt  and  tedions  to  pass,  offer  no  insnperable  difficulties  to   navigation, 

which  is  conclusively  shown  by  the  numbers  of  boats  which  annually  pass  up  and 
down,  and  in  those  cases  where  accidents  have  occurred  it  has  been  on  account 
of  the  carelessness  or  incompetency  of  those  in  command  of  the  boat.     .     .     . 

The  falls  of  the  Essequibo  do  not  present  the  same  difficulties  of  naviga- 
tion as  those  on  the  Cnyuni  and  the  Massaruui,  and  are  chiefly  situated  in  the 
first  20  miles  from  the  junction  of  the  three  rivers.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  404. 

1898.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  Venezuelan  Case  also  suggests  that,  by  reason  of  the  cataracts  in  the 
lower  part  of  the  Cuyuni,  Massaruni,  and  Essequibo,  within  a  short  distance  from 
the  point  where  these  three  rivers  join,  access  is  rendered  impossible  from  the 
lower  to  the  upper  parts  of  these  rivers,  is  also  incorrect,  as  I  know  from  personal 
knowledge  of  both  the  Cuyuni  and  the  Essequibo.  In  neither  of  these  rivers— 
in  fact,  on  none  of  the  large  rivers  of  British  Guiana— are  there  any  falls 
properly  so  called,  except  ou  the  upper  reaches,  where  there  is  no  occasion 
for  traffic.  Same,  p.  407. 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI     BASIN;    DEFINITIONS. 

.     British  Case. 

There  are  three  systems  of  mountains  on  the  possible  line  of  boundary 

that  mav  l)e  said  to  be  well  marked. 

1.  On  the  north,  tlie  Imataka  Kidge  runs  west-north-west  and  east-south- 
east between  the  head  waters  of  the  Barima  and  Waini  on  the  north-east  and 
the  Cuyuni  and  its  affluent  the  Guaran  on  the  south-west. 

2.  Mount  Korainia  .  .  .  with  its  spurs  running  out  in  every  direction,  it 
separates  the  waters  running  to  the  Orinoco  from  those  running  to  the  Essequibo 
and  the  Amazon. 

3.  On  the  south  of  the  colony  there  are  found  the  Akarai  mountains  running 
east  and  west  .  .  .  separating  the  waters  of  those  rivers  [Takatu  and  Coren- 
tin]  from  those  belonging  to  the  basin  of  the  Amazon.  B.  C,  i4y/4'^' 


16  GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES. 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI    BASIN;    DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

— — .     British  Case. 

With  the  exception  of  these  three  mountain  ridges  the  watersheds  of  the 
country  are  generally  flat  and  low,  rarely  exceeding  an  elevation  of  three  hundred 
feet.  B,  C,  146. 

Tliehasiii  of  the  Esscqnilxi  and  its  (ribiitaries  is  divided  from  that  of  the 
Caroni  and  Orinoco  by  a  range  of  hills  which  runs  past  Upata  and  joins  the 
Imataka  range.  Same,  p.  S. 

.     Vene7.uelan  Case. 

Towards  the  west  its  iCiiyiiiii-Mazarmii  l{asin|  connectioii  y,\\\\  the  Ori- 
noco is  so  intimate  as  to  render  the  dividing  line  between  the  two  scarcely  per- 
cept ihle.  V.  C.,jj. 

The  Ciiyuni-Mazaniiii  IJasin,  being  the  region  bounded  on  the  north  by  the 
Imataca  mountains  ;  on  the  east  by  the  Blue  mountains,  by  the  lowest  falls  of 
the  Cuyuni  and  Mazaruni  rivers,  and  by  the  Ayangcanna  and  Pacaraima  moun- 
tains; and  on  the  west  by  the  divide  separating  the  waters  of  the  Caroni  and 
Orinoco  rivers  from  the  waters  of  the  Cuyuni  and  Mazaruni  rivers,  is  a  g'eo- 
^raphical  and  political  unit,  the  material  occupation  of  a  part  of  which,  by  the 
nation  first  discovering  and  exploring  it,  is  in  law  attributive  and  constructive 
possession  of  the  whole.  Same,  p.  222. 

.     ]5ritish  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition   is  wholly  inaccurate.  The  Spaniards  neither  discovered 

nor  explored  the  region  described,  and  had  no  knowledge  of  it  as  a  geographical 

or  political  unit.  B.  C.-C,  JJ2. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

This  Cnyuni-Mazaruni  IJasin  is  a  tract  of  laud  g-eos^raphically  separate 
from  and  independent  of  the  Esseqniho  Kiver.  V.  C,  222. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Cuyuni-Mazaruni  Basin  is  not  a  tract  of  land  geographically  separated 
from  and  inde[)endcnt  of  the  Esseejuibo  River.  B.  C.-C,  i ^g. 

Tliere  is  no  sucli  raii;;e  as  the  so-called  Ayan^'canna  Mountains. 

Same,  p.  J. 

.     [1897. J     Marcus  Baker. 

The  great  escarpment  on  the  south  bank  [of  the  MazaruniJ,  being  the  afX'gii  of 
the  Merume  plateau,  approaches  nearer  the  river  and  is  crowned  with  higher 
blocks,  apparent  survivals  of  erosion.  One  of  these  is  called  Caniacusa  mountain 
and  the  other  Ayany-canna*  mountain. 

Brown,  in  his  Canoe  and  Camp  Life,  page  390,  describes  Ayanzi'canna  as  a 
"  huge  mountain  forming  a  most  singular  picture."  U.  S.  Com.,III,j^j-jjS. 

1850.     Kenneth  Mathieson. 

In  the  outline  Codazzi's  map  of  llie  Province  of  (Jniana  is  more  correct 
than  thi»se  u^enerally  met  with,  hut  in  detail  it  is  extremely  incorrect.  For 
instance,  Tpata  is  placed  at  least  40  miles  farther  to  tlie  east  tlian  is  its 


♦Ayangcanna  Mts.  of  great  colonial  map. 


GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES.  17 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI    BASIN;    DEFIN  ITIONS-(Continued). 

real  position  ;  Iho  saiiic  t'rror  is  observahlc  as  to  the  position  of  the  ^Mission 
villag'es,  with  the  acUlition  of  their  being  placed  l)y  him  50  miles  soutii  beyond 
their  true  latitude.  His  two  Rivers  Yuruan  are  altogether  wrong,  as  the  large 
one  so  named  in  his  map,  with  its  source  in  the  South  Sierra,  is  only  known  as 
the  Cuyuni,  and  the  small  river,  called  Yuruan  by  him,  instead  of  taking  its 
source  from  the  west  by  north  of  the  village  of  Tupuqucn,  takes  its  source  and 
principal  waters  above  60  miles  to  the  east  of  it,  and  is  solely  known  as  the 
Yuruary,  till  its  waters,  with  that  of  the  Miamo  fall  into  the  Cuyuni,  or  his 
Yuruan,  within  two  miles  of  the  south-west  of  Santa  Rosa.  The  Yuruary 
embraces  all  the  streams  that  take  their  rise  norlh-east  and  south-east  of  Tupu- 
quen,  and  the  latter  branch  in  particular  is  of  considerable  magnitude.  I  have 
frequently  crossed  all  the  rivers  now  mentioned,  and  know  them  intimately, 
although  I  did  not  discover  their  wealth.  B.  C„  VI,  iSs-iSj. 

CUYUNi-MAZARUNI    BASIN;    FORESTS. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

In  further  explanation  of  the  difficulty  of  access  to  this  region,  it  should  be 
stated  that  its  easteni  part  is  cDvert'il  with  a  d?iis«  forest  which  retulers  ac- 
cess to  it,  overland,  well  nig-Ii  impossible.  A  few  paths  or  trails  have  been  at 
times  chopped  out  by  the  Indians,  but  these,  under  the  stimulus  of  a  tropical  sun 
and  abundant  moisture,  are  speedily  overgrown.  V.  C,  ji. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Tlie  statement  in  the  Veneznolan  Case  as  to  "the  Cuyuni-Mazariini 
basin,"  that  "its  eastern  part  is  cDvereil  with  a  dense  forest  whicji  renders 
access  to  it  overland  well  nigh  impossible,"  loses  all  force  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  roads  have  easily  been  made  when  reiiuircd,  and  arc  easily  maintained 
by  use.  ^-  C.-C,  17. 

.     British  Case. 

The  interior  of  the  country  westward  of  the  Essequibo  is  covered  with 
thick  forests  stretching  almost  without  a  break  from  the  sea  to  the  Imataka 
mountains,  and  falling  the  whole  valley  of  the  Cuyuni. 

The  belt  of  forest  between  the  Pariacot  Savannah  and  the  River  Cuyuni. 

B.  C,  S. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  country  between  the  Cuyuni  and  Massaruni  is  occupied  throughout  its 
whole  extent  by  virg-iu  forest.  ^-  C.-C,  ig. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  Ciiyuni-Mazaruui  basin  is  an  interior  re^•ioH,  the  eastern  part  of 
which  is  covereil  by  dense  tropical  fore-its  and  is  nrule  inaccessible  from  that 
side  by  these  forests,  by  mountains,  and  by  falls  and  rapids.  V.  C,  jj. 

1823.     Wm.  Hilhouse. 

The  very  existence  of  the  Colony  is  precaiious,  except  the  immense  belt  of 
forest  that  forms  its  southern  boundary,  be  occupied  by  some  friendly  power. 

B.  C,  VI,  JS. 


18  GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES. 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI    BASIN;    FORESTS-(Continued). 

1896.     [1 898 1   E.  J.  Monge. 

During  the  latter  part  of  this  journey  |  from  Anj,mstura  to  Tumeremol.  and  be- 
fore reaching  Tumeremo,  a  W('ll-<h'liii('(l  lint' ollliick  forest  >vas  visible  <m  onr 
left,  running  in  a  general  direction  froin  nortlnvest  to  southeast.  After  leaving 
Tumeremo  we  traveled  in  a  southwesterly  direction  some  fifteen  or  twenty  leagues 
to  a  place  called  Boca  del  Monte,  where  a  stockyard  is  located.  Biu-a  <lel  3l4>iite 
is  sitiialcil  at  tlie  eiilraiu'e  t')  tJie  fore-it  iTifion.  the  line  of  the  forest  here  run- 
ning from  northeast  to  southwest.  From  Boca  del  Monte  we  traveled  in  a 
southerly  direction  though  a  little  to  the  east,  for  a  distance  of  about  ten  leagues 
through  a  country  covered  by  an  iniiMMiolrable  forest.  The  road  is  cut  «ll- 
reetl.v  tliroii<.rli  this  forest,  and  eimnects  IJoia  del  Monte  with  the  Venezue- 
lan to>vn  of  1:1  Dorado  at  the  junction  of  the  Cnjuni  and  the  Yuruan. 

v.c-c,  111,327-328. 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI   BASI  N  ;  SAVAN  N  AS. 

.     British  Case. 

If  the  course  of  the  Curumo  and  Yuruari  be  followed  upwards  from  the 
Cuyuni.  it  is  found  that  as  the  ground  rises  towards  the  watershed  the  forest  is 
replaced  at  some  distance  from  the  Cuyuni  by  open  plateaus  called  savan- 
nahs, which  were  formerly  known  under  the  collective  name  of  the  Pariacot 
Savannah.  ^-  ^•'  ^- 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  savannahs  do  not  extend  to  the  Cuyuni,  bat  arc  separated  from  it  by 
a  broad  belt  of  forest.  B.  C.-C,  iS. 

11  is  diflicuU  to  define  the  exact  width  of  the  belt  of  forest  which  sep- 
arates the  savannah  from  tiie  Cuyuni.  ...  By  this  road  [made  by 
Venezuela]  it  is  about  33  miles  [from  the  CuyuniJ  to  the  edge  of  the  Savannah. 
Up  the  Yuruary  it  is  two  days'  voyage  before  the  savannah  is  reached. 

Same,  p.  ig. 

1850.     Kenneth  Mathison. 

The  distance  from  Upata  to  the  Missions  or  village  of  Tupuquen  is  140 
miles  over  extensive  tracts  of  undulating  open  pasture-lands,  through  occa- 
sional large  patches  of  woods,  and  narrow  but  deep  streams.  B.  C,  VI,  1S2. 

i88o.     Michael  McTurk. 

We  turned  up  the  Urawan.  .  .  .  There  is  a  considerable  fall  here  in 
rainy  weather  called  Rurreewa,  .  .  .  The  Savannah  opens  down  to  the  creek 
a  little  below  this  place,  on  the  opposite  side.  .  .  .  About  a  mile  farther  we 
came  to  a  landing.  .  .  .  Th3  path  leads  from  this  over  the  Savannah  to 
Ciyou,  which  is  the  nearest  Venezuelan  town  or  village.  About  a  mile  from  the 
landing,  along  the  path,  is  the  nearest  house,  Francisco's.  It  is  a  two  days' 
journey  over  the  Savannah  along  this  path  to  Cayou.  From  Francisco  the 
Savannah  is  open  and  undnlalini;-,  with  clumps  of  trees  several  acres  in  ex- 
tent iiere  an<i  there.  V.  C.-C,  III,  249. 

1895.     I  1898]   Arthur  Hamilton  Baker. 

On  the  2nd  January  |  1895 1,  Inspector  Barnes,  myself,  and  the  six  police- 
men   wcr,'   taken   pris!)uers   and   taken   to   their  station,   Kl    J);>rado.     On 

the   i:iii  January  we  started   at  8   A.    M.  for  Su  i-Sua  riding,  proceeding  along 


GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES.  19 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI    BASIN;   SAVAN  NAS-(Continued). 

the  road,  or  rather  busli  track,  which  had  been  recently  made.  >Vc  Inix^lliMl  in  ji 
ii(>rlli(M-ly  dircH'tion,  uu<l  arrivoil  at  SiiaSiia  at  l.;>()  in  llic  aClcriMMHi,  tiie  dis- 
taiu'i'  bi'ius;'  83  aiiles,  Uutil  Siia-Siia  was  readied  became  to  uooikmi  country 
or  savannah.  The  track  was  thn)Ui;-h  bush  the  wIiohMvay.  .  .  .  Sua-Sna 
is  a  cattle  ranch  of  roeent  orig'iu  .  .  .  The  country  between  Sua-Siia  and 
U|>ata  is  savanuah,  interspersed  here  and  there  witli  swamps  and  small  woods. 

B,  C-C,  A  pp.,  ^oj-^o6. 

1896.     Marcus  Baker. 

About  six  hours'  journey  by  canoe  from  the  mouth  |up  the  Yuruari]  is  "a 
series  of  rapids,"  .  .  .  it  is  here  that  Codazzi's  map  indicates  the  head  of 
navigation.  ...  A  few  hours'  journey  farther  up  the  river  is  a  yet  greater 
fall.  ...  A  little  above  tliis  tlie  savanna  reaches  the  banlis  in  places, 
first  ou  tlie  eastern,  and  later  on  both  banks. 

On  emerging  from  the  river's  wooded  fringe  to  the  open  savanna,  Campbell 
climbed  a  small  hill  a  half  mile  from  the  river  and  obtained  a  delightful  view. 
Far  in  the  distance,  and  from  west  around  to  northeast,  were  seen  high  moun- 
tains "  probably  those  bordeiing  the  Orinoco.  The  view  was  diversified  by 
nearer  hills  and  large  savannahs  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  woods  bordering 
the  creeks  and  rivers,  and  clumps  of  trees  in  all  directions.  There  was  a  fine 
breeze ;  a  thunderstorm  was  passing  in  the  distance ;  and  the  setting  sun 
illumined  the  whole.     Altogether  it  was  very  pleasing." 

It  is  hereahouts  that  Dixon's  map  indicates  the  limit  of  the  savannas 
toward  the  soiitlieast.  U.  S.  Com.,  Ill,  j2'/-j2S. 

1896.     [1898J  E.J.  Monge. 

In  the  early  part  of  1896  I  made  a  trip  from  Trinidad  to  Angostura,  entering 
the  Orinoco  by  way  of  the  Macareo.  .  .  .  After  remaining  a  short  time  at 
Angostura,  I  descended  the  Orinoco  as  far  as  the  Caroni  and  San  Felix.  Leav- 
ing- San  Felix  and  traveling-  in  a  SDutheasterly  direction,  our  party  crossed  a 
rang:e  of  hills  somewhat  wooded,  but  easy  to  traverse.  Descending  on  the 
other  side  of  this  range,  we  reached  Upata,  which  lies  in  a  .savannah  country. 
From  Upatawe  proceeded  through  savannahs  to  (xuacipati.  From  the  lat- 
ter place  we  continued  to  El  Callao  and  from  there  to  Tumeremo,  traveling  all 
the  time  throug-h  savsmuahs.  V,  C.-C,  III,  32-/. 

1898.     Michael  McTurk. 

These  savannahs  do  not  touch  the  Upper  Cuyuni,  but  are  separated  from 
it  by  a  thick  belt  of  forest  which  decreases  in  depth  until  at  its  narr<»west 
part  near  the  IJruau  it  is  upwards  of  a  day's  journey  on  mules  to  the  edge 
of  the  savanuah,  or  about  30  miles.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  40J-404. 

1898.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

This  tract  of  country  which  extends  a  considerable  distance,  namely,  across 
the  head  of  the  Massaruni,  and  as  far  as  the  Cuyuni,  is  also  everywhere  covered 
by  forest  but  interspersed  with  elevated  treeless  plateaux  rising  out  of  the  forests. 
These  plateaux  in  no  way  correspond  with  the  savannahs  ;  in  fact,  the  country 
north  of  Mount  Roraima  to  the  Cuyuni  River,  at  the  junction  of  the  Uruan,  can 
in  no  way  be  described  as  savannah.  The  siij?g'estion  in  the  Venezuelan  Case 
that  the  savannahs  stretch  from  the  Orinoco  down  across  the  great  bend  of 
the  Cuyuni  to  the  very  centre  of  the  great  basin,  and  even  beyond  is, 
therefore,  incorrect.  Same,  p.  406. 


20  GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES. 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI   BASI N-OBSTACLES  TO  RIVER  NAVIGATION. 

.     British  CDunter  Case. 

The  (►bsliU'h's  to  luiviirutioii  on  liic  Ciiyuiii  ln'l«>«  (lie  Irinm  arc  ilistrib- 
u1»mI  ;Uoiig  the  whole  course,  ami  aro  iii»l,  as  ilie  Venezuelan  Case  su.L,'L;ests, 
nHilincil  t(»  1h«'  lower  part,  wlicrc  inilcitl  tliey  are  less  foriiiidable  lliaii 
rm-nier  up.  The  (liflicullies,  such  as  they  are.  of  p.aviyatinj,^  the  Cuyuni  up  and 
down  stream  are  llie  same,  whether  it  be  approached  from  the  Uruan  or  from 
the  Essequibo.  -"•  ^--^-y  ^o. 

1 741.     Thomas  llildebrandt. 

Sunday,  Ajjrii  23.—  .  .  .ate  breakfast  with  my  people  on  the  mdigo 
plantation,  and  then  pushed  on  my  journey  to  beneath  the  sjrcat  fall,  called 
by  tlie  IiMliaiis  Kmatubo.  Reached  there  safely  in  the  evening  at  6  o'clock,  and 
stayed  there  over  night.     .     .     . 

Monday,  April  24.— While  my  people  carried  the  things  to  above  the  i^reat 
fall  and  with  great  difficulty  dragged  the  two  boats  overland,  I  meanwhile 
washed  the  sand  and  examined  the  rocks,  .  .  .  When  the  things  were  again 
loaded  in  the  boat  I  again  came  to  a  difficult  fall,  where  I  ate  my  midday  meal 
and  had  again  to  have  the  things  taken  out  of  the  boat  and  the  boats  dragged 
over  again  ;  this  done,  went  on  to  a  fall  iiaiiieil  -Vwaroiilarii.     .     .     . 

Sunday,  April  30.—  .  .  .  came  to  a  g-reat  fall  named  Tokeyiie,  where 
Me  had  i,'reat  (er)  trouble  to  get  up  than  we  had  yet  had  anywhere,  the  height 
of  the  above-named  fall  being  4^  fathoms.  If  I  had  not  had  the  luck  of  six 
Indians,  who  showed  themselves  helpful  in  dragging  over  my  boat,  I  should  have 
found  it  impossible  to  get  up.  -B.  C,  II,j2-jj. 

1755.     Don  Eugcnio  Alvarado. 

From  the  disemhoguement  of  the  waters  of  the  Cunurl  to  where  they  enter 
the  Uiver  Essequibo,  through  the  rivers  named  [Yuruari  and  Cuyuni],  the 
distance  is  from  tneuty-live  to  thirty  day.s  of  wearisome  uavigation,  on 
account  of  the  falls  and  rapids;  and  it  is  necessary  that  the  boats  be  very  small, 
like  canoes,  made  from  the  bark  of  a  tree.  Same,  p.  loS. 

1841.      R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  dangerous  fall,  Wakupang,  ...  is  the  commencement  of  the  secontl 
series  of  falls.  .  .  .  The  river  |  Essequiijo]  is  studded  with  islands.  .  .  . 
Valuable  forest  trees  become  abundant  along  its  banks;  but  the  impediments 
wiiieh  tlie  numerous  rapids  throw  in  the  way  will  for  some  time  reader  these 
treasures  unavailable  to  the  Colony. 

We  .  .  .  commenced  .  .  .  the  descent  of  the  third  scries  of  falls ^ 
caused  by  a  small  range  of  mountains,  through  which  the  river  has  broken  itself 
a  passage.  B.  C,  VII,  2g. 

i88o.     Michael  McTurk. 

AVe  camped  above  the  Yenia-ah  Falls  [some  40  miles  more  or  less  up  the 
Cuyuni  from  its  mouth)  ab;»ve  wliicli  none  of  us  had  ever  ascended.  Before 
this  fall  there  are  two  portages.  .  .  .  After  passing  the  second  of  these,  the 
river  for  some  miles  is  free  from  any  large  falls  such  as  require  the  boats  to  be 
unloaded  and  hauled  over,  Yanamoo  and  the  Payuco  being  the  largest.  While 
hauling  up  the  falls  at  Wohmopoh  [the  canoe  wrecker],  we  saw  some  Indians 
(Acowois)  .  .  .  from  the  head  of  the  Urawan  ...  on  their  way  to 
Georgetown.     .     .     .     .At  Wohmopoh     .     .     .     there  is  a  j)orlage. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  24S. 


GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURB:S.  Si 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI    BASI N -OBSTACLES   TO    RIVER   NAVIGATION- 

tContinued). 

1893.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  Cujuiii    .    .     .    is  very  much  obstructed  hj  falls  in  its  whole  course 

up  to  and  above  the  Uruan  police  station.  B.  C,   VII,  jjj. 

1895.  Michael  McTurk. 

No  <u'dinarily  ladeu  l)oat  should  take  uiore  thau  two  and  a  half  or  three 
days  to  arrive  at  the  top  of  theCamaria  Road  [about  twenty  miles]. 

Same,  p.  jj6. 

1896.  Marcus  Baker. 

From  the  mouth  of  the  Cutuau  river  to  the  Toroparu  hills  on  the  southern 
bank  [of  the  Cuyuuij  is  22  miles.  In  this  stretch  the  river  forms  a  circular  arc 
nearly  a  quadrant  in  extent,  running  first  south,  then  bending  slowly  around  to 
west.  Low  hills  appear  on  either  bank.  The  river  is  studded  with  uiauy 
islands,  impeded  by  numerous  rapids,  and  dammed  by  the  "  g-reat  and  dan- 
ger<Mis*"  falMVakupang-,  Tliis  fall  is  the  beginniuij-,  as  one  descends  the 
river,  of  a  "series  of  falls  and  rai)ids"  which,  continuing-  14  miles,  termi- 
nates at  Otupikai  island,  a  little  above  the  Cutuau  river.  In  this  stretch  Hil- 
house,  ascending  the  river,  enumerates  '•  AYarara  rapid  ;  AVatoopeg'ay  rapi<l, 
small  but  very  long- ;  Totowou creek,  N.  bank;  Watoopegay  ;  Copang  creek,  N. 
bank;  Bayuma  creek,  S.  bank,"  where  the  river  is  clear  of  islands,  and  150  yards 
wide;  "  Waycourny  fall,  long- and  difficult;  rocks  like  the  slag  of  a  glass 
honse;"  then  the  river  clear  of  islands,  and  lastly  Acueywaugh  fall,  which  by 
his  estimate  is  220  feet  above  sea  level.  U.  S.  Com.,  Ill,  2gS-2gg. 

Near  the  mouth  of  the  rivulet  Arakuna,  begin  a  series  of  rajtids,  which  con- 
tinue almost  without  interruption  for  20  miles.  The  river  here  runs 
"through  black  granite  with  detached  upright  masses  with  round  tops,  on  which 
grow  stunted  bushes."  Its  course  is  shaped  like  a  long  letter  S.  From  the  be- 
ginning of  these  rapids  at  Schomburgk's  Yamemure  cataract  downstream  to 
Aricari  rapids  of  Schomburgk  is  20  miles.  The  elevation  of  the  river  at  the  head 
of  these  rapids  was  estimated  by  Hilhouse  to  be  300  feet.  The  total  fiill  of  the 
river  in  tliis  20-mile  stretch  was  also  estimated  by  him  to  be  80  feet,  of 
which  80  feetr occurs  at  the  great  cataract  called  the  Canoe  Wfecker,  about 
15  miles  from  the  head  of  the  rapids.  U.  S.  Com.,  Ill,  JOJ-J04. 

1898.     Michael  McTurk. 

I  have  during-  the  last  twenty-five  years  made  upwards  of  twenty  jour- 
neys to  Uruan  and  back,  and  the  average  time  occupied  in  each  journey  up  the 
river  would  be  about  sixteen  days,  and  the  return  Journey  down  stream  would 
be  considerably  less.     I  have  recently  made  it  in  as  short  a  tiine  as  five  days. 

B.  C.-C,  A  pp.,  403. 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI    BASIN-ROUTES   OF  TRAVEL,  ACTUAL    AND 

PROPOSED. 

.     British  Case, 

The  natural,  and  until  recent  years  the  only,  route  of  comiiiiinicatioii 
through  the  belt  of  forest  between  the  Pariacot  Savannah  and  the  River 
Cuyuni  wjis  by  the  Rivers  Uruan  and  Vuruari  or  by  the  Curamo  which  were 
impassable  for  want  of  water  during  half  the  year.  The  Cuyuni  was  always  open 
to  traffic  from  the  Essequibo.  B.  C,  8-9. 


22  GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES. 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI     BASIN-ROUTES   OF  TRAVEL,   ACTUAL   AND 
PROPOSE  D-(Continued). 

.     British  Case. 

The  only  permanent  means  of  access  to  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  upper 
portion  of  this  basin  is  by  these  streams  themselves.  .  .  .  The  savannahs 
about  the  Upper  Yuruari  can.  it  is  true,  be  approached  from  the  Orinoco  ;  but  to 
the  valley  of  tlu'  Ciivuiii  lln'  only  sum-os-;  always  open  through  the  douse 
loi-osis  until  llie  last  low  years  was  by  the  Cnynni  itself,  .  .  .  and  to  the 
valleys  of  the  Essequibo,  the  Rupununni,  the  Siparuni,  and  the  Massaruni,  the 
only  access  is  by  these  streams.  B.  C,  161-162. 

1841.     R.  H.  Schoml)urgk. 

The  Aunania  and  Acarabisi  .  .  .  present  .  .  .  the  means  of  con- 
neetingthe  Poineroon  and  Moroco  coast  with  the  upper  Cuyuni,  where  that 

River  is  comparatively  free  of  obstacles.  B.  C,  VII,  27. 

1857.     Venezuelan  Case. 

In     .     .     .     1857  .     .     .     many  parties  were  anxious  to  trj- their  fortunes  at 

the  diggings,    .    .    .  but  the  route  was  always  by  the  coast  rivers  or  else  by 

sea  to  the  Orinoco.  V.  C,  liSo. 

1857.     Lieutenant-Governor,  Demerara. 

Mr.  Shanks  will  take  charge  of  an  expedition  ...  to  ascertain  the  prac- 
ticability of  opening  up  a  route  in  the  direction  of  the  River  Cuyuni  .  .  . 
clearing  portages  alongside  the  rapids  so  as  to  obviate  as  much  as  possible  the 
heavy  work  of  dragging  up  the  batteaux  and  corials  against  the  stream.  .  . 
Mr.  Bratt  .  .  .  placed  liiniself  at  my  disposal,  and  I  have  detached  hiiu  by 
the  ordinary  route  of  tlie  Orinoco,  to  the  actual  scene  of  the  gold  discov- 
eries. B.  C,  VI,  203. 

1857.     Court  of  Policy. 

Ordered  .  .  .  Mr.  Shanks  to  ascertain  the  practicability  of  a  route  by 
the  ('uyuni  Itiver  to  the  present  gold-lields  at  Tpata.  Same,  p.  204. 

1879.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Tliese  .  .  .  mines  ...  of  Tu|Mi(iuen  .  ,  .  are  .  .  .  roughly 
speaking,  of,  at  the  very  least,  twenty  or  thirty  days*  journey  from  the  mouth 
<>f  the  Cuyuni.  V.  C,  III,  131. 

1891.     Michael  McTurk. 

If  it  is  decided  that  a  station  is  to  be  put  up  at  the  mouth  of  the  Uruan,  the 
matter  must  be  taken  in  hand  while  the  dry  weather  lasts,  as  it  is  not  only  a  very 
laborious  but  also  dangerous  nndertaliing  to  ascend  the  Cuyuni  at  any 
other  time.  B.  C".,  VI,2jj. 

1894.     James  Rodway. 

I'ost  up  the  Cuyuni  near  its  junction  with  Vuruan.  ■  .  .  The  police  who 
reside  tiure  have  to  perform  a  very  hazai'dous  and  long  journey  <»f  forty  or 
ilfty  days  to  reach  it  and  llicii  are  cut  oif  from  all  communication  until  re- 
lieved. V.  C,  III,j4g. 


GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES.  23 

CUYUNI-MAZARUNI    BASIN-ROUTES    OF  TRAVEL,  ACTUAL   AND 
PROPOSED-(Continued). 

1894.     George  G.  Dixon. 

It  lakes  our  (foveriiineiit  from  five  to  six  wcelis  to  reaoli  tlieir  frontier 
station  [Vuriiaii]  whereas  the  Venezuelan  outpost  .  .  .  probably  is  in 
direct  communication  with  their  capital  by  road  and  wire  .  .  .  I  .  .  . 
proved  .  .  .  that  the  Yuruan  frontier  station  can  be  reached  in  fourteen  days 
from  Georgetown  .  .  .  by  steamer  to  the  Barima  falls,  on  foot  overland,  by 
the  route  I  have  opened,  to  Kuyuni,  and  in  paddle-boats  up  that  river. 

B.C.,  VI, 353. 

1894.  Combined  Court. 

Mr.  Weber  proposed  .  .  .  that  this  Court  .  .  .  ask  .  .  .  the 
Governor  that  ...  he  give  orders  to  make  the  plan  for  a  wagon  or  mule 
road  from  the  point  where  the  Barima  river  is  no  longer  navigable  up  to  the 
Upper  Cuyuni  river,  and  if  found  practicable,  to  the  Yuruan  river,  with  the  end  of 
patting  these  rivers  in  direct  communication.  He  said  that  his  Excellency  knew, 
no  doubt,  how  difficult  it  was  to  reach  that  very  important  District ;  that  tlie 
numerous  falls  of  tlie  Ciiynni  river  made  the  trip  to  the  Yuruan  river  so 
troublesome  and  rtiftieult,  that  almost  seven  weeks  were  required  to  reach 
tliat  place.  V.  C.-C,  III,  209. 

1895.  Michael  McTurk. 

This  journey  to  Uruan  has  been  the  quickest  on  record,  occnpying-  a  little 
over  1?,  days.  B.  C,  ¥11,335. 

1896.  Michael  McTurk. 

The  Journey  whicli  extended  beyond  tlie  Uruan,  occupied  28  days  there 
and  back.  Same,  p.  336. 

The  cutting  of  the  line  for  a  reconnaissance  survey  of  the  country  between 
€artabo  Point  ...  to  the  iiKuitli  of  the  MaraMara  on  the  Pnruni,  lias 
been  completed  .  .  .  while  I  do  not  consider  that  the  ditficulties  .  .  . 
in  the  construction  of  ...  a  road  or  railway  are  such  that  modern  engineering 
cannot  easily  overcome,  I  do  not  think  the  financial  condition  of  the  Colony 
at  present  .  .  .  will  justify  any  attempt  of  the  kind,  considering  the  very 
rough  nature  of  the  country  to  be  traversed.  Same,  p.  337. 

1898.     Michael  McTurk. 

Tlie  suggestion  in  the  Venezuelan  Case  that  the  natural  access  to  tlie 
Upper  Cuyuni  (and  because  of  the  suggested  absence  of  falls  and  rapids  in  that 
part  of  the  river,  consequently  to  the  whole  of  it)  is  from  the  Orinoco  over  the 
savannahs  is  without  foundation,  and  a  hastily  formed  conclusion  founded  on  a 
want  of  knowledge  of  the  river.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  403. 

DEFINITIONS. 
AMACURA. 

.     British  Case. 

In  discussing  the  western  boundary  of  the  Dutch  Colony  it  is  necessary  to 
bear  in  mind  that  in  the  eighteenth  century  it  was  not  unusual  to  describe  as 
the  Barima  the  river  now  called  the  Amaciiru,  and  that  now  called  the  Barima 
as  the  Amakuru.  The  rivers  are  so  marked  in  D'Anville's  Maps  and  in  many 
others,  but  the  usage  was  not  uniform.  B.  t.,30. 


24  GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

AMACURA— (Continued). 

1762.     [1897]  George  L.  liurr. 

In  1762,  on  the  title-page  of  the  first  directory  of  the  Essequibo  colony,  one 
finds  the  River  Amacura  named  as  its  western  boundary;  but  a  study  of  the  con- 
text shows  that  the  Amacura  here  meant  must  lie  east  of  the  Barima,  for  the  Barima 
does  not  appear  among  the  streams  of  the  colony.  It  is  probably  the  Amacura 
of  the  D'Anville  map,  so  much  appealed  to  by  Governor  Storm  van's  Gravesande, 
the  author  of  this  directoiy.  .  .  .  While  it  is,  I  am  convinced,  a  misconcep- 
tion to  hold  that,  when  .  .  .  Gravesande  spoke  of  the  IJarinia,  he  meant 
the  Aniaeura,  it  is  none  the  less  certain  that,  when  he  here  speaks  of  the  Ama- 
cura, it  was  not  the  Amacura  proper,  but,  at  farthest,  the  stream  we  now  know 
as  the  Barima.  And  so  with  the  following  directories,  till  their  cessation  in 
1769.  V.  C.-C,  II,  140. 

AMAZONS. 

161 5.     Report  of  Council  to  Spanish  King. 

Some  settlements  and  that  in  particular  they  [Diiteli]  have  three  or  four  from 
the  River  Marauon  [Amazon]  to  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  I,  43. 

1621.     Cornclis  Janssen  Vianen. 

Diverse  products  and  fruits  which  might  be  found  or  raised  on  the  main- 
land of  America,  between  Brazil  on  the  east  and  the  River  Orinoco  on  the  west, 
in  and  about  the  river  Amazon.  V.  C,  II,  //. 

1624.     West  India  Company  (the  Nineteen). 

The  deputies  of  Zeeland  will  please  bring  with  them  the  instructions  given  to 
the  ships  ImmimcI  for  the  Amazons,  and  further  information  as  to  the  condition  of 
things  in  that  quarter;  and  the  deputies  of  all  the  Chambers  shall  come  in- 
structed, so  as  to  devise  means  for  the  securing  of  that  region,  whether  by  the 
planting-  of  suital)le  colonies  or  othenvise.  I/.  S.  Covi.,  II,jS-jg. 

1626.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Resolved,  To  look  about  for  a  capable  person  for  director  of  the  business  in 
tiie  .\niaz(»ns;  and,  if  a  capable  one  can  be  found  to  send  him  thither  by  the  first 
ship.  Saiiw,  pp.  41-42. 

To  the  Orinoco  shall  be  consigned,  etc. 

Note  by  Prof.  Burr.  This  is  only  one  of  a  grou])  of  decisions  reached  at  this 
session  as  to  the  destination  of  vessels.  Ships  were  also  to  be  sent  "  to  the 
Amazons"  and  "  to  Brazil,"  among  other  places.  Saiiif, p.  42. 

Resolved  to  tit  out  the  yacht  Out-Vlissinghe  for  Angola,  in  order  there  to  buy 
up  some  negroes  and  to  carry  them  into  Uie  Aina/oii  or  to  tlie  plaeos  where 
the  Company  may  have  its  folk  lyinu'.  Same, p.  44. 

ARABIAN  COAST. 

1898.     Editor  of  British  Case. 

The  iVrabian  Coast  is  the  local  name  for  the  coast  district  between  the  Esse- 
quibo and  Pomeroon.  B.  C,  106. 


I 


GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES.  26 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 


BARIMA. 


.     British  Case. 

The  word  Bariiua  does  not  necessarily  indicate  either  Point  Barima  or  the 
river  of  that  name,  l)ut  usually  means  tlic  district  on  either  bank  of  the  river 
stretcliin!?  to  tlie  Amaknra  on  the  one  side  and  to  the  Waini  on  the  other. 

B.  C,  7. 

In  discussing  the  western  boundary  of  the  Dutch  Colony  it  is  necessary  to 
bear  in  mind  that  in  the  eighteenth  century  it  was  not  unusual  to  describe  as  the 
Barima  the  river  now  called  the  Amakiiru,  and  that  now  called  the  Barima  as 
the  Amakuru.  The  rivers  are  so  marked  in  D'Anvillemaps  and  in  many  others, 
but  the  usage  was  not  uniform.  Same,  p.jO. 

1762.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

In  1762,  on  the  title-page  of  the  first  directory  of  the  Essequibo  colony,  one 
finds  the  River  Amacura  named  as  its  western  boundary ;  but  a  study  of  the 
context  shows  that  the  Amacura  here  meant  must  lie  east  of  the  Barima,  for  the 
Barima  does  not  appear  among  the  streams  of  the  Colony.  It  is  probably  the  Ama- 
cura of  the  D'Anville  map,  so  much  appealed  to  by  Governor  Storm  van's 
Gravesande,  the  author  of  this  directoiy.  .  .  .  While  it  is,  I  am  convinced,  a 
misconception  to  hold  that,  when  .  .  .  Gravesande  spoke  of  the  Barima,  he 
meant  the  Amacnra,  it  is  none  the  less  certain  that,  when  he  here  speaks  of  the 
Amacura,  it  was  not  the  Amacura  proper,  but,  at  farthest,  the  stream  we  now 
know  as  the  Barima.  And  so  with  the  following  directories,  till  their  cessation  in 
1769.  V-  C.-C,  II,  140. 

CUYUNI. 

.     Biitish  Case. 

The  word  Cnynni  is  constantly  used  of  the  district  watered  by  that  river  and 
its  tributaries.  B.  C,  7. 

1680.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo, 

An  old  negro  of  the  Company,  recently  poisoned  n\}  in  the  Cujuni  [iot/en  in 
de  Cajflcnc\,  as  the  Caribs  pretend,  by  the  Accoways.  B.  C,  I,  iSj. 

1683.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  sent  a  negro  up  in  Cnynni  \boven  in  Cajoeiie].  Same,  p.  /Sj. 

r685.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  French  in  the  Barima  likewise  come  even  to  th<'  npper  Cnynni  {^omen 
se  oock  self s  tot  boTeti  in  Cajoent-\.  U.  S.  Com.,  II,  172. 

[Another  translation.] 
The  French  in  the  Barima  come  and  fetch  them   even  as  far  as  np  in  the 
Cnynni  \komense  oocke  tot  bo^Jen  in  Cajoene\.  B.  C,  I,  188. 

[Still  another  translation.] 
The  French  come  into  the  Barima,  and  fetch  them   \sic\  to  above  on  the 
Cnynni.  British  Blue  Book,  Venezuela,  No.  j  {iSg6),  p.  60. 


2fi  GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES. 

DEFI  N  ITIONS-(Continued). 

CUYUNI— (Coiitiiiuetl). 

1686.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Savannah  of  the  Pariakotts  up  in  the  Cnyiiiii  River  \hct  savaen  boven  in 
Cajoene  7>an  dc  Pariakottcii\.  ^-  C.,  I,  201. 

1697.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Horses  bought  for  you  up  in  Cnynni  [/xwen  en  Cyame\.  Same,  p.  2IJ. 

1699.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

September  17,  1 1699].  Jotte,  the  old  negro,  arrived  from  the  upper  Cnjuni 
\van  boven  utjt  Cioene\  Same,  p.  216. 

November  17,  [1699].  In  tlie  forenoon  .  .  .  Commandeur,  .  .  . 
sailed  from  the  fort  to  the  bread  plantation,  from  thence  took  a  trip  to  the  Cny- 
nni, \een  tour  na  Ct'oene]  .  .  .  and  came  back  in  tlie  course  of  the  after- 
noon. Sa??ie,  p.  217. 

1700.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

March  20  [1700].  Some  trading  wares  also  dealt  out  to  the  old  negro  Louis, 
in  order  to  go  and  purchase  some  cattle,  &c.,  up  in  Cuyuni  [boven  in  Cioene\ 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  Q2. 

1701.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

January  8,  [1701].  Tliis  morning  there  appeared  here  Samuel  Stoffelsen,  to 
whom  some  trading  wares  were  dealt  out  with  which  to  go  up  in  Cuyuni,  [7taar 
boven  in  Cioene]  and  collect  some  cattle  and  rare  birds.  Same,  p.  ijj. 

January  31,  [1701].  There  also  arrived  from  the  dye  store  up  in  Cuyuni 
\bo%>en  uijt  Cioene\  Same,  p.  ijg. 

March  I,  [1701].    The  Commandeur    .     .     .    proceeded  up  stream  to  Cuyuni 

[bove?t  na  Cioene^. 

March  3,  [1701].  The  Commandeur  .  .  .  again  proceeded  up  stream 
into  tlie  Cuyuni  [weder  na  boven  i)i  Cioene^  in  order  to  see  what  timber  had 
been  s(|uared  there  by  the  negroes,  and  returned  ag'ain  in  llie  afternoon. 

March  4,  I  1 701  |.  .  .  .  there  also  arrived  here  .  .  .  towards  evening 
Mr.  Hendrik  van  .Susteren,  who,  as  mentioned  yesterday,  had  proceeded  up  into 
Cnynni  [boven  in  Cioene]  with  the  Commandeur  and  had  remained  there  oxer- 
night.  Same,  p.  144. 

17 10.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

These  [runaway  slaves]  are  somewhat  scattered  up  in  Cnynni  \boven  in 
Cyoene]  among  the  Indians.  B.  C,  I,  2J4. 

1724.     Court  of  l\)licy. 

Another  coffee  plantation  .  .  .  (above  the  cassava  plantation  already  laid 
out  in  Cnynni  [Cajoene] ). 

A  new  coffee  plantation  has  also  been  laid  out  in  Cuyuni  [Cajoene],  half-an- 
hour  above  that  of  your  Lordships. 

The  plantations  belonging  to  your  Lordships  are  all  in  a  very  fair  state,  and 
the  growth  of  the  coffee  is  .  .  ,  flourishing  well.  It  is  computed  that  both 
in  Cnynni  and  at  Hartica  [.W(?  in  Cajoene  als  op  Barri/igiie]  \.\\cvf:  :ixt  about 
15,000  coffee  shrubs,  which  are  all  in  very  fine  condition.  B.  C,  II,  1-2. 


GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES.  2T 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

CU  YUNI-  (Coiitiuned), 

1726.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  coffee  plantation  in  Cnyuni  [/«  Cajocne\. 

The  uTonnds   in   Cuynni   \hi  C^yV^^v/f]  being  belter  for  this  |  coffee]  culture. 

B.  C,  II,  4. 

1727.  Court  of  Policy. 

We  find  tlie  coffee  in  Cnynni  [///  Cajocne\  will  not  yield  a  sixteenth  i)art  of 
that  which  it  did  last  year.  Same,  p.  6. 

1730.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

On  the  29th  and  30th  September  [1729]  I  inspected  the  coffee  plantations  In 
Cnynni  [/;/  Cajot')ic]ho\\\  alsove  and  below  the  fall. 

Jan  van  der  Meers  .  .  .  foreman  at  the  coffee  plantation  in  Cnynni  [in 
Cajoene].  ...  A  small  piece  of  land  in  Cnynni  |/V/  Cajoeiie]  has  already 
been  cleared  and  sown  with  indigo.  ...  A  new  coffee  plantation  upon  the 
Island  Batavia,  in  Cnynni  [/;/  Cajoene].  Same,  p.  10. 

1732.     Court  of  Policy. 

A  commencement  [for  an  indigo  plantation]  has  already  been  made  to-day, 
and  a  clearing  made  and  planted  with  indigo  np  in  the  River  Cnynni  \booven  in 
de  revier  Caioenc\  Same,  pp.  14-15- 

1732.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

On  the  I2th  August  of  last  year  [1731]  a  beginning  was  made  by  nine  ne- 
groes with  cutting  an  opening  for  a  new  indigo  plantation  in  Cnynni  [in  Cajoene]. 

Same* p.  ij. 

1733.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  coffee  and  cocoa  plantation  in  Cnynni  [in  Cajoene].  .  .  .  The 
aforesaid  plantation  at  Cnynni  [/«  Cajoene].  Same,  p.  ly. 

1735.     Court  of  Policy, 

An  able  negro  was  drowned,  who,  having  run  away  and  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Indians,  the  director  of  the  aforesaid  plantation  gave  orders  to  the  creole 
Jantie  (who  had  been  sent  by  the  Commandeur  up  in  the  River  Cnynni  \na 
booven  de  Reiner  Caioenj])  that,  if  he  should  find  the  negro  among  the  Indians, 
he  should  put  him  in  chains  and  bring  him  to  the  plantation.  Same,  p.  20. 

1738.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  unhealthiness  which  prevails  in  the  Fpper  Cnynni  {bo%>en  in  de  Rivier 
Cajoene].  ^'^'"^^  P-  -'/• 

1739.  West  India  Company. 

Persuaded  that  minerals  are  to  be  found  in  the  mountains  np  in  the  River 
Cnynni  [boz>en  aen  de  rivier  Cajoene].  Same,  p.  2S. 

1739.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

A  piece  of  ore  found  np  in  the  chain  of  monntains  of  Cnynni  \hoven  in  het 
Gebergte  van  Cajoene],     .     .     , 

The  Undersigned  is  getting  ready  to  make  a  journey  ...  to  np  in  tlie 
River  Cnynni  \naar  boven  in  de  Rivier  Cajoenn]  to  the  high  mountains  here 
called  the  Blue  Mountains.  Same,  p.  jo. 


28  GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

CUYUNI— {Continued). 

1 741.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Shall  o-et  everything  ready  |for  mining]  up  in  CuyunI  \b(n>c)i  in  Cajoene], 

B.C.,II,35- 

1742.  Mining  Engineer  Hildel)randt. 

Feb.  2,  11742].     Ready  to  set  out  again  to  Iho   River  Cuyuui  \na  dc  rcvier  Ca- 
joene 1 . 
Feb.  3,  1 1742]     Set  out  again  for  Cuyuni  \7veder  na  Cajoene\. 
Feb.  28,  L  J742]-     Set  out  again  for  the  Upper  €uyuni  \aen  na  boven  Cajoene\. 

Same,  p.  37 . 

May  I  I  1742].      Sent  off  a  boat  to  the  l'pi»er  Cuyuni  \7ia  boven  Cajoene\ 

May  5  [1742I.       Came  home  from  the  Upper  Cnyuiii  \van  boven  Cajoene]  with 

the  boat. 
May  7  [1742].      Sent   off  a   boat     ...     to    the   Upper   Cuyuni    {)ia   bo-ven 

Cajoene^ . 
May  1 1  1 1742].    At  I  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  there  came  back  safely  from  above 

the  boat  which  on  the  7th  of  this  month  I  had  sent  to  tlie 

Upper  Cuyuni  [na  boven  Cajoene}.  Same,  p.  jS. 

May  16  I  1742I.    Sent  another  boat  to  the  I'pper  Cuyuni  \na  boven  Cajoene]. 
May2o|i742l.    At  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the   boat     .     .     .     sent  up  on  the 
16th     .     .     .     came  back  from  above  out  of  Cuyuni  \7'an 

boven  uiji  Cajoene}.  Same,  pp.  jS-jg. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Courthial  made  an  application   to  the  Court  for  permission  to  cut  a  road    ; 
through  the  wood  in  tlie  River  Cuyuni  in  order  to  bring  mules  and  cows  into  the   | 
river  overland  by  that  road  \oin  een  weg  door  het  bos,  in  dc  Rivier  Cajoene  ie 
7noge  makcn  om  daer  door  over  lant  Muijl  Ezch  en  koebeesten  in  de  Rivier  ie 
brengeri\.  Same,  p.  44. 

1748.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

\I)e  Spanjaerdebegonne  hoe  langs   hoe  meer  boven  Ca.jouny  te   naderen.\ 
The  Spaniards  were  beginning  to  gradually  approach  the  Upper  Cuyuni. 

Same,  p.  57. 

[Another  translation.]  ^ 

The  Spaniards  were  beginning  to  approach  more  and  more  up  in  Cuyuni.       ■ 

V.  C,  II,  loi. 

1749.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  design  of  founding  a  Mission  in  the  River  Cuyuni  \aen  de  Rivier  van 
Cajoenij],  J^-  C,  II,  6j. 

1760.     West  India  Company.     Zeeland  Chamber. 

Your  further  remarks  about  Rio  Cuyuni  [over  Rio  Cajoene].       Same,  p.  iS^. 

1762.     I)irector-("»eneral  in  Esseciuibo. 

About  ten  of  those  Islaves]  who  were  on  llieir  >vay  lo  Cuyuni  \de  weg  van 
Cajoenij\  have  been  captured  and  brought  back  by  the  settler  J.  Crewit/,  who 
lives  below  the  fall,  Sa?ne,  p.  212. 


i 


GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES.  29 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

CUYUNI— (Coutiuned). 

1762.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Spaniards  up  in  ('nyuiii  \bo7'cn  in  CajoeniJ]  are  engaged  in  building  boats. 

B.  C,  II,  217. 

1766.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  continue  to  have  a  good  look-out  kept  on  all  the  movements  of  the  Spaniards 
in  tlio  upper  reaches  ol*  iliese  rivers  \bovcn  deezc  riviercn\,  and  have  therefore 
charged     .     .     .     Tampoko.  to  go  and  live  near  the  lirst  fall  In  the  C'nyunl. 
to  make  his  way  continually  up  and  down  tills  river,      .      .     .      and 
to  report  to  me  upon  all  that  occurs.  B.  C,  III,  iji. 

I {540.     R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

March  16.— Gave  Postholder  written  instructions  .  .  .  The  Postholder 
had  just  returned  from  having  visited  all  the  places  in  the  hig-her  parts  of  the 
Rivers  Essequibo,  Masseroeny  and  Cayonny.  B.  C,  VJ,  go. 

1845.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

In  consequence  of  the  general  indisposition,  .  .  .  combined  with  the 
very  great  scarcity  of  provisions  .  .  .  the  Akaway  Indians  of  Winey  and 
Barama  have  destroyed  their  habitations,  and  gone  to  reside  with  other  Akaways 
in  the  upper  parts  of  the  Rivers  Coyouey  and  Massaruny.  Same,  p.  141. 

1 891.    Michael  McTurk. 

I  left  Kalacoon  for  the  Upper  Cuyuni  River.  Same,  p.  2^2. 

1 89 1.     Lieutenant-Governor. 

Mr.  McTurk  proposes  to  start  immediately  on  a  fresh  expedition  to  the  Upper 
Cuyuni.  Same,  p.  235. 

1894.     Mr.  Weber. 

Mr.  Weber  proposed  .  .  .  a  .  .  .  road  from  the  point  where  the 
Barima  river  is  no  longer  navigable  up  to  the  Upper  Cuyuni  river. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  2og. 

1894.     James  Rodway. 

A  [British]  boundary  post  up  the  Cuyuni  near  its  junction  with  Yuruan. 

V.C.,III,J49- 
1897.     Michael  McTurk. 

Peter  Cornelisen  ...  I  know  ,  .  .  was  a  Captain  for  the  Carib 
Indians  living  in  the  upper  parts  of  the  three  rivers.  B.  C,  VII,  2jj. 

EL  DORADO. 

1593.     Antonio  de  Berrio. 

Hearing  the  great  news  that  there  is  about  the  expedition  to  El  Dorado. 

B.  C.  I,  I. 

The  Indians  assured  me  that  ...  I  should  find  a  great  river  which  is 
called  Caroni  which  descends  from  Guayana  .  .  .  that  there  .  .  .  the 
Cordilleras  end  and  the  provinces  of  Guayana  begin,  and  then  come  successively 
those  of  Manoa  and  El  Dyrudo  and  many  other  provinces.  Same,  p.  2, 


30  GEOGRAPHIC   FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

EL  DORADO -(Contiuued). 

1598.     A.  Cabeliau. 

We  made  company  to  visit  together  tlie  whole  coast  as  far  as  the  River 
Worinoque,  so-called  by  the  Indians,  by  the  English  Reliane,  and  by  the  Span- 
iards, Rio  El  Dorado.  B.  C,  /,  /g. 

1750.     Anonymous. 

The  great  river  Orinoco,  the  fame  of  which  has  spread  throughout  Europe 
on  account  of  the  celebrated  city  of  El  DiUMilo,  or  the  Golden,  which  is  now 
regarded  as  fabulous,  is  said  to  take  its  n  rue  or  derivation  from  this  fable. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  igo. 

ESS  E(^  1 1  DO. 

.     British  Case. 

[The  Colony]  of  Esse!|uibo  was  for  a  long  period  the  chief  settlement,  and 
besides  the  district  of  the  Essequibo  and  its  tributaries  iueluded  the  rivers  and 
districts  of  Poiueroon,  Waini,  and  Darima  on  the  west.  Subsequently  Dem- 
erara  became  the  leading  settlement  and  the  seat  of  the  Colonial  Government  has 
been  at  Georgetown  in  Demerara,  Essequibo  becoming  the  name  of  a  county 
which  included  all  the  territory  [in  British  Guiana]  to  the  west  of  the  Boerasirie 
Creek.  B.  C,  7. 

1628.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Amazon,  Wiapoco,  Kiana  [Cayenne],  and  so  onward  to  Essequibo. 
Goods  for  Essequibo.  B.  C,  I,  64. 

1632.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Regarding  the  petition  of  Anthoni  Janssen  Enpoina  asking  to  be  granted  a 
sum  in  lieu  of  twenty  months'  wages  earned  by  liiiii  iu  Essequibo, 

As  to  the  claim  of  Hendrik  Munnix,  arrived  from  Essequibo ; 

It  was  resolved  to  appoint  a  committee  to  settle  with  the  colonists  from  Esse- 
quibo aud  Cayeune ; 

A  committee  to  negotiate  with  Confrater  van  Pere  touching  his  proposition 
about  the  river  Essequibo. 

Jan  van  der  Goes  shall  be  employed  by  the  Company  on  the  river  of  Esse- 
quibo. 

Hendrik  Munnix  of  Middelburg  and  Willem  Jacobsz.  Fasol  of  Oiltgensplate 
are  engaged  to  sail  to  the  river  Essequibo.  U.  S.  Com.,  II,  66-67. 

1636.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

There  was  read  and  adopted  the  letter  for  Essequibo,  to  Jan  de  Moor  and 
others.  Same,  p.  70. 

1637.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Resolved.  That  the  sliip  de  Jti'^er  shall  provisionally  be  made  ready  to  be 
sent  to  Arguin  and  Ksse(|uibo. 

Adriaen  van  de  Woestyne,  late  cadet  at  the  Castle  of  Arguin,  at  the  wages 
of  nine  guilders  a  month,  and  taken  along  to  Essequibo  by  Jan  van  der  Goes 
as  assistant.  Same,  p.  71. 


GEOGRAPHIC  FEATURES.  31 

DEFINITIONS- Continued). 

ESSEi^riBO— (Continued). 

1637.  Corporalion  of  Trinidad. 

When  the  enemy  entered  Guayana  [Santo  Thome],  they  carried  off,  among 
other  things,  the  Most  Holy  Sacrament,  which  is  kept  by  the  enemy  in  their 
fort  at  Macaruni  [KykovoralJ. 

When  the  enemy  [Dutch]  entered  Guayana  [Santo  Thome  J  they  took  him 
[Andres]  and  Juan  Gonzalez  and  carried  them  off  to  Amacuro  and  Macaruni, 
where  the  enemy  have  a  fort  on  an  island,  and  .  .  .  they  carried  off  the 
property  which  they  took  in  Guayana,  and  the  Most  Holy  Sacrament  of  the 
said  town,  which  they  keep  in  a  house  in  the  said  fort  of  31at.-aruni. 

B.  C,  /,  gS-gg. 

1638.  Instructions  to  J.  Baptiste  de  Arezula. 

They  have  carried  off  the  Most  Holy  Host,  and  are  keeping  it  under  great 
guard  and  custody  in  Essequibo,  iu  tlie  fort  and  settlement  which  they  hold 
f  liere.  Same,  p.  116. 

1639.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Then  sail  to  Essequibo  .  .  .  after  taking  in  the  commodities  which  the 
Company  has  in  Essequibi)  ...  in  case  of  ill  success,  he  offers  his  ser- 
vices to  remain  in  Essequibo  for  three  years  ...  so  as  to  remain  iu 
Essequibi)  in  order  to  trade  in  the  river  and  on  the  Wild  Coast. 

U.  S.  Com.,  II,  g6-gj. 

1640.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

There  were  read  letters  to  Essequibo  and  Arguin,  which  were  approved 
[and  ordered]  to  be  sent  as  drawn  up.  Same,  p.  gg. 

1657.     Committee  governing  Walcheren  cities. 

There  shall  be  equipped  two  ships,  the  one  to  the  Wild  Coast,  otherwise 
Essequibo.  Same,  p.  143. 

1657.     Minutes  of  "  Wet  en  Raed  "  of  Vere. 

The  colony  of  the  Wild  Coast  and  river  of  Essequibo.     B.  C.-C,  App.,  26. 

1672.     Contract  between  Essequibo  and  Berbices. 

Mr.  Hendrik  Rol,  Commandeur  of  the  Fort  and  Colony  of  the  River  Esse- 
quibo and  the  appurtenant  rivers  and  districts.  Same,  p.  45. 

1699,  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

December  28.  [1699]  ...  In  the  evening  the  Commandeur  returned  to 
the  Fort  from  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  76. 

1700.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

January  9,  [i/oo]     .     .     .     Mr.  Adriaen  Hollander  arrived  at  the  Fort  from 
Essequibo.  Same,  pp.  7S-7g. 

July  6,  [1700].  At  about  4  or  5  o'clock  the  vessel  "  De  Jonge  Jan  "  and  our 
barque  "  Rammekens"  came  in  sight  and  anchored  off  Essequibo. 

July  7.  .  .  .  the  clergyman  stopped  here  on  his  way  to  the  vessel  "  De 
Jonge  Jan,"  lying  at  anchor  about  an  hour  and  a-half  from  here.      Same,  p.  107, 


32  GEOGRAPHEC  FEATURES. 

DEFI N  ITIONS-(Continued). 

ESSEi^ri  BO— (Continued). 

1701.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

June  II,  [1701  \.     Free  colonists  of  tills  river.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  i^S. 

1703.     Muster  Roll. 

Muster  roll  of  all  retainers,  ...  in  the  service  of  the  .  .  .  West 
India  Company  in  the  Chamber  Zeclan  1,  in  the  Colony  EssiMjnibo,  [includes 
postlioklers  in  U.-in^rary.  M  ihaicony,  l*<)iui;ro;ni  an  I  Ciiyuni|.     Z?.  C,  VII,  ijj. 

1705.     Muster  Roll. 

Muster-ioU  of  all  retainers,  .  .  .  in  the  service  of  the  .  .  .  West 
India  Companv,  Zealand  Chamber,  in  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  [Includes  those 
in  ronieroon  and  Waknpo].  Same,  p.  134. 

1719.     Court  of  Policy. 

Commandeur  and  Council  were  ordered  by  the  Directors  of  the  Zealand 
Chamber,  in  .  .  .  1719,  to  issue  a  new  notice  forbidding  any  one  to  fell 
timber  in  the  Colony  of  Esseiiuibo,  or  liie  rivers  of  IJouweron  or  Demerary. 

Sat>ic,p.  iSg. 

1724.     Court  of  Policy. 

That  nation  [Mag^anouts]  intended  to  come  and  kill  the  Christians  and  ruin 
this  river  at  the  first  opportunity. 

According  to  reports  received,  the  Maganout  nation  were  killing  all  they 
could  lay  hands  on  up  in  Esseqnibo.  B.  C,  II,  2. 

1744.     Court  of  Justice. 

Two  Spaniards  on  their  way  hither  from  Orinoco  had  been  arrested  at  the 
Company's  Post  in  AVac(iiiepi),  an  1  asked  if  they  would  l»e  allowed  to  arrive 
in  the  Colony  or  be  sent  back. 

It  was  resolved  to  allow  them  to  come  here  this  time,  but  that  this  must 
not  be  taken  as  a  precedent.  Same,  p.  4J. 

1746.  West  India  Company. 

Something  which  might  tend  to  the  disadvantage  of   the   Company  or  of  the 
Colony  in  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  46. 

1747.  West  India  Company  (the  Ten). 
Condition  of  affairs  in  Ivio  Esseqnibo. 

Letters  from  the  Commandeur     .     .     .     written  in   llio  Essequibo. 
Commandeur  in  Rio  Esscquibo.  Same,  p.  jo. 

Could  be  found  in  Esscijnibo  a  competent  surveyor. 

Limits  of  this  Company  in  Rio  Esseqnibo. 

We  approve  the  Regulations  about  the  granting  of  lands  mentioned  in  the 
Resolution  of  the  Court  of  Policy  of  the  Colony  in  Rio  EsseciuilM).  .  .  . 
Whether  it  is  possible  to  find  out  how  far  the  limits  of  the  Company  in  Rio 
£s»equibo  do  extend.  Same,  p.j-f. 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  33 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

ESSEQUIBO— (Continued). 

1748.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  flatter  myself  that  the  map  of  this  river  thereby  transmitted  may  yet  come 
into  your  Honours'  hands. 

I  hope  that  the  letters  and  papers  by  the  "  Juffrow  Margareta  "  may  yet  come 
to  hand,  because  I  sent  by  her  a  map  of  tliis  river  made  for  your  Honors. 

B.C.,  II,  37. 

1750.     Report  of  Committee  on  the  Commandeur's  report. 

No  one  whatsoever  should  be  allowed  to  come  into  tlie  river,  much  less  make 
a  stay  there,  unless  he  beforehand  addressed  himself  to  the  Commandeur  there, 
and  asked  him  for  permission  to  stay  in  the  Colony  for  a  stipulated  period. 

Same,  p.  6S. 

1752.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  river  and  Colony  of  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  yj. 

1754.  Muster  Roll. 

List  of  all  the  .  .  .  Company's  servants  on  the  nth  October,  1754,  in 
Rio  Essequibo  [include  those  in  Moruka,  Demerara  and  Mahaicony]. 

B.  C,  VII,  162. 

1755.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  real  limits  of  the  river  of  Essequibo.  B.  C,  II,  102. 

1755.     Don  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

The  woods  of  the  southern  slope  which  form  the  defence  of  Essequibo. 

Same,  p.  log. 

It  is  morally  impossible  to  enter  into  negotiations  of  peace  with  the  innumer- 
able Chiefs  of  the  sources  of  Aquire  .  .  .  seeing  that  these  sources  are  in 
the  woods  of  the  southern  slope  that  protect  the  Colony  of  Essequibo. 

Same,  p.  11 1. 

From  the  Province  of  Ouiana  to  the  Dutch  Colony  of  Essequibo  there  are 
two  ways  of  journeying  by  sea.  In  both  the  starting  point  is  the  Great  Ships' 
Mouth  of  the  River  Orinoco.  Satne,  p.  112. 

The  most  convenient  navigation  is  to  descend  the  Orinoco  to  its  Great  Ships' 
Mouth,  then  avoiding  the  coast  to  enter  the  Creek  of  Barima,  facing  the  Island 
of  Cangrejos,  cross  the  Creek  of  Garambo,  [Mora  passage]  ascend  that  of  Baune 
[Waini]  .  .  .  and  so  on  by  otliers  forming  a  species  of  zigzag  until  the 
Creek  of  Moruca  is  reached.  Here  the  Dutch  have  a  castle  which  they  call 
the  Post.  Same,  p.  uj. 

The  forests  of  the  southern  bank  [of  CuyuniJ,  which  serve  as  a  defence  to 
the  Colony  of  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  114. 

1755.    Court  of  Justice. 

Deserters  from  this  Colony  would  be  prevented  from  escaping  so  easily  from 
this  river  to  the  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  i2j. 


34  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-lContinued). 

ESSEQUIBO— (Continued). 

1755.  Muster  Roll. 

List  of  all  the  .  .  .  Company's  servants  on  the  ist  June,  1755,  in  Rio 
Esseyuibo  and  Demerarij  [includes  those  in  Moruka,  Mahaicony  and  CuyuniJ. 

B.  C,  VII,  162. 

1756.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

For  the  defence  of  the  Colony  of  Essiquibo.  B.  C,  II,  I2y. 

1756.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Report  of  the  Assistant  of  tlie  Post  Ariuda  up  in  Essequibo,  .  .  . 
report  of  the  Assistant  in  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  i2g. 

Jacob  Steyner,  Assistant  at  the  Post  Ariuda.  Same,  p.  ijo. 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  River  Moroco,  where  the  Post  of  Essequibo  is  situated.       Sajjie,  p.  148. 

1758.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Lawrence  Storm  van's  Gravesande,  Director-Grcneral  of  this  Colony  and  of 
the  rivers  of  the  district  of  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  /jj. 

Well  gxiarded  and  conducted  as  quickly  as  possible  to  this  River  Essequibo. 

Same,  p.  1^6. 

1758.  Muster  Roll. 

List  of  all  the  .  .  .  Company's  servants  ...  in  service  in  the 
month  of  August,  1758,  in  Rios  Essequibo  and  Dimmerarij  [includes  those  in 
Moruka,  Cuyuni  and  Mahaicony].  B.  C,  VII,  i6j. 

1759.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  address  of  the  Governor  of  Cumanii's  letter  is :  "  To  the  Dutch  Com- 
mandant residing  in  Essequibo,"  which  sounds  very  haughty  and  contemptuous. 

B.  C,  II,  171. 

[Speaking  of  the  destroyed  Cuyuni  Post  Gravesande  says]  the  ownership  of 
this  portion  of  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  172. 

1759.     States  General. 

The  general  Company  .  .  .  having  the  special  direction  and  care  of  the 
Colony  of  the  River  Essequibo  and  the  rivers  thereto  subject.     Savie,  p.  176. 

1764.     Shareholders  of  West  India  Company. 

The  Colony  of  Essequibo  comprises  the  district  of  the  northeast  coast  of 
South  America  lying  between  the  Spanish  Colony,  the  Orinoco,  and  the  Dutch 
Colony,  the  Berbices,  and  that  the  same  is  crossed  not  only  by  the  chief  river. 
the  Essequibo,  but  also  by  several  small  rivers  such  as  Barima,  Waini, 
Moruka,  Pomeroon  and  DtMuerarj',  from  which  it  takes  the  name  of  the  Colony 
of  Essequibo  and  the  rivers  belonging  thereto,  though  in  the  whole  of  the  afore- 
said district — at  least,  as  long  as  it  was  under  the  direction  of  the  West  India 
Company,  until  the  year  1750,  no  other  river  than  the  chief  river  of  Essequibo 
was  inhabited  or  populated.  B,  C,  III,  116. 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  35 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

ESSEQUIBO— (Contiuued). 

1764.     Register  of  the  Colony. 

Register  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  Demerary,  and  dependent  districts. 

Situated  on  the  north  coast  of  South  America,  7^  north  latitude  and  42°  longi- 
tude from  the  Creek  Abari  on  the  east  to  the  River  Amacura  on  the  north,  com- 
prising the  Rivers  Demerary,  Essequibo,  Pomeroou,  Waiui,  and  the  great  Creeks 
Maykouny,  Maheyka,  Wacquepo,  and  Moruka,  being  a  stretch  of  land  along  the 
seacoast  of  about  120  [Dutch]  miles  of  15  in  i^  belonging  to  the  Chartered  West 
India  Company.  B.  C,  III,  iiS-iig. 

1764.  Muster  Roll. 

Monthly  Report  of  the  state  of  the  Garrison  in  Rio  Esseq^uibo  and  Deiue- 
rarij,  together  with  the  dependent  Posts,  on  the  last  day  of  November,  1764. 

B.  C,  VII,  164. 

1765.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  Colony  of  Essequibo  and  rivers  thereto  pertaining.        B.  C,  III,  124. 

Demerara  ...  is  situated  between  the  two  most  extreme  trading-places 
or  posts  in  Essequibo — namely,  the  one,  to  the  north,  on  the  River  Moruka,  and 
the  other,  to  the  south,  on  the  River  Mahaicony,  both  of  which  rivers,  as  well 
as  the  others  situate  between,  pertain  to  that  Colony — which  of  course,  shows  un- 
deniably that  Demerara  is  one  and  the  same  Colony  with  Essequibo. 

Same,  p.  i2§. 

1767.     Muster  Roll. 

Directory  of  the  Colony  Essequibo,  Demerarij,  and  dependent  districts  in 

the  year  1767.  B.  C,  VII,  166. 

1767.     V/est  India  Company  (Amsterdam  Chamber). 

Upon  the  States-General's  Resolution  of  the  2nd  September,  1751,  this  was 
then  communicated  to  the  Chief  Participants,  who  .  .  .  did  declare  their 
determination  to  continue  to  keep  Essequibo  with  all  the  rivers  appertaining 
thereto,  from  Rio  Berbice  as  far  as  the  River  Orinoco.  B.  C,  III,  14J. 

Demerara  is  situate  between  the  two  most  extreme  trading-places  or  posts  on 
Essequibo,  namely,  the  one  to  the  north,  on  the  River  Moruka,  and  the  other  to 
the  south,  on  the  River  Mahaicony,  ...  it  therefore,  undeniably  appears 
that  Demerara  is  subordinate  to  Essequibo,  and  both  together  constitute  oue 
and  the  same  Colony.  Same,  pp.  14^-146. 

This  appropriation  of  Demerara  which  the  Zeeland  Shareholders  are  trying  to 
effect  for  themselves,  on  the  claim  that  Demerara  is  subordinate  to,  and  is  one 
and  the  same  Colony  as,  the  Colony  Essequibo,  rests  upon,  etc.      Same,  p.  146. 

The  natural  meaning  of  the  expression  "  Essequibo  and  adjoined  or  subor- 
dinate rivers  "  is  not  that  which  the  Zeeland  Chief  Participants  attribute  to  it 
(namely,  that  all  the  places  which  are  situate  on  the  mainland  of  the  so-called 
Wild  Coast,  between  the  boundaries  which  the  Chief  Participants  themselves 
have  .  .  .  defined  as  extending  from  Moruka  to  Mahaicony,  or  from  Rio 
Berbice  as  far  as  the  Orinoco,  are  '•  adjoined,  subordinate  to,  and  inseparable 


36  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

ESSEQUIBO— (Continued). 

from,"  the  Colony  Essequibo),  but,  on  the  contrary,  only  this,  that  under  that 
description  are  comprehended  the  various  nioutlis  and  rivers,  originating 
from  Rio  Essequibo  or  eaiptyiusf  into  it,  which  are  marked  on  the  map,  such 
as,  for  instance,  Cuyuni,  Massaruni,  Sepenouwy,  and  Magnouwe. 

B.  C,  III,  147. 

1768.  Muster  Roll. 

Directory  of  the  Colony  Essequibo  cum  annexis  at  the  end  of  1768. 

B.  C,  VII,  166. 

1769.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Upon  opening  the  letter-bag  brought  by  the  ship  .  .  .  recently  arrived 
from  Essequibo  cum  annexis  at  Ziericzee.  S-  C.,  IV,  iS. 

1769.     Remonstrance  of  the  States-General. 

The  Company  .  .  .  having  the  particular  direction  and  care  of  the  Colony 
of  Essequibo,  and  of  the  rivers  vvhicli  belong  to  it.  Same,  p.  2g. 

The  Colony  of  Essequibo  and  appurtenant  rivers.  Same,  p.  32. 

1769.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  Colony  of  Essequibo  and  adjacent  rivers.  Same,  p.  jj. 

Certain  undertakings  of  the  Spaniards  from  Oronocque  against  different  Posts 
of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  36. 

The  States-General  have  demanded  of  us  an  account  of  the  state  of  defence 
of  the  Colony,  cum  annexis.  Satne,  p.  40. 

The  aforesaid  Colony  of  Essequibo  cum  auuexis  .  .  .  the  colony  of 
Essequibo  and  adjacent  rivers.  V.  C,  II,  203. 

Tlie  Director-General  of  Essequibo  cum  annexis.  Same,  p.  2og. 

1771.     Commandant  of  Guiana. 

An  enemy  could  reach  the  said  villages  by  different  ports  of  the  Orinoco 
.  .  ,  and  with  still  more  ease  by  coming  from  Essequibo,  a  Dutch  Colony  up 
tlie  Cuyuni,  which  is  navigable  as  far  as  the  innermost  and  most  important  of  all 
these  Missions  [y  mucho  mas  facil  si  suben  desde  Esquivo,  Colonia  Olatidesa, 
por  el  Rio  Cuyuni  tiavegable  hasta  lo  mas  interior,  e  precioso  de  todas  estas 
Misiottes].  B.  C,  IV,  Sg. 

1774.     Muster  roll. 

Muster  Roll  of  the  Military  at  Essequibo,  made  July  4,  1774.  [includes  per- 
sons at  Arinda  and  Moruka].  B.  C,  VII,  16S. 

'775-    J-  C.  V.  Heneman, 

The  Colony  of  Essequibo,  .  .  .  description  and  .  .  .  detailed  ex- 
planations of  the  extent  of  this     ,     .     .     colony  and  its  rivers.     .     .     . 

And,  tlie  colony  and  river  of  Essequibo  being  of  such  extent  that  the  mouth 
of  this  river  can  be  reckoned  at  6,  and  even  nearly  7  hours  wide.      V.  C,  II,  224. 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  37 

DEFINITIONS-CContlnued). 

ESSEQUIBO— (Coiitiiiiied). 

1776,     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber), 

They  had  found  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  the  Postholder  of  Moruca,  wherein 
he  complains  ...  of  the  claims  which  the  aforesaid  Spaniards  advance  to 
the  districts  subject  to  tlie  river  Essequibo.  B.  C.,  IV,  140. 

They  [Presidial  Chamber,  Amsterdam]  had  been  grieved  to  learn  the  ex- 
cesses committed  by  the  Spaniards  against  the  free  Indians  in  Essequibo,  as 
seen  from  the  letter  written  by  the  Postholder  of  Moruca.         Same,  pp.  140-141. 

1780.     Muster  Roll. 

Muster  Roll  of  the  servants,  ...  in  the  Service  of  the  .  .  .  Nether- 
lands West  India  Company,  in  Rio  Essequibo,  .  .  .  4th  .  .  .  May,  1780 
[includes  persons  in  Wakupo  and  ArindaJ.  B.  C,  VII,  174. 

1796.     Commandant  of  Moruca  Post. 

Petition  .  .  .  addressed  to  his  Excellency  A.  Beaujon,  tloveruor-tJen- 
eral  of  botli  Kivers  Uemerary  and  Essequibo  and  Dependent  Districts. 

B.  C,  V,  161. 

1796.     Court  of  Policy. 

Resolved  :  That  the  Articles  of  this  Capitulation  be  .  .  .  made  known 
unto  the  Commander-in-chief  and  other  Commanders  of  the  military  posts  in 
Essequibo,  Moruca,  Courabana,  Mahaica,  and  Mahaycony.  Same,  p.  162. 

1796. 

Diary  of  Governor  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  Demerary,  and  annexed 
Districts.  Same,  p.  i6j. 

1803.  Court  of  Policy. 

Minutes  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Court  of  Policy  of  the  Rivers  of  Essequibo 
and  Denierary  and  Dependent  Districts.  Satne,  p.  /So. 

1804.  Court  of  Policy. 

Meeting  of  the  Court  of  Policy  of  the  Rivers  and  adjacent  Districts  of  Esse- 
quibo and  Demerary.  Same,  p.  iSj. 

1804.  Lieut. -Governor  Myers. 

The  Colonies  of  Denierara  and  Essequibo.  Satne,  p.  186. 

1805.  Court  of  PoHcy. 

The  Colonies  of  Essequibo  and  Demerary,  with  their  Dependent  Districts. 

Same,  p.  i8y. 
1 808.     Court  of  Policy. 

Court  of  Policy  of  the  Colonies  of  Essequibo  and  Demerary. 

Same,  p.  i8g. 
181 1.     Court  of  Policy. 

Minutes  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Court  of  Policy  of  the  Colonies  of  Deme- 
rary and  Essequibo,  with  their  Dependent  Districts.  Same,  p.  ig8. 


38  '  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

ESSEQIIBO— UPPER. 

•     British  Case. 

In  .  .  .  i8io  a  Carib  Chief  from  the  Upper  Essequil)o  or  the  Riipuii- 
nuni,  with  his  followers,  visited  the  capital.  B.  C,  104. 

1 816.     Court  of  Policy. 

Dorothea  Pieterse,  inhabitant  of  the  Upper  River  of  Essequibo. 

B.  C,  VI,  4. 

1 831.  Rev.  J.  Armstrong. 

I  give  you  the  following  statement  of  the  free  colored  people  and  Indians  re- 
siding up  the  Esseqniho  River. 

Having  had  an  opportunity  of  going  up  the  River  Essequibo  ...  I 
inquired  of  them.     .     .     . 

Their  local  situation  is  unfavorable  to  settling  up  cither  the  Essequibo  or 
the  Massaroony,  since  there  are  a  considerable  number  of  inhabitants  on  each 
branch  of  the  river,  From  this  circumstance,  ...  I  conceive  that  the  point 
of  juncture,  between  the  Essequibo  and  the  Massaroony,  would  be  the  most  con- 
venient situation  for  my     .     .     .     proposed  school.  Same,  pp.  4^-46. 

1832.  Second  Fiscal. 

The  Postholder  of  Mazaroouy  states  the  Indians  as  well  as  free  colored 
people  up  the  rivers  to  be  in  a  state  bordering  on  starvation.  Same, p.  77. 

1832.     Supreme  Court  of  Colony  of  Essequibo. 

There  is  a  spar-cutting  place  up  the  Essequibo.  Mr.  De  Bretton,  a  white 
person,  lives  there.  It  is  a  tide  above  the  Buck  place  where  I  saw  the  bodies.  I 
have  known  that  place  of  De  Bretton's  eleven  years.  .  .  .  Mr.  de  Bretton  is 
an  Englishman.  Same,  p.  48. 

1834.     Government  Notice. 

The  Lieutenant-Governor  has  been  pleased  to  appoint  .  .  .  the  following 
.     .     .     Justices  of  the  Peace  within  the    .     .     .     Colony.     .     .     . 

Upper  River  Essequibo:  Thos.  Richardson.  V.  C.-C,  III,  iy4-ijj. 

1840.     R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

March  i6.^Gave  Postholder  written  instructions  .  .  .  The  Postholder 
had  just  returned  from  having  visited  all  the  places  in  the  hig:her  parts  of  tlie 
Rivers  Essequibo,  Masseroenyand  Cayonny.  B.  C,  VI,  go. 

1897.     Michael  McTurk. 

Peter  Cornelisen  ...  I  know  .  .  .  was  a  Captain  for  the  Carib  In- 
dians living  about  the  upper  parts  of  the  three  rivers.  B.  C,  VII,  sjj. 

GUIANA. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

There  was  no  province  of  (liuiaua,  and  no  defined  tract  of  territory  to  which 
Spain  became  entitled  by  virtue  of  her  settlement  on  the  Orinoco.     B.  C.-C,  IJ7. 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  39 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

GUIANA— (Continued). 

1 593.     Antonio  de  Berrio. 

The  Indians  assured  me  ...  I  should  find  a  great  river  which  is  called 
Caroni,  which  descends  from  tfuayana  .  .  .  ;  that  there  ...  the 
Cordilleras  end  and  the  provinces  of  Guayana  begin,  and  then  come  successively 
those  of  Manoa  and  El  Dorado  and  many  other  provinces.  B.  C,  I,  2. 

These  great  provinces  [Guayana,  Manoa,  El  Doraldo  and  many  others]  lie 
between  two  very  great  rivers,  namely,  the  Amazon  and  the  Orinoco.  .  .  . 
the  river  Caroni     ...     is  the  one  that  comes  from  Guayana.  Same,  p.  j. 

1 595.     Capt.  Felipe  de  Santiago. 

These  territories  [Guiana,  Manoa,  El  Dorado]  extend  from  the  bank  of  the 
said  River  Orinoco  along  the  windward  side  as  far  as  that  of  the  Maraiion 
[Amazon],  so  that  they  lie  between  these  two  mighty  and  celebrated  rivers. 

Same,  p.  10. 

1599.     States  General. 

To  make  a  voyage  along  the  Coast  of  Guiana  in  America,  there  to  seek 
the  rivers  of  VViapoco  and  Orinoco.  V.  C,  II,  12. 

1602.  Shakespeare. 

She  is  a  region  in  Guiana,  all  gold  and  bounty.  I  will  be  cheater  to  them 
both,  and  they  shall  be  exchequers  to  me :  they  shall  be  my  East  and  West 
Indies.  Merry  Wives,  Act  I,  Sc.  III. 

1603.  William  Usselinx. 

The  province  of  Guiana  in  America  lies  at  a  northern  latitude  of  from  4  to  6 
degrees  or  more,  and  extends  from  the  great  river  Amazon  to  Punta  de  Araya  or 
Trinidad.  ...  Its  situation  is  such  that  the  nearest  places  inhabited  by  the 
Portuguese  in  Brazil  are  more  than  300  [Dutch]  miles  away.  Likewise  the  near- 
est places  inhabited  by  the  Spaniards  are  distant  about  200  [Dutch]  miles. 

U.  S.  Com.,  II,  JO. 

1613.  Vargas,  Governor  of  Margarita. 

Coast  of  San  Tlioiue  of  Guiana.     .     .     .     Santo  Thome  de  Guiana. 

B.C.,I,JJ. 

1614.  Don  Juan  Tostado. 

60  leagues  from  that  Government  on  the  mainland  at  Santo  Thome  which  is 
called  the  River  Orinoco  of  Guiana.  Sat/ie,  p.  j6. 


1666.     Major  John  Scott. 

The  River  Amazones  bounds  this  province  [Guiana]  on  ye  south-east,  whose 
north  cape  hath  onely  38  minutes  of  north  latitude  and  335  degrees  of  longitude. 
.  .  .  Oranoque  bounds  it  on  the  north-west,  whose  Sotherne  Cape  hath  eight 
degrees  and  40  minutes  of  latitude,  and  322  degrees  of  longitude.  Between 
these  two  rivers  Guiana  fronts  230  leagues  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean. 

Same,  pp.  167-16S. 


40  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

GUIANA— (Continued). 

1666.     Major  John  Scott. 

Cape  North,  the  Northerne  Cape  of  the  great  Amazone,  and  Cape  Brema,  the 
Southerne  Cape  of  Oronoque,  by  which  all  ye  rest  may  be  measured. 

B,  C,  1, 168. 

1737.     Marquis  de  Torrenueva. 

The  Dutch  are  established  within  this  demarcation  and  limits,  on  the  conti- 
nent of  the  Province  of  (jiuayana,  and  occupy  with  their  cities  and  mills,  the 
territor)'  which  stretches  from  the  Orinoco,  B,  C,  II,  41. 

1753.     Instructions  to  Iturriaga, 

To  dislodge  the  foreigners  on  the  coast  of  the  Province  of  (Juayana. 

Same,  p.  86. 

1773.     Commandant  of  Guayana. 

This  Province  of  Gnaiana  is  the  most  easterly  part  of  the  King's  dominions 
in  South  America  on  the  north  coast,  and  its  boundaries  are:  On  the  north,  the 
lower  Orinoco,  the  southern  boundary  of  the  Provinces  of  Cumana  and  Caracas; 
on  the  east,  the  Atlantic  Ocean  ;  on  the  south,  the  great  River  of  the  Amazons ; 
and  on  the  west  the  Rio  Negro,  the  cano  of  Casiquiari,  and  the  Upper  Orinoco, 
boundary  of  the  eastern  and  unexplored  part  of  the  Kingdom  of  Santa  Fe. 

B.  C,  IV,  iJi. 

ITABO. 

.     British  Case. 

"  Itabo  ''  is  an  Indian  name  for  a  waterway  connecting  two  rivers,  or  two  points 
on  the  same  x'w&x,  generally  made  by  the  passage  of  boats  through  intervening 
swampy  ground.  B.  C,  g. 

.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

We  reached  the  point  where  the  waterway  leaves  the  river  and  passes  along 
a  narrow  itiibbo,  or  artificial  waterpatli,  which  connects  the  Moruka  with  the 
Waini  River.  This  connecting  passage  is  in  all  about  30  miles  in  length  ;  but 
only  about  the  first  10  miles  of  this  is  actually  semi-artiflcial  itabbo,  made  by 
the  constant  passajje  of  the  canoes  of  the  Redmen  through  the  swampy 
savannah.  U.  S.  Com.,  Ill,  261. 

1897.     Marcus  Baker. 

These  bayous  or  sloughs  are  locally  known  as  itabos,  a  word  variously 
spelled  etabbo,  itabbo,  etc.,  and  derived  from  ita  or  eta,  a  native  word  for  the  eta 
palm  {Mauritia),  and  abbo,  a  water  course.  V.  S.  Com.,  Ill,  24J. 


MANOA. 

1593.     Antonio  de  Berrio. 

The  Indians  assured  me  ...  I  should  find  a  great  river  which  is  called 
Caroni,  which  descends  from  Guayana,  .  .  .  that  there  .  .  .  the  Cordil- 
leras end  and  the  Provinces  of  Guayana  begin,  and  then  come  successively  those 
of  MauiKi  and  El  Dorado  and  many  other  provinces.  B.  C,  I,  2. 


\ 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  41 

DEFINITIONS-{Contlnued). 

MAZARUNI. 

1637.     Corporation  of  Trinidad. 

When  the  enemy  entered  Guayana  [Santo  Thome],  they  carried  off,  among 
other  things,  the  Most  Holy  Sacrament,  which  is  kept  by  the  enemy  in  their  fort 
at  Maearuui  [Kykoveral]. 

When  the  enemy  [Dutch]  entered  Guayana  [Santa  Thome],  they  took  him 
[Andres],  and  Juan  Gongalez,  and  carried  them  off  to  Amacuro  and  Macanini, 
where  the  enemy  have  a  fort  on  an  island,  and  they  carried  off  the  property 
which  they  took  in  Guayana,  and  the  Most  Holy  Sacrament  of  the  said  town, 
which  they  keep  in  a  house  in  the  said  fort  of  Maearnni.  B.  C,  I,  gS-gg. 

1686.    Essequibo  Council  Minutes. 

Jan  Genasie,  chief  Captain  of  the  Caribs  al)Ove  in  Mazaruni  at  the  aniiatto 
store. 

Another  Carib  Captain  in  Mazaruni. 

Above  the  annato  store  in  Mazaruni. 

When  Makourawacke,  with  his  tribe,  were  wishing  to  go  to  war  with  the 
Akuwayas  up  in  Demerara,  they  .  .  .  were  advised  to  go  and  salt  pork 
above  in  the  Mazaruni  River ;  .  .  .  [and  that]  they  should  make  war  far 
away  in  Mazarnni  and  moreover  inland  .  .  .  not  against  their  and  our 
friends  who  dwelt  close  by  the  Caribs  and  the  annatto  store.  Savie,  p.  202. 

1699.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

August  14,  [1699].    Jan    ...    has  set  out  for  the  Upper  Mazaruni 

\is  na  boven  Masseroenc  vertrocketi\     ...     to  obtain  some  poison  wood  by 
barter. 

Aug:ust  27,  [1699].  ...  In  the  evening  the  boy  Jan  Antheunissen 
arrived  at  the  fort  from  the  Upper  Mazaruni  \van  boven  uijt  Mas5eroene\ 
with  fourteen  or  fifteen  bundles  of  poison  wood.  Same,  p.  21^. 

September   18,  [1699]    Jotte,   the   old   negro,   has  set  out  for  the  Upper 

Mazaruni   \is  Jia  boven  masseroene  vertrocke7i\     ...     to  bring  down  four 
or  five  slaves. 

September  22  [1699].  In  the  afternoon  Jotte,  the  old  negro,  arrived  from 
Mazaruni  {uijt  masseroene^  .  .  .  bringing  wath  him  four  female  slaves,  two 
children,  and  a  boy.  Satne,  p.  216. 

1756.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  colonist,  Couvreur,  D.,  who  has  just  now  come  from  up  in  Mazaruni 

\boz'cn  Masseroenzj],  \vhere  he  lives.  B.  C,  II,  i2g. 

1840.     R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

March  16.— Gave  Postholder  written  instructions  .  .  .  The  Postholder  had 
just  returned  from  having  visited  all  the  places  in  the  higher  parts  of  the 
Rivers  Essequibo,  Massaroney  and  Cayonny.  B-  C,  VI,  go. 

1845.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

In  consequence  of  the  general  indisposition,  .  .  .  combined  with  the  very 
great  scarcity  of  provisions  ...  the  Akaway  Indians  of  Winey  and  Barama 
have  destroyed  their  habitations,  and  gone  away  to  reside  with  other  Akaways 
in  the  upper  parts  of  the  Rivers  Coyoney  and  Massaruny.  Same,  p.  141. 


42  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

MAZARIINI— (Continued). 

1897.     Michael  McTurk. 

Peter  Cornelisen  ...  I  know  .  .  .  was  a  captain  for  the  Carib  In- 
dians living  in  tlie  upper  parts  of  tlietliree  rivers.  B.  C,  VII,  2jj. 

NOVA    ZEELANDIA. 

1658.     Committee  governing  for  Walcheren  cities. 

There  was  read  a  short  description  by  Cornehs  Goliat  of  the  Rivers  Demerara, 
Essequibo,  Pomeroon  and  Moruca,  situated  on  the  coast  of  Guiana,  otherwise 
called  the  Wild  Coast,  and  now  Nova  Zeelandia.  B.  C,  I,  146. 

1664.     States-General. 

Niew  Middelburgh,  situated  in  the  district  named  Nova  Zeelandia,  lying  on 
the  mainland  Wild  Coast  of  America.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  4J. 

1686.     West  India  Company  (Amsterdam  Chamber). 

Concerning  the  populating  and  cultivating  of  the  River  Pomeroon  .  .  . 
formerly  named  Nova  Zeelandia.  B.  C,  I,  jgj. 

ORINOCO. 

.     British  Case. 

Oronoque,  the  name  given  to  the  portion  of  the  Orinoco  district  under 
Spanish  control.  B.  C,  2g. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  certain  that  the  term  Oronoque,  as  used  by  the  Dutch  Commandeurs, 
referred  to  the  Spanish  possessions  at  Santo  Tliome,  and  excluded  the  Ama- 
kuru,  Barima,  and  more  easterly  rivers.  B.  C.-C,  6j. 

1663.     Commandeur  in  Pomeroon. 

Having  taken  my  commission  with  me  to  Orinoco  and  not  desiring  to  risk 
carrying  it  with  me  upon  the  journey  from  Barima,  since  we  continued  our  voy- 
age in  corrials,  which  were  very  small,  it  was  left  in  the  aforesaid  galliote. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  41. 

[1666?].     Major  John  Scott. 

Gromweagle    .     .     .     had  served  the  Spaniard  in  Oranoque.      B.  C,  I,  i6g. 

1684.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  French  .  .  .  have  made  themselves  masters  of  the  fort  in  Oronoque, 
.     .     .     on  his  way  to  the  said  Oronoque.  Sat/w,  p.  iSy. 

1685.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Spaniards  having  resumed  possession  of  Oronoque.  Same,  p.  iSS. 

In  1684  .  .  .  the  French  .  .  .  raided  the  Orinoco  and  occupied 
Santo  Thom^.  U.  S.  Com.,  I,  2^g. 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  43 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

ORINOCO— (Continued). 

1723.     Viceroy  of  New  Granada. 

At  the  month  of  the  said  river  [Orinoco]  where  it  enters  the  sea,  has  been 
founded  the  castle  of  Guayana  [Santo  ThomeJ  on  the  mainland. 

V.  c,  111,36s. 

1730.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

It  was  his  [Bishop  of  Orran]  intention  to  go  to  Orinoco. 
I  learned  that  the  Indians  of  Aguire  (a  creek  in  Orinoco)  had     .     .     .     killed 
the  aforesaid  bishop.  B.  C,  II,  11. 

1737.     Marquis  de  Torrenueva. 

The  Dutch  are  established  within  this  demarcation  and  limits  on  the  continent 
of  the  Province  of  Guayana,  and  occupy  with  their  cities  and  mills,  the  territory 
which  stretches  from  the  Orinoco  [according  to  Delisle's  map  cited  below  this 
should  read  Esseqinbo\  to  the  before  mentioned  Surinam,  a  distance  of  5^,  from 
3i8i'^  to  324^  of  [East]  longitude  [according  to  Delisle's  map  of  1703,  Atlas  to 
V.  C,  map  J7^.  Same,  p.  41. 

1750.     Anonymous. 

The  great  river  Orinoco,  the  fame  of  which  has  spread  throughout  Europe  on 
account  of  the  celebrated  city  of  El  Dorado,  or  the  Golden,  which  is  now  regarded 
as  fabulous,  is  said  to  take  its  name  or  derivation  from  this  fable. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  igo. 

1763.     Secretary  in  Essequibo. 

The  uncertainty  of  how  they  would  be  treated  by  the  Spanish  is  the  reason 
why  I  have  this  year  dared  to  send  no  boats  belonging  either  to  the  Company  or 
to  myself  out  saltiu^  to  the  coast  of  Orinoco.  B.  C,  II,  22^. 

1777.     Records  of  the  Colonies  of  Essequibo  and  Demerary. 

Postholdcr  of  Orinoco.  \^Note  by  British  Editor.  Clearly  a  synonym  for 
the  Moruka  Post.]  B.  C,  VII,  1S2. 


1802.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo  and  Demerara. 
One  detachment  to  the  Post  of  Orinoco. 
The  detachment  ordered  to  the  Post  of  Orinoco. 

The  Postholder  of  the  Post  of  Moruca  comes  to  report  that  the  detachment 
for  that  Post  arrived  there  three  days  ago.  B.  C,  V,  //j. 

1806.     George  Pinckard. 

It  is  suggested  that  we  may  obtain  a  supply  [of  provisions]  from  the  Spaniards, 
who  have  great  numbers  of  wild  cattle,  .  .  .  upon  the  neig-hboring  coast 
of  Oronoko.  V.  C.-C,  III,  224-225. 

1809.     Henry  Bolingbroke. 

The  west  coast  of  Pomaroon  juts  on  the  boundary  of  the  Orinoko  where 
there  is  a  military  post  established.  Same,  p.  2j2. 


44  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

DEFmiTIONS-(Continued). 

ORINOCO— AS  FAR  AS. 

1598.     A.  Cabeliau. 

We  made  company  to  visit  together  the  whole  coast  as  far  as  the  River 
WoriiKXiue,  so-called  by  the  Indians,  by  the  English  Reliane,  and  by  the  Span- 
iards, Rio  El  Dorado.    '  ^-  C.,  I,  19. 

1637.     Don  Pedro  de  Vivero. 

On  the  mainland  in  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Royal  Audiencia  and  of  the  said 
Government  and  port  of  Guayana,  English,  Irish  and  others,  with  negro  slaves, 
have  established  and  settled  themselves,  from  Cape  North  up  to  the  mouth  of 
the  River  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  no. 

175 1.     Memorial  of  Shareholders  of  West  India  Company. 

The  Zeeland  chief  shareholders  ...  are  resolved,  ...  to  remain  in 
possession  of  Essequibo,  with  all  her  subject  rivers  from  River  Berbice  down  as 
far  as  the  River  of  Orinoco.  B.  C,  II,  72. 


1762.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  have  seen  that  you  [L.  L.  van  Bercheyck]  would  not  be  disinclined  to 
make  a  map,  based  on  actual  surveys,  of  the  river  of  Essequibo.  .  .  .  Before 
we  take  any  final  decision  ...  we  must  know  .  .  .  whether  .  .  . 
there  might  not  ...  be  brought  in  the  coast  from  Essequibo  as  far  as  Ori- 
noco, with  an  accurate  location  of  the  mouths  of  the  Rivers  Pomeroon,  Waini 
and  Barima,  and  such  others  as  empty  into  the  sea  between  Essequibo  and  the 
Orinoco.  Safiie,  p.  21  j. 


1767.     West  India  Company  (Amsterdam  Chamber). 

The  Chief  Participants  .  .  .  did  declare  their  determination  to  continue  to 
keep  Essequibo  with  all  the  rivers  appertaining  thereto,  from  Rio  Berbice  as  far 
as  the  River  Orinoco.  B.  C,  III,  14^. 

ORINOCO-DARDANELLES  OF. 

1 841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Tlie  Dardanelles,  of  this  territory  [the  Orinoco].  B.  C,  VII,  j6. 

1843.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Point  Barima,  tlie  Dardanelles  of  the  Orinoco,  as  it  has  been  lately  styled  by 
the  Venezuelans.  Sa//ic,  p.  jo. 


1881.     Earl  Granville. 

What  has  been  called  the  Dardanelles  of  the  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  100. 

1887.     Senor  Urbaneja. 

The  so-called  Dardanelles  of  the  Orinoco.  Sa)>ie,  p.  i2g. 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  45 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

ORINOCO— NEAR  TO. 

1634.     Bishop  of  Porto  Rico. 

The  Dutch,  ,  .  .  who  are  now  settled  close  to  tliis  great  river  Orinoco, 
in  three  rivers  adjoining  it,  namely,  the  River  Berbice,  Corentine  and  Essequibo. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  10. 

1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

These  circumstances  deserve  consideration,  chiefly  because  the  Dutch  on  the 
mainland  are  so  near  to  the  principal  uioutli  of  the  Orinoco  in  three  colonies 
called  Surinam,  Bervice  and  Essequibo,  with  large  populations  and  fortifications, 
and  are  gradually  approaching  nearer.  Same,  p.  j8i. 

The  Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago  .  .  .  reports,  referring  to  the  first 
point: 

Namely,  what  means  could  be  used  and  employed  for  dislodging  the  Dutch 
from  the  Colonies  in  which  they  have  established  themselves  on  the  Orinoco. 

Same,  p.  iSj. 

1745  (?).     Father  Joseph  Gumilla. 

Essequibo,  Berbice,  and  Surinam,  colonies  of  the  aforesaid  Republic  estab- 
lished (not  on  tlie  Orinoco),  bnt  a  good  distance  to  the  east  of  its  mouths. 

B.  C,  III,  84. 

1757.  Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

That  the  Dutch  were  building  a  new  fort  on  the  River  Monica  to  the  wind- 
ward and  at  a  sliort  distance  from  the  Ship's  Mouth  of  the  Orinoco. 

B.  C,  II,  136. 

1758.  Prefect  of  Missions. 

By  means  of  the  River  Moroco,  where  the  Post  of  Essequibo  is  situated,  or  by 
the  River  Waini,  all  which  rivers  flow  out  near  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco. 

Same,  p.  14S. 

1761.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

Colonies  of  the  French  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon  and  those  of  the  Dutch  of 
Surinam  and  Esquivo,  near  the  Orinoco.  Sa7ne,  p.  205. 

1772.     Court  of  Policy. 

With  respect  to  the  land  in  Maroco,  the  same  is  granted  without  determina- 
tion of  the  number  of  acres  and  upon  the  express  condition  that  the  owner  or 
owners  are  bound  to  establish  an  outpost  there,  it  being  a  ground  lying  close  to 
the  river  Orinoco,  full  two  days'  sail  from  here,  not  cultivated  by  the  lessee  for 
some  time,  and  lying  quite  waste.  B.  C,  IV,  loi, 

1776.    J.  C.  v.  Heneman. 

At  the  creeks  near  Rio  Barima  and  Rio  Orinoco  (Indian  Posts,  Moruca  and 
Wacquepo).  Same,  p.  i6g. 

1788.     Governor  Marmion. 

The  right  was  claimed  of  possession  ...  of  the  River  or  creek  of  Guayna 
near  the  outfall  of  the  Orinoco.  B.  C.,  V,  62, 


46  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

QUAKE. 

1699.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

The  Postholder    .     .     .     arrived  with  ISJ  quakes,  or  abant  2|  casks  of 
annatto  dye.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  74. 

SPANISH  MAIN. 

1806.     George  Pinckard. 

On  our  left  [from   Essequibo]  we   approach    the    river  Orinoko,  and  what  is 
termed  the  Spanish  Main.  V.  C.-C,  III,  22^. 

TERRA  FIRMA. 

1595.     Capt.  Felipe  de  Santiago. 

The  mouths  of  the  River  Orinoco  are  situated  on  the  coast  of  Terra  Firnia, 
to  the  windward  ot  the  Dragon's  Mouth,  B.  C,  I,  g. 

WILD  COAST. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Wild  Coast— a  name  by  which  the  coast  between  the  Essequibo  and  the 
Orinoco  had  become  well  known.  B.  C,  2j. 

,     Editor  of  British  Case. 

The  Wild  Coast  was  the  original  name  of  the  coast  between  the  Orinoco  and 
the  Essequibo.  B.  C,  1, 136. 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

This  definition  of  the  phrase  Wild  Coast,  is  an  inadvertence  whose  repetition 
cannot  be  too  earnestly  protested  against.  Not  "  the  coast  between  the  Esse- 
quibo and  the  Orinoco,"  but  the  whole  coast  of  Guiana,  from  the  Orinoco  to  the 
Amazon,  was  what  the  Dutch  called  the  Wild  Coast.  For  this,  as  every  scholar 
knows,  it  was  their  current  and  accepted  name.  No  case  has  ever  been  adduced 
...  of  its  use  in  any  narrower  sense.  It  is  important  that  this  be  from  the 
outset  clearly  understood.  ^  •  C.-C,  S-p. 

1627.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  ship  "Arent  "  shall  go  to  the  Amazon  and  the  Wild  Coast. 

In  the  River  of  Berbice  on  the  Wild  Coast.  B.  C,  I,  6j. 


Articles  upon  which  the  Directors  of  the  West  India  Company  .  .  .  have 
.  .  .  granted  to  Abraham  van  Peres,  that  he  carry  men  ...  as  settlen 
over  to  the  coast  of  the  mainland  (called  the  Wild  Coast)  of  West  India,  in 
the  River  Berbice.  Same,  p.  64. 


\ 


1627.     West  India  Company  (the  Nineteen). 

It  is  hereafter  permitted  to  send  colonists  to  the  Wild  Coast   and  adjacent 
islands.  U.  S.  Com. ,  II,  47. 


GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES.  4t1 

DEFINITIONS-lContinued). 

WILD  COAST— (Continued). 

1628.     West  India  Company  (the  Nineteen). 

Liberties  and  exemptions  accorded  and  granted  by  the  Chartered  West  India 
Company  to  private  Individuals  who  on  the  Wild  Coast  of  Brazil  .  .  .  shall 
plant  any  colonies. 

To  plant  any  colonies  on  the  Wild  Coast  and  the  islands  lying  near  and 
about  the  same. 

Their  intention  of  planting  on  any  river  on  the  Wild  Coast  or  the  islands 
thereabout.  -^-  ^•'  ^'  ^J- 

All  patroons  of  the  Colonies  in  the  rivers  or  on  the  islands  shall  be  allowed 
...  to  navigate  and  trade  on  tlie  whole  Wild  Coast  from  tlie  Amazon  to 
the  Orinoco,   inclusive,  and  all  the  islands  adjacent  thereto.*      Same,  p.  67. 

1 63 1.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Van  de  Mart  was  authorized  to  make  up  a  cargo  for  the  Hers  on  the  Wild 
Coast  in  Essequibo.  U.  S.  Com.,  II,  64. 

1632.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Cargoes  serviceable  on  the  Wild  Coast.  Same,  p.  65. 

1649.     West  India  Company. 

Ship  de  Lieffde,  .  .  .  destined  to  the  Wild  Coast  and  so  on  to  Esse- 
quibo. Same,  p.  112. 

1656.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  Wild  Coast  extending  from  the  River  Amazon  to  .  .  .  degrees 
northwards.  -"•  ^-f  -''  ^37- 

1657.  Cornells  van  Lodensteyn. 

The  coast  of  Guiana,  situate  in  America  on  the  Wild  Coast  between  two  and 
five  degrees,     .     .     .     and  as  far  inland  as  shall  be  convenient.         Same,  p.  140. 

1657.     Proceedings  of  Provincial  Estates  of  Zeeland. 

New  settlement  on  the  Wild  Coast  of  Essequibo  and  places  thereabout,  ex- 
tending from  1°  to  iqc  north  of  the  Equator,  between  the  Rivers  Orinoco  and 
Amazon.  -^-a;//^,  p.  141- 

1657.  Committee  governing  Walcheren  cities. 

There  shall  be  equipped  two  ships,  the  one  to  the  Wild  Coast,  otherwise 
Essequibo. 

There  was  read  a  letter  from  Cornells  Goliat,  offering  his  services  for  honest 
employment  on  the  mainland  Wild  Coast.  Same,  p.  143. 

1658.  Committee  governing  for  Walcheren  cities. 

There  was  read  a  short  description  by  Cornells  Goliat  of  the  Rivers  Demerara, 
Essequibo,  Pomeroon  and  Moruca,  situated  on  the  coast  of  Guiana,  otherwise 
called  the  Wild  Coast,  and  now  Nova  Zeelandia.  Same,  p.  146. 


*  These  bold  face  words  are  italicised  in  the  original  manuscript. 


48  GEOGRAPHIC    FEATURES. 

DEFINITIONS-(Continued). 

WILD  COAST— (Continued). 

1658.     West  India  Company,  Zealand  Chamber. 

Put  to  the  vote  whether  it  would  not  be  expedient  to  offer  for  hire  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Wild  Coast  our  Ship  Prins  Willem  in  order  to  carry  folk  over 
to  Essequibo.  ^-  C-,  /.  146-147- 

The  whole  Wild  Coast,  it  being  from  one  to  ten  degrees  more  than  200 
[Dutch]  miles.  Same, p.  14S. 

1765.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  River  Demerara  .  .  .  belongs  to  the  so-called  Wild  Coast,  which  is 
situated  on  the  continent  of  America.     .     .     . 

We  refer  ...  [to  certain  papers]  a!)out  the  particular  interest  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Zeeland  in  the  aforesaid  Wild  Cjast  in  general,  ever  since  its  first 
discovery,  both  in  relation  to  navigation  upon  that  coast  and  with  regard  to 
establishing  and  founding  colonies  and  settlements  thereon.     B.  C,  III,  124-125. 

1767.     West  India  Company  (Amsterdam  Chamber). 

The  River  Demerara  .  .  .  just  like  Essequibo,  .  .  .  also  belongs  to 
the  so-called  Wild  Coast,  situate  on  the  continent  of  America.         Same,  p.  143. 

A  certain  Contract  made  .  .  .  between  the  Amsterdam  Chamber, 
.  .  .  in  the  name  of  the  Company,  .  .  .  and  the  .  .  .  Count  of 
Hanau     .     .     .     granted  to  the  aforesaid  Count  .     .     a  certain   stretch  of 

land,  to  be  chosen  by  that  Count,  on  the  Wild  Coast,  between  the  River 
Orinoco  and  the  River  Amazon,  for  cultivation,  and  for  establishing  of  a 
Colony.  Same,  pp.  146-147. 

1879.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

In  Hartsinck's  map  .  .  .  the  boundary  line  of  "  Wildekuste "  which 
name  was  applied  to  the  tract  coextensive  with  the  Dutch  possessions,  falls  far 
short  of  the  Amacura.  V.  C,  III,  152. 


CHAPTER  n, 
DUTCH   TRADE    AND    FISHERIES. 

DUTCH    TRADE-IN    GENERAL. 

WITH  THE  PORTIKUIESE. 

1753.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Three  of  our  inhabitants,  having  gone  up  to  the  Essequibo  ...  to  try  to 
estabhsh  some  trade  with  the  Portug-uese  along  the  Amazon,  have  been  killed 
in  a  murderous  way  by  the  nation  named  Mapissanoe.  B.  C,  II,  88. 

I'j'jd.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Portuguese  are  trading-  above  in  the  rixer  as  the  Spaniards  here  below. 

B.  CIV,  176. 
WITH  THE  SPANISH. 
1673.     Venezuelan  Case. 

By  1673  Rol  was  trafficking  in  the  Orinoco  with  the  Spaniards.        V.  C,  8j. 

1683.     British  Case. 

In  1683  and  onwards  these  [negro]  traders  are  mentioned  as  periodically 
visiting  the  Pariacot  Savannah,  and  as  using  the  name  of  the  Dutch  Govern- 
ment to  put  an  end  to  native  wars  on  the  Cuyuni,  which  hindered  commerce. 

B.  C,  14. 
1693.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

No  slight  advantage  .  .  .  has  .  .  .  been  brought  the  Company  by 
your  having  started  up  in  the  River  of  Cuyuni  a  trade  in  horses.     B.  C,  I,  212. 

1701.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  trade  in  horses  up  in  Cuyuni  Ybcwen  in  Cioene\  does  not  go  as  briskly 
as  it  used  to ;  still,  the  negro  traders  brought  down,  on  the  24th  March  of  this 
year  [1701],  12  fine  ones.  Same,  p.  221. 

1733.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  want  of  horses  having  already  become  great,  on  your  Honour's  planta- 
tions as  well  as  on  those  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  I  shall  by  all  available 
means  try  to  obtain  tlieni  from  the  Spaniards.  B.  C,  II,  id. 

1734.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

On  the  19th  February  I  .  ,  ,  dispatched  two  canoes  to  the  Orinoco, 
laden  with  thirty  hogsheads  of  bread,  four  half-barrels  of  rum,  and  four  of  syrup, 
with  a  letter  to  the  Governor  requesting  him  to  send  horses  in  exchange  there- 
for. ...  I  sent  Fran9ois  van  der  Maale  ...  to  superintend  everything. 
On  the  23rd  April  van  der  Maale  came  back  and  reported  to  me  that  he  had  ob- 
tained eighteen  horses  by  exchange.  Same,  p.  ly. 

^735-     West  India  Company  (the  Ten). 

We  praise  and  approve  all  that  has  been  done  by  the  Commandeur  with  the 
Governor  of  Orinoco  ;  .  .  .  and  recommend  your  Honour  to  use  every  en- 
deavour to  cause  that  commerce  to  increase  more  and  more.  Same,  p.  21. 

(49) 


60  DUTCH  TRADE. 

DUTCH    TRADE-IN    GENERAL;    WITH    THE    SPAN  ISH-(Continued). 

1735.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Governor  of  Orinoco  urgently  asking  me  for  a  good  quantity  of  bread, 
not  only  did  politeness  demand  that  I  send  it  to  him,  but  there  was  another  im- 
portant reason  in  the  prolits  which  this  colony  derives  from  trade  with  the 
people  of  the  Orinoco.  As  long  as  peace  continues  and  this  trade  remains  open, 
such  things  cannot  well  be  avoided.  ...  I  sent  to  Orinoco  the  necessary 
rum,  wares,  etc.,  to  pay  for  six  mules,  ...  the  Governor  has  kept  the  wares, 
sending  provisionally  three  horses  on  account,  and  .  .  .  saying  .  . 
that  he  would  furnish  the  mules  at  the  earliest  opportunity.  V.  C,  II,  8S-8g. 

1750.     Acting  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Fathers  above  in  Orinoco  were  inclined  to  open  a  trade  with  this 
Colony  in  cattle,  which  they  (if  able  to  obtain  permission  therefor),  would  trans- 
port overland. 

This  would  contribute  very  much  to  the  raising  and  cultivation  of  trade,  but 
on  the  other  hand  this  would  be  a  safe  and  open  way  .  .  .  for  the  slaves  who 
might  come  to  run  away  from  the  Colony,  unless  a  good  Post  were  established 
thereon.  B.  C,  II,  6g. 

1750.     Anonymous. 

They  all  make  the  utmost  efforts  to  collect  the  produce  offered  by  the 
Indian  tribes  and  the  Spaniards  settled  on  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  and  also 
that  offered  by  the  smugglers  who  go  down  to  the  Kingdom  of  Santa  Fe,  and 
the  Provinces  of  Barinas,  Venezuela  and  Cumana.  Of  course  a  vessel  rarely 
comes  from  Surinam  and  Berbice,  owing  to  the  distance  and  costliness  of  the 
journey ;  but  as  they  are  in  correspondence  with  Essequibo  and  that  colony  is 
constantly  sending  its  ships  to  the  Orinoco,  they  all  share  in  its  benefit. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  jgj. 

1752.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  shall  send  him  [Commandeur  of  Orinoco]  one  [yacht]  about  the  middle  of 
November,  together  with  some  hardware  for  which  he  also  asks,  and  shall  re- 
ceive mules  in  payment,  which  are  in  readiness  there ;  it  is  my  opinion  that  we 
must  keep  on  friendly  terms  with  this  man,  since  that  will  always  be  more  to 
our  advantage  than  to  our  disadvantage.  B.  C,  II,  yd. 

1754.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Concerning  the  trade  with  Orinoco  that  I  shall  do  all  that  lies  in  my  power 
to  further  the  same  as  much  as  possible,  ...  a  new  Governor  has  arrived  in 
Cumana,  who  assures  me  that  he  will  do  all  that  lies  in  his  power  to  maintain 
friendly  relations.  Same,  p.  gi. 

1760.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Trade  on  that  river  is  at  present  (as  far  as  such  trade  can  be)  fairly  open 
and  free.  Same,  p.  iSj. 

1764.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  hope  of  a  larger  and  safer  trade  with  the  Orinoco  is  a  matter  which 
we  count  very  advantageous  for  the  colony.  V.  C,  II,  /jj. 

1765.  Don  Joaquim  Moreno  de  Mendoza. 

The  inhabitants     .     .     .     enjoyed     .     .     .     trading  with  foreigners  [at  the 

old  site  of  Santo  Thome]  of  which  they  are  here  [Angostura]  deprived. 

B.  C,  III,  123. 


Dutch  trade.  61 

DUTCH    TRADE-IN    GENERAL;    WITH    THE    SPAN  ISH-(Continued). 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  chief  external  trade  of  the  Colony,  and  the  only  one  of  interest  to  the 
present  research,  was  that  with  the  Spaniards  of  the  Orinoco.  Begun  as  early 
as  1673,  it  seems  always  to  have  been  carried  on  by  that  inland  water  route  con- 
necting the  Moruca  with  the  Barima,  and  must  have  involved  more  or  less  of  in- 
tercourse with  the  Indians  of  this  region.  Now  connived  at,  now  hampered  by 
the  Spanish  authorities,  it  was  always  encouraged  by  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  save  for  a  brief  period  of  prohibition  (from  1684  on)  when  they  were 
clearly  moved  by  distrust  of  their  own  Governor.  V.  C.-C,  II,  86. 

The  Moruca  became  ...  as,  to  some  extent  it  still  is,  the  regfular  ave- 
nue for  the  coastings  trade  witli  the  Orinoco— not  alone  that  of  the  Esse- 
quibo,  but  that  of  the  other  Guiana  Colonies  as  well.  ...  It  was  doubtless 
by  this  route  that  the  Spaniards  carried  on  that  early  trafific  with  the  Pomeroon 
and  the  Essequibo  of  which  we  know  through  the  pages  of  Raleigh  and  of  Jan  de 
Laet.  Same,  p.  gy. 

Save  for  commerce  and  for  the  fishery  at  the  river's  mouth,  the  Waiui  seems 
never  to  have  actually  been  put  to  use  by  the  Dutch.  Same,  p.  11  j. 

Of  Dutch  trade  in  this  lower  Orinoco  region  I  find  no  mention  after  the 
sixties  of  the  eigiiteenth  century. 

With  the  lower  Orinoco  in  general,  and  especially  with  the  Aguire,  they 
[Dutch]  long  maintained  relations  of  trade,  and  in  such  sort  as  to  make 
doubtful  their  recognition  of  Spanish  sovereignty  there.  Same,  p.  14J. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

In  reality  the  trade  with  Orinoco,  by  which  is  meant  the  Spanish  Settle- 
ments at  and  above  Santo  Thome,  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  possession  of 
Barima.  B.  C.-C,  78. 

WITH  INDIANS  OF  THE  COAST. 

1596.     [1896]  James  Rodway. 

Mr.  Rodway  .  .  .  in  .  .  .  Tzmehri  for  December,  1896,  .  .  . 
states  that  Ibarguen  ...  in  1 596  .  .  .  says  in  his  report  that  on  his 
way  from  the  Orinoco  to  the  Essequibo  he  arrested  "five  Flamencos  in  a  boat, 
who  were  trading  with  the  Indians  of  Barima."  .  .  .  Yet  this  .  .  . 
suggests  only  that  Dutch  trade  to  Santo  Thome  of  which  we  already  know  from 
the  pages  of  Jan  de  Laet.  V.  C.-C,  II,  42. 

1638.     British  Case. 

In  1638  it  was  reported  to  the  King  of  Spain  that  the  Dutch  .  .  .  traded 
with  the  Indians  of  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  2^-26. 

1673.     Venezuelan  Case. 

By  1673  Rol  was  trafficking  in  the  Orinoco  with  .  .  .  Caribs  of  Ba- 
rima. V.  C,  8j. 

1680.     Tiburcio  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga. 

The  frequency  with  which  those  of  said  nation  [Dutch]  come  to  this  river  to 
trade  among  tlie  natives,  .  .  .  their  perseverance  in  maintaining  such  trade 
and  transactions  with  the  inhabitants  in  violation  of  the  agreements  ...  as 
a  result  of  these  transactions  this  place  has  been  lost  several  times. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  J  J. 


62  DUTCH  TRADE. 

DUTCH    TRADE-IN     GENERAL;     WITH     INDIANS    OF    THE    COAST- 

(Continued). 

1683.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

They  [Indians]  meet  you  with  the  tart  answer  that  they  can  get  plenty  of 
these  (goods  offered)  by  trade  in  Karinia  and  other  places,  which  partly 
squares  with  the  truth,  on  account  of  the  trade  which  the  French  from  the 
islands  carry  on  there.  V.  C,  II,  44. 

1683.  [1897 J  George  L.  Burr. 

Prior  to  1683  little  is  known  of  the  relations  of  the  Dutch  with  the  Barima; 
but,  so  far  as  known,  they  were  of  trade  alone  and  did  not  differ  from  those  of 
other  Europeans  trading  in  that  river.  V.  C.-C,  II,  ijj. 

1684.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Much  [anuatoj  was  supplied  from  Barima.  B.  C,  I,  1S6. 

1700.     Venezuelan  Case. 

As  regards  the  Barima,  there  is  no  record  of  any  attempt  whatever  to  trade 
tliere  during  this  period  [1700-1725].  V.  C,  pj. 

1723.     Antonio  de  Guerrero. 

The  river  has  neither  garrison  nor  defense  of  any  kind  for  preventing  and  hin- 
dering the  incursions  of  the  Hollanders  and  other  foreign  nations  sailing  on  that 
sea,  and  having  several  settlements  near  the  said  river  Orinoco,  this  gives  them  a 
chance  to  freely  introduce  themselves  daily  and  frequently  by  the  river,  going  far 
into  the  interior  and  trading^  with  said  Indians.  V.  C.-C,  III,  ig. 

1735.     Court  of  Policy. 

The  Commandeur  brought  forward  the   matter  of  Jan   Cauderas, 
informing   them  that  this  aforesaid  Cauderas,  as  settler  of   this   Colony,  had 
.     .     .     sought  a  permit  from  his  Honour,  to  collect  the   debts  of  his  comrade 
named  Jeronimus  Marseleijn,  which  he  had  left  outstanding'  among  the  Indians 
in  the  River  Barime,  to  the  satisfaction  of  his  creditors  in  this  river. 

B.  C,  II.,  20. 
1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

With  which  [slave  trade]  are  united  other  branches  of  commerce  they  have 
held  witli  tlie  Caribs  in  balms  those  countries  produce,  such  as  marana  or  copaiba, 
carapa,  anatto,  cotton,  hammocks,  birds,  wild  animals  and  a  small  number  of 
horses.  B.  C.-C,  App„  182. 

1764.  [1897]  George  L.  Burr, 

Down  to  this  time  [1764]  ,  .  .  there  is  in  the  records  no  mention  of  any 
Dutchman's  sojourning  in  the  Barima  f(U'  any  purpose  save  that  of  trade. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  132. 

1765.  Director-General  in  Essequibo, 

They     .     .     .     met  the  colonist  Diederik  Neelis  coming  from  Barima. 

B.  C,  III,  127. 
1768.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  Dutch  documents  .  .  .  know  little  enough  of  the  Barima  after  1768, 
.  .  .  Gravesande  did  not  again  urge  it  as  the  boundary  ;  .  .  .  Not  even  a 
Butch  trader  is  again  heard  of  in  the  Barima.  The  West  India  Company, 
which  theretofore  had  always  encouraged  the  colonial  trade  to  the  Orinoco,  issued 
in  1 76 1  its  instructions  that  so  far  as  possible  this  trade  be  transferred  to  the 


DUTCH  TRADE.  63 

DUTCH  STRADE-IN     GENERAL;     WITH    INDIANS    OF    THE    COAST- 

(Continued). 

Spaniards  and  carried  on,  not  from  Essequibo  to  Orinoco,  but  from  Orinoco  to 
Essequibo.  This  policy  was  loyally  and  effectively  carried  out ;  and  within  two 
years  the  current  of  trade  was  flowing  the  other  way.  V.  C.-C,  II,  ij6. 

.     [1897I  George  L.  Burr. 

The  [Essequibo]  Colony's  trade  .  .  .  was  mainly  a  trade  with  the  na- 
tives. .  .  .  this  was  at  the  outset,  and  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century 
of  its  existence  its  exclusive  function,  .  .  .  and  for  many  decades  this  re- 
mained its  [the  Company's]  chief  source  of  income,  and  the  object  of  its  most 
jealous  care.  Satne,  p.  82. 

WITH  INDIANS  OF  THE  INTERIOR. 

.     British  Case. 

Besides  their  enterprise  upon  the  coast,  the  Dutch  had  also  before  the  end  of 
the  seventeenth  century  penetrated  far  into  the  interior.  Negro  traders  were 
employed  by  the  Company  to  travel  among  the  Indians  and  obtain  by  barter 
the  products  of  tlie  country.  B.  C,  14. 

Upon  the  Cuyuni,  Massaruni  and  Essequibo  the  Dutch  very  early  had  estab- 
lished an  extensive  trade.  Same,  p.  Si. 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

Trade,  from  the  first,  knew  far  less  narrow  limits  than  settlement.  That 
with  the  Indians  was  carried  on  (i)  by  the  West  India  Company's  outrunners, 
and  (2)  by  its  posts,  and  (3)  by  private  rovers.  The  routes  of  the  outrunners  are 
little  known  ;  the  rovers  were  irresponsible  and  heedless  of  frontiers  ;  the  posts 
were  few,  fixed,  certain,  and  had  a  military  and  political  as  well  as  a  commercial 
use.  V.  C.-C,  II,  SS. 

Trade  with  the  Indians  in  the  upper  river  [Mazaruni]  began  early,  but  no 

regular  post  was  ever  maintained  there.  Same,  p.  iy6. 

1680.  [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  earliest  mention  of  the  river  [Cnyuni]  I  have  found  in  the  Dutch  records 
is  that  in  Commandeur  Abraham  Beekman's  letter  of  June  28,  1680,  when  that 
river,  temporarily  closed  by  an  Indian  war,  is  called  "our  provision  chamber." 

Same,  p.  146. 

1681.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

By  reason  of  the  Accoway  war  in  Cuyuni,  of  which  you  have  heard,  the 
trade  in  hammocks    .     .    .     has  resulted  badly.  B.  C,  1, 184. 

1683.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  sent  a  negro  up  in  Cuyuni  in  order  ...  to  establish  peace 
between  the  Akuways  and  the  Caribs,  so  as  by  this  means  to  get  hold  of  the 
wild-pig  hunting  there  as  formerly.  Same,  p.  18^. 

1684.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Gabriel  Bishop,  and  other  interlopers  from  Surinam,  spoil  not  only  that 
[annato]  trade  [in  Barima],  but  buy  all  the  letter-wood,  ...  as  well  as 
madder  oil  and  hammocks.  .  .  .  They  traverse  and  overrun  the  land  right 
up  to  [or  even  into]  the  River  Cuyuni  itself.  Same,  p.  1S6. 


54  DUTCH  TRADE. 

DUTCH    TRADE-IN    GENERAL;    WITH  INDIANS  OF  THE  INTERIOR- 

(Continued). 

1684.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Copaiba  and  cnrcai  are  iinioli  1)on^1it  up  l)y  the  Spaniards.    The  war 

which  various  nations  there  [in  Ciiynmi  |  carry  on  with  one  another  has  been  the 
cause  that  Daentje  the  negro  has  not  been  able  to  get  so  far  up  among  that 
nation.  B.  C,  /,  i86. 

1685.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Daentje,  the  negro  has  come  hack  .  .  .  [from  the  Cuyuni]  without 
bringing  with  him  a  single  pound  of  balsam.  Same,  p.  iSS. 

1699.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

August  14,  [1699].  Jan  .  .  .  has  set  out  for  the  Upper  Mazaruni 
.     .     .     to  obtain  some  poison  wood  by  barter. 

August  18,  [1699].  This  morning  the  negro  traders  set  out  for  the  Upper 
Cuyuni  \iiaar  boven  in  Cioene]  in  order  to  procure  some  horses. 

August  27,  [1699].  In  the  evening  the  boy  Jan  Antheunissen  arrived  at  the 
fort  from  the  Upper  Mazaruni  \van  bovcn  uijt  Masseroene]  with  fourteen  or 
fifteen  bundles  of  poison  wood.  Same,  p.  21  j. 

September  17,  [1699].  .  .  .  Jotte,  the  old  negro,  arrived  from  the  Upper 
Cuyuni,  bringing  with  him  two  parcels  of  bread,  and  having  come  down  for  a 
canoe  in  which  to  fetch  the  remainder  of  the  bread. 

September  23,  [1699].  .  .  .  Jotte  again  set  out  for  Cuyuni,  to  fetch  the 
remainder  of  the  purchased  bread. 

Saturday,  October  17,  [1699].  Two  Caribs  .  .  .  arrived  from  the  Upper 
Cuyuni,  bringing  tidings  that  the  old  negro  traders  .  .  .  had  not  set  out 
from  the  dye  store  until  the  20th  September.  Same,  p.  216. 

1700.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

January  27,  [1700].  .  .  .  There  arrived  from  Mazaruni  the  old  negro 
Big  Jan,  who  had  been  sent  thither  upon  the  2nd  November  last,  bringing 
with  him  10  quakes  of  oriane  dye,  30  quakes  of  bread,  8  quakes  of  pork,  and 
4  quakes  of  flsh.  '  Same,  p.  21S. 

March  14,  [1700].  Arrived  Sam,  the  negro,  from  Mazaruni,  bringing  with 
him  twenty  parcels  of  bread,  twelve  quakes  of  oriane  dye,  and  (.'')  parcels  of 
pork,  &c.,  sent  down  by  Big  Jan.  Same,  p.  2ig. 

April  10,  [1700J.  There  arrived  here  .  .  .  the  old  negro  trader  Big 
Jan,  with  his  boy  Sam,  bringing  with  them  from  Mazaruni,  22  parcels  of 
bread,  22  parcels  of  pork,  and  3  quakes  of  paaij,  together  with  some  other 
trifles.  Same,  p.  220. 

October  18,  [1700J.  There  came  here  the  old  negro  traders,  Big  Jan,  Jan 
Swart,  "  Handsome  Claesje,"  and  Lieven,  to  each  of  whom  trading  wares  were 
dealt  out  for  the  purchase  of  oriane  dye.  .  .  .  Jan  Swart  and  "  Handsome 
Klaseje  "  [go]  n|)  to  (luyuni  \boven  naar  Cioene\.  Same,  p.  221. 

1701.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

January  20,  [1701  |.  .  .  .  In  the  afternoon  there  arrived  here  from  .  .  . 
the  negro  trader  Lieven,  bringing  with  him  some  provisions. 

January  21.  .  .  .  the  above-mentioned  negro  trader  came  here  with  the 
Indians  he  had  taken  with  him  and  brought  back  again,  who  had  served  as  pad- 


DUTCH  TRADE.  65 

DUTCH  TRADE-IN  general;    WITH   INDIANS  OF  THE  INTERIOR- 

(Continued). 

dlers  on  the  journey  to  and  fro,  and  who  were  ready  to  proceed  thither  with  him 
again.  These  were  paid  for  their  services,  and  fresh  trading  wares  were  dealt 
out  to  the  above-mentioned  trader,  in  order  to  proceed  up  stream  again  to 
acquire  more  goods  by  barter,  whereupon  they  departed.    B.  C.-C,  App.,  ijy. 

1730.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

It  having  been  found  .  .  .  that  divers  inhabitauts  of  this  Colony  allow 
trade  to  be  caried  on  in  the  rivers  of  Massaruui  and  Cuyuui  through  the 
medium  of  their  slaves  or  free  Indians  whom  they  send  out  for  that  purpose, 
both  for  the  exchange  of  red  slaves  and  other  things ;  and  whereas  those  two 
rivers  had  for  years  past  been  kept  for  the  private  trade  of  the  Honourable  Com- 
pany, each  and  every  one  is  hereby  expressly  forbidden  to  carry  on  any  trade 
in  them  under  the  penalty  of  confiscation  of  the  viessels,  slaves,  and  other  goods, 
and  the  imposition  of  an  additional  fine  of  50  Caroly  guilders.  B.  C,  II,  10. 

1731.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

That  .  .  .  yon  have  forbidden  to  private  colonists  the  trade  in  the 
rivers  Mazaruni  and  Cuyuni  meets  our  full  approval.  ,  V.  C,  II,  8j. 

1747.    Inventory  of  trading  goods  at  the  Cuyuni  Post. 

In  the  year  1 747  of  the  transfer  of  accounts  to  the  former  Postmaster  and 
stock  of  the  same,  as  follows  : 

[Detailed  list  of  cloths,  looking  glasses,  knives,  beads,  etc.  used  in  the  Indian 
trade.]  Safne,  p.  2gY. 

1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  think  it  would  be  best  ...  to  prohibit  until  further  orders  tralBc  with 
the  Indians  on  the  Rivers  Essequibo,  Massaruni,  and  Cuyuni.       B.  C,  II,  dj. 

1774.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Postholders  draw  their  pay,  and,  .  .  .  furthermore,  some  wares  for 
the  Indian  trade  instead  of  regular  rations,  and  they  have  freedom  of  trade, 
whereby,     .     .     .     they  make  quite  a  fair  living,  B.  C,  IV,  i2j. 

1 790.     Captain-General  of  Caracas. 

The  trade  which  the  Indians  of  the  province  of  Guayana  are  wont  to  carry 
on  with  the  colony  of  Esseqnibo  is  done  in  corials  or  canoes,  by  way  of  the 
rivers  Cuyuni  and  Curumo. 

It  .  .  .  appears  that  the  territory  .  .  .  between  the  northern  side  of 
the  Cuyuni  and  Essequibo  is  liable  to  overflow,  and  no  .  .  .  traffic  is  carried 
on  by  land,  but  only  through  rivers  or  bayous,  and  it  is  controlled  exclusively 
by  the  inhabitants  and  natives,  no  other  person  being  admitted  by  them. 

V.  C,  III,  401-402. 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  [Esseqnibo]  Colony's  trade  .  .  .  was  mainly  a  trade  with  the 
natives.  .  .  .  This  was  at  the  outset,  and  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury of  its  existence  its  exclusive  function,  .  .  .  and  for  many  decades  this 
remained  its  [the  Company's]  chief  source  of  income,  and  the  object  of  its  most 
jealous  care.  V.  C.-C,  II,  S2. 


66  DUTCH  TRADE. 

PARTICIPATED  IN-BY  SURINAM  DUTCH. 

1683.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

In  Barima  I  have  had  one  of  the  Company's  servants  take  up  his  abode,  since 
there  is  much  annatto  and  letter-wood  there  and  it  is  close  by  Pomeroon.  Re- 
cently, too,  it  has  been  navigated  as  many  as  two  or  three  times  by  Gabriel  Biscop 
and  exploited  with  great  success,  much  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Company.  .  .  . 
That  trade,  both  there  and  in  Pomeroon,  I  have  forbidden  to  him,  and  to  all 
others  as  well.  U.  S.  Com.,  II,  1^8-i^g. 

[Another  translation.]  I  have  caused  one  of  the  Company's  servants  to  reside 
in  Barima,  as  much  annatto  and  letter-wood  is  obtainable  there,  and  it  lies  near 
to  Pomeroon,  and  has  recently  been  navigated  two  or  three  times  by  Gabriel 
Bishop,  and  traded  in  with  great  success,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  Honourable 
Company.  ...  I  have  proliibited  him  and  all  others  trading:  from  there 
and  in  Barimaroome*  \^stc\.  B.  C,  I,  iSj. 

1684.  Commander  in  Essequibo. 

Gabriel  Bishop,  and  other  interlopers  from  Snrinam,  spoil  not  only  that 
[annatto]  trade  [in  Barima],  but  buy  up  all  the  letter-wood,  ...  as  well 
as  madder  oil  and  hammocks.  .  .  .  They  traverse  and  overrun  the  land 
right  up  to  the  river  Cuyuni  itself. 

To  check  this  I  have  caused  a  small  station  to  be  made  in  Barima,  and 
Abraham  Baudaart,  who  is  there  [in  Pomeroon]  as  Postholder  .  .  .  shall 
occasionally  visit  those  places  and  encourage  the  Caribs  to  trade.      Same,  p.  186. 

1717.     Petition  of  Free  settlers  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  now  nearly  five  years  since  we  have  been  prohibited  .  .  .  from  trad- 
ing, as  well  within  as  without  this  Colony  in  Red  Indian  slaves,  balsam,  &c., 
.  .  .  [and]  must  see  the  profits,  which  were  to  be  expected  therefrom,  accrue 
before  our  eyes  to  our  neighbours,  to  wit,  the  colonists  of  Snrinam  and  Berhice. 

[Traders  from]  Surinam  and  Berhice  .  .  ,  traffic  in  the  Rivers  Marocco, 
"VVeijne,  Barima,  Pomeroon,  Orinoco,  Trinidad,  and  wherever  it  is  con- 
venient to  them.  Same,  pp.  246-247. 

We  cannot  .  .  .  comprehend  what  is  the  object  of  Y.  H.  in  prohibiting 
the  business  [trading  in  Indian  slaves]  to  us  seeing  that  you  cannot  hinder 
those  from  Surinam  and  Berhice — yea,  not  even  French,  English  and  other 
foreign  nations.  Same,  p.  248. 

1724.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

As  soon  as  I  arrived  in  this  Government  .  .  .  news  was  frequently  sent 
me  that  many  foreigners — the  Butch  from  Surinam  and  Berbice — came  to 
these  places  trading,  in  vessels,  and  penetrating  more  than  100  leagues  up  the 
Orinoco,  and  more  than  30  above  Angostura,  the  Fathers  lamenting  the  trade 
carried  on  with  the  Caribs,  the  sale  of  tools,  stuffs,  wine,  spirits,  guns,  and  other 
arms,  which  they  exchanged  for  a  large  number  of  Indian  slaves.     B.  C,  III,  y8. 

1728.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

The  Secretary,  H.  Gelskerke  .  .  .  communicated  to  us  a  certain  letter 
written  by  Jan  Batiste  from  the  Post  in  Wacquepo,  ...  in  which  informa- 
tion was  given  that  the  Spaniards  of  the  Orinoco  Iiad  with  armed  force  taken 
possession  of  a  Surinam  vessel  fishing  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  aforesaid 
river.  B.  C,  II,  7. 

*  Note  by  George  L.  Burr.     The  reading  "  Barimaroome  "  finds  no  warrant  in  the  manuscript  ;  it  is 
clearly  "  Baumeronne,"  a  common  spelling  of  the  name  of  the  Pomeroon.  U.  S.  Com.,  If,  ij8. 


DUTCH   TRADE.  67 

PARTICIPATED    IIM-BY  SURINAM    DUTCH-(Continued). 

1750.     Cominandeur  in  Essequibo. 

If  this  prohibition  [against  sale  of  fire  arms  to  Indians]  extended  only  to  the 
Colonies  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara,  this  would  cause  much  damage  to  the  col- 
onists, .  .  .  for  a  much  greater  number  are  sold  by  the  neighbouring  Colonies. 
The  itinerant  traders     .     .     .     always  have  an  ample  supply  of  them. 

B.  C.  II,  67. 
1750.     Anonymous. 

They  all  make  the  utmost  efforts  to  collect  the  produce  offered  by  the  Indian 
tribes,  and  the  Spaniards  settled  on  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  and  also  that  offered 
by  the  smugglers  who  go  down  to  the  Kingdom  of  Santa  Fe  and  the  provinces 
of  Barinas,  Venezuela  and  Cumana.  Of  course  a  vessel  rarely  conies  from 
Surinam  and  Berbice,  owing-  to  the  distance  and  costliness  of  the  journey  ; 
but  as  they  are  in  correspondence  with  Essequibo,  and  that  colony  is  constantly 
sending  its  ships  to  the  Orinoco,  they  all  share  in  its  benefit.     B.  C.-C,  App.,  ig^. 

1757.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Complaints  having  been  repeatedly  made  by  the  Commandant  of  Orinoco 
concerning  the  evil  conduct  in  Barima  of  the  traders,  or  wanderers,  as  well 
from  Surinam  as  from  here,  I  have  written  circumstantially  to  the  ad  interim 
Governor  there,  Mr.  I.  Nepven,  whose  reply  is  awaited  daily.     B.  C,  II,  iji-ij2. 

PARTICIPATED  IN-BY  FRENCH  AND  OTHERS. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  Dutch  trade  into  the  interior    .  .     .     was  in  no  sense  exclusive,     .     .     . 

it  was  participated  in    .    .    .    by    .  .    .    Spaniards,  [andj     .    .    .     French 

as  well.  V.  C,  go. 

1683.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

They  [Indians]  meet  you  with  the  tart  answer  that  they  can  get  plenty  of 
these  [goods  offered]  by  trade  in  Barima  and  other  places,  which  partly  squares 
with  the  truth,  on  account  of  the  trade  which  the  French  from  the  islands 
carry  on  there.  V .  C,  II,  44. 

The  wares  already  begin  to  depreciate  in  price  and  value,  through  the  mul- 
titude of  foreign  traders,  a  medium  axe  being  worth  only  7  shillings,  the  rest 
accordingly.  U.  S.  Com.,  II,  137. 

1684.  British  Counter  Case. 

There  is  no  evidence  whatever  that  the  Spanish  were  at  this  time  trading  in 
the  interior  of  Guiana  at  all.  .  .  .  Save  for  this  interruption  (of  the  French 
...  in  16S4)  the  Dutch  at  this  time  enjoyed  the  whole  trade  of  the 
Cuyuni,  Massaruni,  and  Essequibo.  B.  C.-C,  61. 

1684.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

In  order  somewhat  to  check  this  [trade  by  French  and  Surinam  Dutch],  I 
have  caused  a  small  station  to  be  made  in  Barima,  and  Abraham  Baudaart,  whois 
there  [in  Pomeroon]  as  Postholder  in  place  of  Daniel  Galle,  who  is  going  home, 
shall  occasionally  visit  those  places  and  encourage  the  Caribs  to  trade  in  annatto 
and  letter-wood  which  the  French  even  from  the  islands  in  the  river  frequently 
come  with  their  vessels  to  fetch.  B.  C,  1, 186. 


58  DUTCH  TRADE. 

PARTICIPATED    IN-BY    FRENCH    AND   OTHERS-(Continued). 

1684.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

[Another  translation.] 

In  order  somewhat  to  check  this,  I  have  caused  a  small  shelter  to  be  made  in 
Barima,  and  Abraham  Baudardt,  who  is  stationed  there  [in  Pomeroon]  as  outlier  in 
place  of  Daniel  Galle,  who  is  going  home,  shall  occasionally  visit  that  place,  and 
encourage  the  Caribs  to  the  trade  in  annatto  and  letter-wood,  which  even  the 
French  from  the  islands  frequently  come  and  carry  off  with  their  vessels. 

U.  S.  Com.,  II,  jjg-160. 

This  trade  [to  Orinoco]  is  falling  off,  by  reason  of  the  various  foreign 
traders  and  our  neighbors,  who  cause  the  price  of  merchandise  to  fall. 

Same,  p.  161. 

1685.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  French  in  the  Barima  come  and  fetch  them  even  as  far  as  up  in  the 
Cuyuni,  and  have  burned  there  the  houses  of  the  Pariacots,  and  have  driven  them 
away.  ^-  C-  >  -^'  "'^'^'^• 

[Another  translation] 

The  French  in  the  Barima  likewise  come  even  to  the  upper  Cuyuni  to  get 

them    [hammocks]   and  have  there   burnt  the    houses  in  the  Pariacotten    [and] 
driven  them  away.  ^-  C.,11,52. 

1686.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Daentje,  the  Company's  old  negro,  [has  just  come]  .  .  .  from  the  savannah 
of  the  Pariakotts  up  in  the  Cuyuni  River.  He  has  been  away  for  fully  seven 
months,  and  was  detained  quite  three  months  by  the  dryness  of  the  river.  .  .  . 
The  French  are  making  expeditions  through  tlie  country  up  there  [in  Cuyuni] 
in  order  to  buy  up  everything.  B.  C,  I,  201. 

1717.     Petition  of  Free  settlers  in  Essequibo. 

The   French   and   English  barques  are  not  behind-hand  [in  the   Orinoco 

trade].  Same,  p.  247. 

We  cannot  .  .  .  comprehend  what  is  the  object  of  Y.  H.  in  prohibiting 
the  business  [slave  trade]  to  us  seeing  that  you  cannot  hinder  .  .  .  French, 
English  and  other  foreign  nations.  Sajne,  p.  24S. 

1750.     Anonymous. 

This  trade  is  equally  sought  for  and  carried  on  from  time  to  time,  by  the 
French  of  the  Island  of  Granada,  .  .  .  They  also  send  their  schooners  or 
launches  with  brandy,  fine  linens,  velvets  and  hats  ;  returning  with  money,  bal- 
sam of  copaiba,  and  Carib  hammocks  ;  but  they  do  not  trade  regularly,  as  the 
distance  is  costly,  and  when  a  vessel  goes,  it  takes  ten  or  twelve  hundred  pesos 
worth.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  195-196. 

CHARACTER  AS  TO  LEGAL  RIGHTS-BY  PERMISSION  OF  SPAIN. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Even  while  it  [Cuyuni  horse  trade]  lasted  it  was  carried  on  in  what  was  con- 
fessedly Spanish  territory.  V.  C,  96. 

During  a  part  of  the  18th  century  the  Dutch,  with  tlie  permission  of  Spain, 
and  together  with  other  nations,  traded  to  the  main  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  river, 
and  to  other  parts  of  the  Orinoco  delta.  Same,  pp.  22^-224. 


DUTCH  TRADE.  59 

CHARACTER   AS  TO    LEGAL   RIGHTS-BY    PERMISSION    OF  SPAIN- 

(Continued). 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Spain  controlled  the  trade  of  the  Orinoco  from  Santo  Thome  upwards,  but, 
except  in  this  respect,  it  is  untrue  that  the  Dutch  trade  to  the  Orinoco  River 
and  to  other  parts  of  the  Orinoco  delta  was  by  permission  of  Spain. 

B.  C.-C,  133. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

In  the  interior  Cuyuni-Mazaruni  basin,  the  Spaniards  for  a  time  permitted 
both  the  French  and  the  Dutch  to  trade.  V.  C,  loi. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  .  .  .  certain  that  until  Santo  Thome  was  reached  no  Spanish  per- 
mit was  required.  B.  C.-C,  63. 

1665.     Clemente  Gunter. 

He  entered  the  Orinoco  River  .  .  .  with  a  permit  from  Theodoro  Saes, 
Governor  of     .     .     .     Booruma. 

He  had  come  to  this  city     ...     to  collect  some  few  debts  for  clothing  sold 
on  credit  to  two  of  the  inhabitants      ...      [he    said]    Governor      .      . 
Viedma  had  granted  him  a  permit  to  come  up  to  this  city     ...    to  inform 
said  Governor  as  to  who  were  the  debtors.  V.  C.-C,  III,  11-12. 

1702.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  can  no  longer  delay  in  making  Y.  H.  acquainted  with  the  great  mortality  of 
horses  in  this  Colony,  there  being  already  almost  100  head  dead  through  mange 
and  other  forms  of  sickness.  That  truly  is  a  great  loss  to  the  Colony,  the  more 
so  since  the  Spaniards  will  no  longer  permit  any  trafficking  for  horses  on 
their  territory.  V.  C,  II,  6S-6g. 

171 1.     British  Counter  Case. 

In  171 1  a  new  Governor  at  Trinidad  seems  to  have  stopped  the  trade  to 
Orinoco,  but  in  17 12  the  traffic  was  renewed.  B.  C.-C,  67. 

1726.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

On  the  14th  March,  [1726],  Jan  Batiste  and  Hendrik  van  der  Win  were 
sent  to  Orinoco  for  the  aforesaid  purpose  [buying  balsam],  and  also  to  buy  red 
slaves,  and  were  given  a  letter  to  the  (governor  of  that  river.      B.  C,  11,3. 

1734.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  .  .  .  to  be  feared  that  ...  we  shall  suffer  great  need  of  horses, 
to  obviate  which  I  have  by  all  available  means  tried  to  make  arrangements  with 
the  Governor  of  Orinoco,  and  to  put  the  trade,  both  in  horses  and  other  things, 
upon  a  tirm  footing.  ...  He  has  politely  excused  himself,  and  this  trade 
will  he  possible  only  by  the  governor's  connivance  and  during  his  pleasure. 

V.  C,  II,  S3. 
1750.     Anonymous. 

The  Spaniards  from  Barinas  and  other  smugglers  come  down  to  the  Dutch 
colonies  with  cargoes  of  tobacco  from  Barinas  and  money,  and  return  with  the 
goods  aforesaid  ;  and  an  occasional  one  ventures  to  take  a  cargo  from  the  Islands 
of  Granada  or  Martinique,  carrying  only  the  aforesaid  goods  in  demand  by  the 
French.  B.  C-C,  App.,  196. 


60  DUTCH  TRADE. 

CHARACTER   AS  TO    LEGAL    RIGHTS-BY    PERMISSION    OF    SPAIN- 

(Ccntinued). 

1750.     Anonymous. 

The  same  smugglers  are  wont  to  travel  by  land  with  a  hundred,  two  hundred 
or  more  mules  for  Essequibo,  bringing  them  from  the  plains  and  driving  them 
behind  the  town  of  Guayana,  at  six  or  seven  days'  distance ;  but  they  do  not  fre- 
quently use  this  route  as  it  is  long  and  troublesome,  and  on  account  of  the  rivers 
and  ravines  in  which  they  lose  numbers  of  cattle. 

It  must  necessarily  follow  that  what  li.as  been  conquered  in  the  Orinoco  will 
be  lost  if  the  Governor  of  Cumana  carries  out  rigorously  the  exclusion  of  what 
the  people  of  the  river  require,  ...  or  the  i)reveution  of  their  trade 
with  the  Dutch.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  ig6. 

1763.  Don  Jose  Diguja. 

There  are  no  foreigners  navigating  the  Orinoco,  that  is,  above  Guayana,  for 
at  its  mouth  and  up  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  said  fortress  they  do  so  freely,  but 
without  being  able  to  land  in  the  said  provinces,  nor  do  any  more  trade  than 
the  fortress  allows,  and  within  the  terms  explained  in  my  .  .  .  Notes,  and 
without  the  toleration  therein  stated,  which  is  absolutely  necessary,  they  can 
d<>  notliina:.  B.  C,  ///,jj. 

1764.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  new  (TOvernor  of  Orinoco  has  sent  a  trustworthy  man  here,  bringing  an 
assurance  from  his  part  that  it  is  his  intention  to  allow  trade  to  be  carried  on 
with  this  river  (but  with  absolutely  no  other).  Same,  p.  104. 

I  think  that  trade  with  Orinocque  will  now  be  fairly  easy,  because  our  boats 
not  only  go  to  and  fro  unciiecked  but  only  last  week  two  Spaniards  came  to  me 
with  formal  passports  from  the  Governor  to  come  here.  Essequibo  was  not  ex- 
pressly mentioned  in  them,  but  the  neighbouring  colonies  of  friends  and  allies, 
which  is  equivalent.  Same,  p.  106. 

1767.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Spanish  deserters  have  arrived  in  Essequibo,  .  .  .  They  give  the  harsh 
treatment  of  the  new  Governor  as  a  reason  for  deserting.  ...  I  do  not  trust 
the  whole  business,  especially  since  commerce  with  Orinoco  is  entirely 
stopped,  and  even  the  fishery  is  absolutely  at  a  standstill,  which  has  never  hap- 
pened before,  and  which  is  exceedingly  embarrassing  ...  to  the  whole 
Colony.  Same,  p.  14J. 

177  \.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

If  .  .  .  the  war  between  England  and  Spain  has  .  .  .  commenced, 
.  .  •  the  .  .  .  Spaniards  .  .  .  will  require  us,  and  we  shall  then  g'et 
permission  to  fetch  these  animals  [mules]  from  Orinocque.  B.  C.,/V,gj. 

CHARACTER    AS   TO    LEGAL    RIGHTS -SURREPTITIOUS,    CLANDES- 
TINE AND  ILLICIT. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  [Dutch]  trade  then  begun  continued  with  more  or  less  regularity  during 
the  early  years  of  the  17th  century,  during  which  time  Dutch  vessels  sailed  along 
the  Guiana  coast,  and  ascended  some  of  its  rivers.  They  were  at  times  driven 
off  by  the  Spaniards,  but  at  other  times  they  were  successful  in  capturing 
Spanish  booty,  or  in  quietly  tradinsr  with  the  natives  at  places  from  which 
the  Spaniards  were  at  tlie  moment  absent.  V.  C,  66-67. 


DUTCH  TRADE.  61 

CHARACTER    AS    TO    LEGAL    RIGHTS-SURREPTITIOUS,    CLANDES- 
TINE   AND    ILLICIT-(Continued). 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Trade  with  the  Spanish  colonists  of  the  Orinoco,  though  forbidden  by  the 
laws  of  Spain,  began  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  17th  century  to  be  encouraged 
by  the  Dutch  authorities.  V.  C,  iii. 

.     British  Case. 

It  is,  of  course,  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  carried  on  an  extensive  contraband 
trade  with  the  Spanish  possessions  by  the  connivance  of  the  authorities,  but 
the  existence  in  any  region  of  trade  carried  on  by  the  Dutch  systematically  and 
not  on  sufferance  excludes  the  idea  of  Spanish  political  control,  while  it  natur- 
ally, and  in  fact,  led  to  political  control  by  the  Dutch.  B.  C,  So. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Balsam  and  red  slaves  were  obtained  from  the  country  above  Santo  Thome, 
and  trade  therein,  therefore,  could  not  be  well  carried  on  without  the  consent  or 
connivance  of  the  Spaniards.  B.  C.-C,  64. 

The  trade  in  balsam     .     .     .     was,  in  any  case,  contraband,  and     .     .     . 

involved  going  high  up  the  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  6g. 

1609.     Ambassadors  at  Antwerp. 

They  [Spaniards]  replied  that  your  subjects  [Dutch]  have  never  traded  in 
tlie  places  and  ports  whicli  they  [Spaniards]  have  in  the  Indies,  and  that  in 
negotiating  the  Peace  you  [Dutch]  had  neither  claimed  to  have  done  so. 

B.  C.-C,  A  pp.,  320. 

1755.     Don  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

The  communications  between  Guiana  and  the  Dutch  Colony  of  Essequibo 
[by]  the  navigable  rivers  and  streams,  used  for  contraband  commerce  are  most 
numerous.  B.  C,  II,  11  j. 

1757.  Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

On  these  occasions  Aruacas,  Caribs  and  Dutchmen  come  disg-nised,  so  as 
not  to  be  detected.  These  last  named  are  accustomed  to  go  ashore  at  the  River 
Caura  and  elsewhere,  and  whilst  the  others  are  engaged  in  fishing  for  turtle  they 
occupy  themselves  in  buying  from  the  Caribs  Indian  slaves.  Same,  p.  Jjy. 

1758.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  six  mules  which  .  .  .  were  left  behind  in  Orinoco  have  been  brought 
here  .  .  .  but  the  Commandant  there  instead  of  6  sent  8  head,  .  .  . 
giving  for  reason  that  no  more  can  be  got  for  a  long  while,  because  one  of  H. 
M.'s  ships  is  daily  expected  from  Spain,  which  will  stay  at  anchor  in  the  mouth  of 
the  Orinoco.  Thus  the  trade  is  stopped  and  even  the  salters  will  have  to 
keep  away  from  there  until  tilings  take  a  different  look.  V.  C,  II,  i2j. 

1760.     Confidential  Report  [to  King  of  Spain]. 

Alvarado  .  .  .  shows  that  besides  the  River  Imataca  there  are  other 
rivers  and  other  ways  open  by  which  various  Dutchmen  have  gone  in  and  out 
and  traversed  the  province  [of  Guiana]  laden  with  merchandise  in  the  years 
1742,  1747,  1749,  1750,  and  1753,  from  which  it  is  inferred  that  the  same  maybe 
done  in  the  following  years.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  20J. 


62 


DUTCH  TRADE. 


CHARACTER    AS    TO    LEGAL    RIGHTS-SURREPTITIOUS,   CLANDES- 
TINE   AND    ILLICIT-(Continued). 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  repairs  and  steps  taken  duly  by  the  Governors,  for  the  security  of  the 
fortress,  st«»p  tlie  foreig:uers  from  continuing-  their  illicit  traflic,  their  landing 
and  their  incursions  through  the  provinces  through  which  the  Orinoco  runs,  as 
they  did  until  the  year  1734  and  even  that  of  1746.  B.  C,  III,  46. 


By  this  increase     ...     of  the  garrison     .     .     . 
small  illicit  commerce  will  be  very  easily  stopped. 


the    foreigners     ,     .     . 
Same,  pp.  ^g-jO. 


Illicit  entry  ...  is  a  general  practice,  ...  in  the  Province  of 
Gnayana  by  the  vessels  which  enter  through  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco,  the  chief 
parties  interested  being  the  Dutch  of  Essequibo  and  the  other  Colonies  of  the 
coast.  This  kind  of  trade  is  most  difficult  to  avoid,  and  it  is  even  necessary  to 
tolerate  it  somewhat,  for,  unless  that  be  done,  ...  the  Spanish  villages 
would  become    .     .     .     devoid  of  clothing. 

Neither  the  King  nor  the  country  are  affected  by  the  loss  of  the  surplus  hides 
and  tallow  ;  or  of  those  of  bad  quality  which  the  said  Dutch  purchase  for  more 
or  less,  as  the  case  may  be.  For  the  aforesaid  reasons  ...  it  has  been  the 
practice  of  this  Government  to  tolerate  the  fact  of  the  poor  people  obtaining  the 
clothing  they  need,  and  which  they  have  no  other  means  of  getting  in  this 
country.  Same, p.  76. 

[Marginal  note  on  his  report  as  follows]  Letter  from  Don  Phelipe  Ricardos, 
in  which  he  declares  that  the  illicit  commerce  of  foreigners  in  the  Orinoco 
threatens  irreparable  ruin,  and  that  they  will  penetrate  to  the  provinces  washed 
by  that  river.  Same,  p.  ^4. 

1768.    Judicial  Proceedings. 

Auto  ordering  the  sale  of  the  effects,  seized  in  the  Creek  of  Barima  from 
the  foreigners  who  had  established  themselves  clandestinely  in  the  said  creek, 
for  trade  and  exportation  of  woods  and  other  products.  Same,  p.  i6j. 

First  notice  [0/  sale].  I  ordered  .  .  .  the  first  announcement  should  be 
given  of  the  goods  and  utensils  .  .  .  that  were  seized  .  .  .  from  the  for- 
eigners clandestinely  settled  for  commerce  and  traffic  in  the  creek  called  the 
Creek  of  Barima,  jurisdiction  of  this  province.  Same,  p.  16S. 

[Act  of]  sale  of  the  implements  and  other  utensils  and  articles  .  .  . 
which  were  seized  from  the  foreigners  who  were  clandestinely  settled  in  the 
Creek  of  Barima,  jurisdiction  of  this  province,  for  the  purpose  of  exporting 
woods  and  other  products.  Same,  p.  i6g. 

Whereas  the  Dutch  have  unwarrantably  sought  to  take  possession  of  the  ter- 
ritory of  Barima,  jurisdiction  of  this  province,  where  they  had  established  farms 
and  houses  to  carry  on  the  exportation  of  woods  and  other  products  in  a  clan- 
destine manner,  for  which  purpose,  .  .  .  they  had  .  .  .  gathered 
.  .  .  runaway  slaves,  ...  to  act  as  pilots,  and  point  out  the  lawless 
Spanish  subjects  who  only  occupy  themselves  in  carrying  on  clandestine  expor- 
tation along  the  creeks  and  landing-])laces  which  are  out  of  the  way  and  un- 
known :     .     .     .     seeing  that     .     .     .     it  is  forbidden     ...     to  suffer  or  per- 


DUTCH  TRADE.  63 

CHARACTER    AS    TO    LEGAL    RIGHTS-SURREPTITIOUS,   CLANDES- 
TINE   AND    ILLICIT-(Continued). 

mit  foreigners  to  exercise  the  freedom  of  establishing  themselves  in  these 
dominions  by  establishing  new  colonies,  .  .  .  we  .  .  .  declare  that  the 
said  Dutch  .  .  .  must  forfeit  the  implements  and  other  things  which  they 
were  found  to  possess,     .     .     .     and  that  they  be  devoted  to  the  Royal  Treasury. 

B.  C,  III,  173-174- 

1769.     Ex-Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  most  Reverend  Father  is  persuaded  that  at  the  present  time,  under  pretext 
of  Ashing-,  they  [Dutch]  wish  to  establish  themselves  freely  with  their  boats  in 
the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco,  to  re-establish  and  facilitate  the  clandestine  ship- 
ment of  ninles  from  Guarapiche  and  Guaruapo,  and  tobacco  from  Barinas,  hides 
and  other  products  of  the  Spanish  Provinces,  with  which  they  used  to  benefit 
their  Colony  considerably  when  the  Orinoco  with  its  creeks  was  not  so  well 
guarded  as  now ;  which  new  measure  and  want  of  commerce,  is  the  real  cause 
of  the  decay  of  Essequibo  and  of  the  resentment  of  Mr.  Olravesande,  the  chief 
trader  and  always  the  most  interested  in  the  illicit  commerce  of  the  Colony. 

B.  C.,IV,49. 

1776.     Charles  Teuffer. 

I  .  .  .  asked  him,  [Commandant  of  Guiana]  whether  there  was  not  a 
way  of  establishing  some  trade  between  the  two  Colonies.  He  told  me  that  this 
was  .  .  .  strongly  prohibited,  .  .  .  and  that  he  could  not  give  permission 
thereto.  After  a  long  conversation  he  said  to  me  that  it  had  stood  with  us  alone 
to  keep  up  a  better  understanding,  and  that,  although  he  had  been  unable 
openly  to  give  permission  as  regarded  commerce,  matters  might  have  been 
arranged  to  the  satisfaction  of  both  sides.  Same,  p.  i/j. 

1 791.     Captain-General  of  Caracas. 

It  could  be  learned  if  the  Dutch  of  Essequibo  and  Demerari  sustain  suspi- 
cious intercourse  with  the  Indians  of  the  margins  of  the  Orinoco,  and  whether 
they  supply  them  with  arms  and  ammunition.  V.  C.-C,  III,  1^2. 

CHARACTER    AS   TO    LEGAL    RIGHTS-NEVER   UNDER    A   CLAIM  OF 

RIGHT. 

.     British  Case. 

From  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  Dutch  constantly  and  of  rig-ht, 

traded  to  the  coast  of  Guiana  between  the  Orinoco  and  the  Amazon.     B.  C,  78. 

From  the  early  part  of  the  17th  century  the  Dutch,  and  since  their  acquisition 
of  the  Colony  the  British,  controlled  the  trade  of  the  whole  district  now  in 
dispute.  -^-awt',  p.  iig. 

Trade  was  carried  on  by  the  Dutch  systematically  and  as  of  right  along  the 
courses  of  all  these  rivers.  Satne,  p.  162, 

1757.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Complaints  having  been  repeatedly  made  by  the  Commandant  of  Orinoco, 
concerning  the  evil  conduct  in  Barima  of  the  traders,  or  wanderers,  as  well 
from  Surinam  as  from  here,  I  have  written  circumstantially  to  the  ad  interim 
Governor  there,  Mr.  I.  Nepven,  whose  reply  is  awaited   daily. 

B.  C,  II,  131-132. 


64  DUTCH  TRADE. 

CHARACTER   AS  TO    LEGAL    RIGHTS-NEVER    UNDER    A   CLAIM    OF 

RIGHT-(Continued). 

1769.     Secretary  of  State  for  the  Indies. 

It  is  necessary  for  rne  to  ask  information  ...  in  order  that  His  Majesty 
may  be  informed  of  the  extension  of  those  boundaries  and  about  the  rigfht 
claimed  \)j  the  [Dutcli]  Republic  to  the  fishery  at  the  entrance  to  the  River 
Orinoco— a  tiling:  as  new  to  me  as  that  the  Carib  tribe  of  Indians  is  conceived 
of  as  the  ally  of  the  Dutch.  V.  C,  III,  3S1. 

1772.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

A  new  Governor  has  arrived  in  Orinoco.  ...  I  hope  that  he  will  not  be 
such  a  Turk  as  his  predecessor.  With  the  latter  there  was  not  the  least  chance 
of  getting  anything  out  of  the  Orinoco,  and  he  even  forbade  the  usual  salting  in 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  set  a  strong  watch  to  prevent  it.  If  the  present  one 
shows  a  little  more  tractability,  as  the  former  ones  did,  I  will  soon  take  advantage 
of  it ;  there  must  now  be  abundance  of  cattle  there.  B.  C,  IV,  loj. 

1897.     George  L.  Burr. 

Van  Meteren  points  out:  The  United  Netherlands  .  .  .  endeavored  .  .  . 
gradually  to  open  a  commerce  with  the  West  Indies,  without  seeking  to  make 
any  conquests  there,  but  rather  to  win  the  friendship  of  the  Indians  and  to  pro- 
tect them  against  the  Spaniards,  .  .  .  and  thus  to  come  into  traffic  with 
them.  V.  C.-C,  II,  48- 

NATURE  OF TRADE-FOR    HORSES. 

1693.     Venezuelan  Case. 

In  or  about  1693  the  Dutch  began  the  trade  in  horses  up  in  Cuyuni— a 
trade  which  could  only  have  been  carried  on  with  the  Spaniards  ;  and  this  trade 
was  continued  through  the  remaining  years  of  the  17th  century.  V.  C,  gi. 

By  1693  .  .  .  the  Essequibo  Dutch  were  travelling  six  weeks  up  from 
Kykoveral  to  the  savannas  of  the  Cuyuni  to  buy  horses. 

This  trade  in  horses  in  the  Cuyuni  continued  without  restriction  until  1702. 
In  that  year  the  Spaniards  prohibited  it ;  and  though  it  was  attempted  to  be  kept 
up  by  the  Dutch,  they  were  compelled  to  abandon  it  altogether  by  1707. 

Same,  p.  104. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  horses  appear  to  have  been  brought  by  the  Dutch  from  the  Indian 
tribes  on  the  Upper  Orinoco,  and  possibly  from  some  Spaniards  in  the  same 
region.  B.  C.-C,  02. 

The  prohibition  of  the  trade  in  horses  was  against  their  being  brought 
from  the  Upper  Orinoco  to  the  Cuyuni,  and  did  not  rest  on  any  control  of  the 
latter  river.  Same,  p.  69. 

1699.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

August  17,  1 1699I  This  morning  a  goodly  parcel  of  trading  wares  was  given 
to  the  old  negro  traders,  so  that  they  may  set  out  for  the  Upper  Cuyuni  to-mor- 
row to  procure  some  horses  by  barter. 

August  18,  This  morning  the  negro  traders  set  out  for  the  Upper  Cuyuni,  in 
order  to  procure  some  horses,  &c.,  by  barter.  B,  C.-C,  App.,  52. 


DUTCH  TRADE.  66 

NATURE    OF  TRADE-FOR    HORSES-(Continued). 

1699.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

October  17,  [1699].  Two  Caribs  also  arrived  from  the  Upper  Cuyuni,  bring- 
ing tidings  that  the  old  negro  traders  who  had  set  out  from  the  Fort  on  the  17th 
August  for  the  purpose  of  piircliasing  horses,  had  not  set  out  from  the  dye 
store  until  the  20th  September,  on  account  of  a  lack  of  Indians,  and  having  to 
wait  for  the  bread  baking.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  60. 

1700.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

January  23,  [1700].  About  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  there  appeared  here 
some  of  the  Company's  horse-kopers  with  the  brother  of  the  free  planter  Pieter 
Tollenaar,  also  licensed,  and  having  been  out  for  that  business,  reporting  that 
they  had  obtained  for  the  Honourable  Company  ten  animals.  Same,  p.  S2. 

February  15,  [1700],  Pieter  ToUenaer,  the  free  planter,  arrived  here  from 
Cuyuni,  where  he  had  been  looking  out  for  the  horse-kopers,  but  after  staying 
there  two  or  three  times  twenty-four  hours,  and  not  seeing  any  signs  of  them,  he 
had  come  back.  Savie,  p.  86. 

February  17,  [1700J.  About  7  o'clock  this  morning  the  horse-kopers  arrived 
here  with  four  horses  for  the  ,  .  .  Company,  .  .  .  also  with  four  for 
the  plantation  "  Hoog  en  Droogh." 

February  21,  [1700J.  In  the  forenoon  there  arrived  the  Company's  horse- 
kopers,  whose  paddlers,  having  been  paid  their  wages,  again  set  out  up  the 
river  in  order  to  fetch  the  remaining  horses  down.  Same,  p.  Sj. 

March  14,  [1700]  There  arrived  here  from  the  Upper  Cuyuni  the  Company's 
old  negro  traders  Anthonij  and  Ceesje,  bringing  wiih  them  three  horses,  and 
reporting  that  one  had  died  on  the  way.  Same,  p.  go. 

September  12,  [1700]  .  .  .  Some  old  negro  horse-dealers,  as  well  as 
some  white  ones,  also  arrived  to  speak  to  the  Commandeur  concerning  the  jour- 
neys they  were  about  to  commence  ;     .     .     . 

September  13,  The  above-mentioned  old  negro  traders  came  here  again, 
and  trading  wares  for  the  purchase  of  the  above-mentioned  merchandize  were 
given  and  dealt  out  to  them. 

September  14,  The  aforesaid  horse-dealeis  came  here,  and  after  having  been 
recommended  by  the  Commandeur  to  take  good  care  of  everything,  they  took  their 
leave  and  set  out  on  their  journey.  Same,  p.  114. 

1 701.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  horses  from  above  are  not  being  any  longer  brought  down  as  for- 
merly, and  this  might  get  still  worse  in  case  of  war.  V.  C,  II,  68. 

1706,     British  Counter  Case. 

Horses  appear  to  have  been  obtained  np-country  in  Cuyuni  in  1706,  al- 
though the  trade  seems  to  have  subsequently  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Eng- 
lish, who  supplied  better  animals.  B.  C.-C,  66. 

1706.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Councillors  and  Master  Planters  of  this  Colony  of  Essequibo, 

Are  hereby  informed  by  the  order  of  the  Governor  that  if  any  of  you  are 

inclined  to  have  some  horses  fetched  from  the  Upper  Cuyuni,  you  should  get 

your  men  and  trading  wares,  etc.,  ready  and   come  next  Friday  the  loth  of  this 

month  to  speak  to  his  Honour  the  Governor  thereupon.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  /jp. 


66  DrJTCH    TRADE. 

NATURE   OF  TRADE-FOR    HORSES-(Continued). 

1707.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

In  October,  1707,  the  commandeur  complained  that  they  [horses]  could  no 
longer  be  got  thus  from  above  so  conveniently  and  in  such  quantity  as  need  re- 
quired. It  is  the  last  mention  I  have  found  of  the  imixu'tation  of  horses  by 
this  route.  V.  C.-C,  II,  /jj. 

1723.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  likewise  intend  to  send  in  the  coming  May,  1723,  two  buoy-canoes  to  Ori- 
noco, to  get  from  there  liorses  for  the  Company.  V.  C,  II,  jg. 

1 73 1.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  have  little  fear  that  the  English  would  bring  no  horses,  if  you  did  not  also 
buy  from  them  what  they  had  intended  to  sell  in  the  river ;  moreover,  you  are  well 
aware  that  it  is  far  more  advisable  for  the  Company  to  foster  the  trade  to  Ori- 
noco with  the  Spaniards  than  to  favor  this  dealing:  with  the  Eug'lish. 

Same,  p.  Sj. 
1 74 1.     Court  of  Policy. 

The  scarcity  and  lack  of  horses  being  taken  into  consideration,  it  was  resolved 
that  the  respective  plantations  should  send  to  Aguirre  in  order  to  barter  for 
horses,  and  that  the  trading  wares  therefore  be  advanced  out  of  the  Company's 
stores.  B.  C,  II,  jj. 

NATURE   OF  TRADE-FOR    VARIOUS    INDIAN    PRODUCTS. 

. .     Venezuelan  Case. 

Dutch  trade  into  the  interior.     .     .  .     Between    1680  and  1693,  this  trade 

seems  to  have  been  with  the  Indians  and  confined  principally  to  hammocks, 

balsam  and  other  Indian  products.  V.  C,  go. 

.     British  Case. 

[Before  1648J  the  Dutch  carried  on  a  large  trade  in  anuatto  dye,  .  .  . 
obtained  from  the  Indians,  with  whom  the  Dutch  [were]  ...  in  alliance 
and  friendship  during  this  period.  B.  C,  ij. 

1683.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  am  sorry  about  the  low  price  of  the  annatto  dye  and  sugar  ;  I  shall  .  .  . 
attempt  to  buy  the  dye  from  the  natives  at  the  lowest  price  possible  witliont 
risk,  and  to  impress  them,  .  .  .  with  the  danger  of  ruin  to  that  trade. 
.  .  .  if  one  did  not  proceed  with  caution  .  .  .  they  .  .  .  would  plant 
no  dye-trees  hereafter.     This  would  be  the  death  blow  to  that  trade. 

V.  C,  II,  43-44. 

1700.  Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

February  6,  [1700]  .  .  .  About  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  there  appeared 
here  the  negro  trader  Lieven,  who  had  been  sent  out  to  Penony,  bringing,  in  re- 
turn for  the  trading  wares  taken  with  him,  three  parcels  of  provisions,  twenty- 
seven  baskets  of  bread,  twenty-seven  quakes  of  annatto  dye,  and  no  more. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  S3. 

1 701.  Ofificia]  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

January  8,  [1701J.  There  appeared  here  the  Company's  negro  serv'ant 
Samuel  Stoffelsen,  to  whom  some  trading  wares  were  dealt  out  with  which  to 
go   up   in   Cuyuni  and  collect  some   cattle   and  rare   birds. 

Same,  p.  IJ3. 


DUTCH  TRADE.  67 

NATURE    OF  TRADE-FOR  VARIOUS  INDIAN    PRODUCTS-(Continued). 

17 lo.     British  Counter  Case. 

In  1 710    .     .     .    trade  for  balsam  was  continued  with  Orinoco. 

B.  C.-C,  67. 

1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

With  which  [slave  trade]  are  united  other  branches  of  commerce  they  have 
held  with  tlie  Caribs  iu  balms  those  countries  produce,  such  as  maraiia  or 
copaiba,  carapa,  auatto,  cotton,  hammocks,  birds,  wild  animals,  and  a  small 
number  of  horses.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  1S2. 

1750.     Anonymous. 

The  trade  they  conduct  with  the  aforesaid  Indians  and  Spaniards  is,  iu 
substance,  that  the  Dutch  couTey  for  the  consumption  of  the  people  of  the 
river,  white  and  blue  cloths,  Rouen  linen,  coarse  britannias,  white  holland, 
striped  stuffs  for  gowns,  other  common  cotton  goods  and  some  hats  ;  a  large 
quantity  of  brandy,  some  white  wine  and  implements,  axes,  picks,  hatchets  and 
cutlasses.  And  for  the  smugglers  of  the  interior  they  convey  spices,  especially 
cinnamon  and  cloves  in  cases  ;  fine  new  hats  of  good  quality  and  first  class  white 
ones  ;  velvets,  silks,  some  lace,  pieces  of  britannias  and  hollands,  medium  and  fine  ; 
wa.x,  flour,  and  wine.  What  the  Dutch  take  back  is  money  (usually  in  gold), 
tobacco  from  Barinas,  mules,  a  few  heifers ;  and  a  small  amount  in  hides,  bal- 
sam of  copaiba,  hammocks,  and  other  similar  goods.  Same,  p.  ipj. 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  products  mainly  sought  by  this  trade  were  such  as  could  be  furnished 
by  the  Indians,  .  .  .  alone  :  the  dyes  and  oils  and  precious  woods  of 
the  forests — annatto     .     ,     .     letter-wood,  carap  oil,  balsam  copaiba. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  82. 

HOW  CARRIED  ON. 

1724.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

News  was  frequently  sent  me  that  many  foreigners,  the  Dutch  from  Surinam, 
came  to  these  places  trading,  in  vessels,  and  penetrated  more  than  100 
leagues  up  the  Orinoco,  and  more  than  30  above  Angostura,  the  Fathers 
lamenting  the  trade  carried  on  with  the  Caribs,  the  sale  of  tools,  stuffs,  wine, 
spirits,  guns,  and  other  arms,  which  they  exchanged  for  a  large  number  of  Indian 
slaves.  V.C.,II,2So. 

1750.     Anonymous. 

The  vessels  engaged  in  this  ti'ade  (except  in  that  of  mules)  are  in  general 
medium-sized  schooners  of  small  draught,  armed  with  swivel  guns,  blunder- 
busses, muskets  and  pistols,  carrying  from  twelve  to  sixteen  men  besides  the 
Aruac  Indians  who  act  as  rowers.  Barges  and  launches  also  go  up  with  car- 
goes worth  from  five  to  seven  or  eight  hundred  pesos  ;  but  of  their  trade  no  accu- 
rate estimate  can  be  formed,  as  it  is  greater  in  some  years  than  others,  but  I  think 
it  amounts  to  ten  or  twelve  of  them  going  up  yearly  from  Essequibo,  and  two  or 
three  from  the  other  colonies. 

For  shipping  mules  bilanders  are  used  (since  schooners  and  barges  are 
only  able  and  accustomed,  to  take  six,  eight,  or  ten  at  most). 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  ipj. 


68  DUTCH   TRADE. 

HOW  CARRIED    ON-(Continued). 

1766.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

These  Postliolders  (at  Arinda)  receiving  little  salary,  their  only  profit  consists 
in  buying  and  exchanging  Indian  slaves,  hammocks,  cotton,  &c.,  which,  on 
coming  down     .     .     .     they  sell  to  the  planters.  B.  C,  IV,  140. 

.     [1896]  James  Rodway. 

Posts  were  established  in  the  Essequebo  from  the  time  of  its  first  occupation  ; 
in  fact,  the  early  settlements  were  nothing  more  or  less  than  posts.  As  such  they 
were  centres  where  bartering:  witli  the  Indians  of  a  ivide  area  on  every  side 
was  carried  on.  .  .  .  The  first  Postholders  were  traders  and  very  little  more. 
...  To  reach  new  markets  these  posts  were  at  great  distances  from  the  centre 
of  the  colony.  V.  C,  III,  337. 

•     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  means  employed  to  this  end  [trade]  by  the  colonial  authorities  were  of 
two  sorts,  which  must  be  clearly  distinguished.  .  .  .  First,  the  agents, 
whom  they  called  outrunners.  These  .  .  .  scoured,  by  canoe  or  on  foot, 
the  whole  country,  stirring  up  the  Indians  to  bring  in  tlieir  wares  and 
barter  them  at  the  fort  or  themselves  carrj  ing  into  the  wilderness  the  trinkets 
for  exchange,  and  bringing  back  the  Indian  produce.  ...  In  addition  to 
.     .     .     outrunners     .     .     .     they  came  also  to  have  their  outliers. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  82. 

It  was  somewhat  more  than  half  a  century  after  the  beginning  of  the  colony 
when  a  beginning  was  made  of  this  new  method.  .  .  .  It  is  clear  that  these 
posts  were  few,  definite,  constant.  .  .  .  five  were  all.  The  location  of  these 
posts  did  not,  indeed,  always  remain  the  same.  .  .  .  Yet  each  quarter  had 
but  its  single  post ;  however,  for  strategic  or  other  reasons  its  site  might  vary,  its 
relation  to  the  colony  remained  the  same.  Same,  pp.  S3-84. 

SPANISH    TRADE    TO    ESSEQUIBO. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Before  the  middle  of  the  eighteeth  century  the  Spaniards  themselves  were 
beginning  to  take  this  [Orinoco]  trade  into  their  liands.  By  this  time,  too, 
and  perhaps  long  before,  these  Spanish  traders  were  making  their  way  into  the 
Dutch  colony  via  the  Cuyuni. 

The  Orinoco  authorities  found  it  easy  to  favor  their  own  people  in  this  com- 
petition by  merely  enforcing  against  the  Dutch  traders  the  Spanish  laws  and  thus 
making  the  Orinoco  too  hot  for  them.  Both  to  avoid  this  danger  and  to  lessen 
the  risk  of  smuggling  on  their  own  side,  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  and  the 
Essequibo  government  made  it,  from  the  middle  of  the  i8th  century,  their  settled 
policy  to  transfer  this  trade  to  Spanish  hands. 

From  about  1761  on,  the  trade  was  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards  ; 
and  from  this  time  forward  one  scarcely  hears  of  Dutch  traders  to  the  Orinoco  ; 
the  current  was  all  the  other  way ;  and  the  Spaniards  were  induced  to  come  to 
the  Essequibo  to  sell  their  products  there. 

By  1794  the  Governor-General,  though  himself  a  son  of  the  colony,  was  seem- 
ingly ignorant  that  this  trade  had  ever  been  in  other  than  Spanish  hands. 

By  the  end  of  the  century  the  former  trade  relations  of  the  Dutch  with  the 
Barima  had  become  a  mere  tradition.  V,  C,  112-114. 


DUTCH   TRADE.  69 

SPANISH    TRADE  TO    ESSEQUI BO-(Continued). 

,     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

Prior  to  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  this  trade  was  carried  on  mainly 
by  the  Dutch.  But  from  1761  it  became  the  settled  policy  of  the  Company  and 
of  the  colonial  authorities  to  transfer  the  coiuluct  of  this  trade  to  the  Span- 
iards. So  successful  were  they  that  from  this  time  forward  one  scarcely  hears  of 
Dutch  traders  to  the  Orinoco.  V.  C.-C,  II,  S6-S7. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  inclosure  in  the  communication  of  the  Duke  of  Lerma  (161 5),  .  .  . 
is  the  only  indication  that  the  Spaniards  ever  did  more  than  visit  Esseqniho 
for  trade.  For  this  purpose  they  depended  on  the  goodwill  of  the  Arawak 
Indians;  but  these  became  hostile  in  1618,  and  .  .  .  the  visits  of  the  Span- 
iards to  Essequibo  were  finally  put  an  end  to  in  1619.  B.  C.-C.,ji. 

1746.     West  India  Company. 

It  might  perhaps  be  that  the  Spaniards,  who  are  very  clearly  acting  secretly 
in  the  matter,  are  through  those  people  seeking  trade  with  those  of  Esseqniho 

which  it  would  be  better  to  cultivate  than  to  ruin.  B.  C,  II,  46. 

1748.     West  India  Company. 

It  gave  us  especial  pleasure  to  learn  .  .  .  how  by  the  zeal  you  have 
shown  the  trade  of  tlie  Spaniards  in  the  river  of  Esseqniho  begins  to  develop 
more  and  more,  and  we  hope  that  all  further  means  will  be  put  in  operation  to 
make  it  flourish  there  to  perfection.  Same,  p.  jd, 

1748.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Business  with  the  Spaniards  begins  to  grow  better  as  time  progresses, 
.  .  .  I  shall  try,  as  far  as  lies  in  ray  power,  to  encourage  the  trade  and  to  ad- 
vance it,  and  as  far  as  possible  to  make  it  general.  Same,  p.  j/. 

1749.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Some  profit  ought  at  times  to  be  made  out  of  the  Spaniards,  .  .  .  many 
Spaniards  come  and  go  out  of  the  river  without  coming  under  my  observation ; 
.  .  .  this  occurring  at  the  instance  of  some  of  the  principal  (planters),  and 
also  in  order  not  to  frighten  away  the  Spaniards,  I  have  until  now  con- 
nived somewhat  at  this.  Same,  pp.  60-61. 

1750.  Report  of  Committee  on  Commandeur's  Report. 

The  Committee,  were  of  opinion  that  ...  in  view  of  the  increasing 
Spanisli  trade,  it  was  not  unlikely  that  a  reasonable  profit  might  be  made  by  it, 
especially  so  if  it  could  be  brought  about  that  the  Spaniards  no  longer,  as  hereto- 
fore, has  usually  happened,  tarried  with  their  wares  and  articles  of  trade  among 
the  private  settlers  living  up  the  [Essequibo]  river,  but  came  with  them  farther 
down  and  as  far  as  to  the  fort.  Same,  p.  68. 

1752.     Secretary  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  very  agreeable  to  me  that  my  idea  regarding  the  not  allowing  the  Span- 
iards to  trade  overland  in  cattle  with  this  Colony  has  your  Honours'  appro- 
bation. Same,  p.  /j. 


70  DUTCH    TRADE. 

SPANISH    TRADE   TO    ESSEQUI  BO-(Continued). 

1 761.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Dutch  Director-General,  in  .  .  .  1761,  .  .  .  considered  .  .  . 
it  was  best  to  send  fewer  no  boats  to  the  Orinoco,  and  to  compel  the  Spaniards 
to  come  to  the  Essequibo. 

The  Court  of  Policy  reported  that  the  [Orinoco]  trade  was  a  mere  bagatelle, 
and  also  risky  and  precarious,  particularly  as  England  and  Spain  were  said  again 
to  be  at  war,  and  Orinoco  would  probably  soon  be  ruined  for  many  years  to 
come.     Consequently  the  trade  was  purposely  suspended  by  the  Dutch. 

B.  C.-C,  80. 

1761.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  always  imagined  that  it  was  best  for  our  inhabitants  to  send  few  or  no 
boats  to  Orinoco,  and  so  compel  the  Spaniards  to  come  here  with  their  mer- 
chandize ;  in  this  way  our  people  would  not  be  exposed  to  the  least  danger,  and 
the  arrangement  began  to  work  very  well.  B.  C,  II,  ig8. 

1 761.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Concerning  the  trade  which  is  carried  on  from  the  Colony  to  Rio  Orinoco. 
We  beg  you  to  consider  whether  it  might  not  be  possible,  and  more  profitable  for 
the  Company,  to  direct  this  trade  into  such  channels  that  it  must  be  carried  on 
from  Orinoco  to  Esseqnibo,  by  the  Spaniards ;  whereas  it  now,  on  the  contrary, 
takes  place  from  Essequibo  to  the  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  202. 

1764.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Spaniards  .  .  .  come  here  [to  Essequibo]  with  mules,  cattle,  to- 
bacco, hides,  dried  meat.  B.  C,  III,  iii. 

1766.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Spaniards  who  had  come  hither  with  tobacco,  hides,  and  other 
things,  all  have  to  pass  his  [Postholder  of  Moruka]  door,  and  some  of  them  rest 
at  his  place.  Same,  p.  ijg. 

1776.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Portuguese  are  trading  above  in  the  river  as  the  Spaniards  here 
below.  B.  C,  IV,  176. 

SLAVE  TRADE. 

SLAVES-WHENCE  AND  HOW  OBTAINED. 

1699.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

September  18,  [1699].  Jotte  the  old  negro,  has  set  out  for  the  Upper  Maza- 
runi    ...    to  bring  down  four  or  five  slaves. 

September  22,  [1699].  In  the  afternoon  Jotte,  the  old  negro,  arrived  from 
Mazaruni.  .  .  .  bringing  with  him  four  female  slaves,  two  children,  and  a 
boy.  B.  C,  I,  216. 

1724.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

As  soon  as  I  arrived  in  this  Government  .  .  .  news  was  frequently  sent 
to  me  that  many  foreigners — the  Dutch  from  Surinam  and  Berbice  — came  to 
these  places  trading,  in  vessels,  and  penetrating  more  than  100  leagues  up  the 
OriiMH'i*,  and  more  than  30  above  Angostura,  the  Fathers  lamenting  the  trade 


SLAVE  TRADE.  71 

SLAVES    WHENCE   AND    HOW    OBTAIN ED-(Continued). 

carried  on  with  the  Caribs,  the  sale  of  tools,  stuffs,  wine,  spirits,  guns,  and 
other  arms,  which  they  exchanged  for  a  large  number  of  Indian  slaves. 

B.  C,  III,  78. 

1727.     Court  of  Policy. 

On  the  i6th  September  last  [1726I  Jan  Batiste  arrived  here  from  Orinoco 
and  brought  with  him  200  stoops  of  balsam,  two  female  slaves,  and  one  child. 

B.  C,  II,  6. 

1733.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  outrunner,  Yan  der  Bnrg",  who  has  been  among  the  tribes  up  in  Esse- 
quibo for  more  than  a  year  altogether  in  order  to  trade,  sent  me  in  September 
last  one  Creole,  with  two  slave  women  and  some  copaiba  balsam,  writing  that 
he  would  himself  come  down  in  November.  Same,  p.  16. 

1734.  King  of  Spain, 

In  the  [Barima]  creek  ...  a  Carib  Chief  .  .  .  said  .  .  .  the 
whites  of  Guayana,  .  .  .  hindered  him  taking  the  Indians  of  the  nations  of 
the  Orinoco  and  selling  them  to  tlie  Dutch.  B.  C,  III,  Si. 

1734.     Father  Joseph  Gumilla, 

Both  nations  [Butch  and  Carib]  come  up  from  the  sea  to  rob  and  burn  the 
villages  of  the  Missions  and  carry  off  as  many  captives  as  they  can,  and  sell 
them  at  Essequibo,  Berbice  and  Surinam. 

Many  Caribs  receive  a  great  supply  of  arms,  ammunition,  glass  beads,  and 
other  trifles,  with  the  understanding  that  they  are  to  be  paid  for  within  a  certain 
time  with  Indians,  which  they  must  take  prisoners  on  the  Orinoco.  And 
when  the  time  has  elapsed  the  Dutch  creditors  encourage  and  even  oblige  the 
Caribs  to  their  bloody  raids  against  the  defenceless  Indians  of  the  Orinoco. 

Same,  p.  84. 

\72,7-     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Among  the  outgoing  cargo  are  two  half-kegs  of  fine  dye,  taken  in  exchange  by 
Van  der  Burg  up  in  Essequibo,  where  the  necessary  buildings  have  been  made 
and  a  post  established  to  extend  trade  through  those  regions,  if  possible,  to  the 
Amazon.  ...  in  view  of  the  slave  trade  and  the  production  of  fine  dye,  this 
post  remains  of  much  importance,  since,  small  as  is  this  beginning,  we  become 
acquainted  among  the  Indians  further  inland,  and  this  trade  may  by  degrees 
become  considerable.  B.  C,  II,  24-2^. 

1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

They  [Caribs]  sail  up  the  river  [Orinoco]  to  seize  Indians  of  other  tribes, 
whom  they  sell,  both  males  and  females,  as  slaves  to  the  Dutch,  with  whom 
they  carry  on  this  trade  and  that  of  horses,  which  are  to  the  Dutch  and  French  a 
source  of  vast  profit  and  benefit.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  186. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  inhabitants  are  very  much  aggrieved  [at  the  planting  by  the  Spaniards 
of  a  Post  on  tlie  CuyuniJ  and  the  Carib  Indians  a  great  deal  more  so  since  it 
perfectly  closes  the  Slave  Traffic  in  that  direction  from  which  alone  that 
nation  derive  their  livelihood.  B.  C,  II,  46. 


Y2  SLAVE  TRADE. 

SLAVES-WHENCE    AND    HOW   OBTAI  NED-!Continued). 

1747.     Ramon  Santa  Maria. 

For  this  [slavc-selliiiar]  trip  [the  Caribs]  have,  besides  the  navigation  of  the 
Orinoco  and  the  channels  of  the  Barima,  a  road  on  land  which,  crossing  the 
Caroni  above  the  Guajana  Missions,  reaches  the  Aquire  river,  and  they  go  down 
by  this  river  to  near  its  mouth,  when  they  act  in  concert  with  some  vessel,  which 
waits  on  this  river,  and  when  not,  they  enter  the  Yuruari  and  follow  it  down  to 
the  Esquibo.  V-  C,  II,  2g7. 

1747.    

Inventory  of  stock  [Indian  trading  goods]  at  the  Cuyuui  Post.    List  of  debts 

of  the  Master  of  the  Post. 

Yriveno  owes 8     slaves. 

Tucunuara  "     3 

Arinamene  "     3         " 

Marayacano  "     i         " 

Aritamar  "     3 

Carinare  "     4 

Asavue  "     i 

Arimanaca  "     2 

Manarvay  "     4        " 

Total 29      slaves. 

Same,  pp.  2gy-2g8. 

i'j/\.7.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Two  of  our  rovers,  .  .  .  have  been  murdered  in  the  Upper  Essequibo 
by  the  Indians.  .  .  .  The  loss  of  those  people  would  not  be  a  matter  of  very 
great  concern  were  it  not  that  ...  I  fear  that  those  tribes  between  the 
Amazon  and  this  river,  .  .  .  being  extremely  embittered,  and,  fearing  that 
vengeance  will  be  taken  for  this  murder,  may  perhaps  raid  our  highest-lying 
plantations,  ...  I  have  long  foretold  such  a  thing,  and  on  that  account  have 
desired  to  close  the  River  of  Essequibo,  but  have  met  with  much  opposition  on 
account  of  the  profit  which  some  draw  from  there  through  the  Slave  Trade. 

B.  C,  II,  S2. 

1748.  Minutes,  Court  of  Justice. 

His  Honour,  .  .  .  undertook  to  charge  the  Postholders  of  the  Honour- 
able Company's  trading-place  Arinda  with  the  recovery  of  the  said  outstanding 
slaves  [iu  the  Upper  Essequibo  region].  Same,  p.  jj. 

1749.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

All  the  itinerant  traders  which  go  from  tliere  [Surinam]  in  order  to  deal  in 
slaves  stop  here,  as  all  go  to  Barima,  which  is  situated  under  this  jurisdiction,  to 
the  great  prejudice  of  the  inhabitants,  because  they  pay  more  for  the  slaves 
than  we  usually  do.  Same,  p.  61. 

1750.  Anonymous. 

The  Dutch  obtain  slaves  from  this  river  [Orinoco],  for  when  the  Caribs  go 
up  to  attack  other  tribes  of  Indians,  they  surround  their  villages  by  night,  seize 
the  boys  (whom  they  call  Poitos)  and  sell  them  for  slaves  in  the  colonies, 
which  is  a  very  sad  thing.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  ig6. 


SLAVE  TRADE.  73 

SLAVES-WHENCE   AND    HOW   OBTAI  NED-(Continued). 

1755.     Don  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

They  [Caribs]  navigate  the  Orinoco  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  Caroni,  enter  it 
and  pass  its  fall  by  night,  and  continue  their  course  up  the  stream  until  they  reach 
the  islands  mentioned,  .  .  .  where  .  .  .  they  make  a  station  for  ingress 
into  the  interior.  .  .  .  They  also  go  to  Cunuri,  Tupuquen,  and  other  villages 
which  were  destroyed  in  1751,  and  even  to  Miamo,  until  they  reach  the  woods 
.  .  .  inhabited  by  Caribs  and  other  savage  tribes,  where  they  capture  their 
poitos  or  slaves,  whom  they  carry  off  to  sell  to  the  Dutch.  B.  C,  II,  log. 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

It  is  by  no  means  incredible  that  the  Dutch  are  in  the  Cuyuni  buying  slaves, 

for  they  do  not  hesitate  to  carry  on  that  illicit  traffic  nearer  the  Missions.  .  .  . 
Captain  Bonalde  encountered  a  Dutchman,  about  a  day's  journey  from  the 
Mission  of  Miamo,  buying  slaves  or  Indians  which  the  Caribs  were  selling  him. 
Apart  from  this  we  know  well  how  frequently  the  Dutch  go  to  the  Paragua, 
Caura,  and  head  waters  of  the  Caroni,  so  that  they  maintain  their  position  there 
every  year.  Same,  p.  146. 

The  Dutch  and  Caribs,  ...  [in  pursuit  of  slaves,  ascend]  the  river 
Essequibo,  and  turning  on  the  right  up  the  river  Aripamuri,  ...  as  far  as 
possible,  .  .  .the  Rio  Negro  is  reached.  Descending  the  Rio  Negro 
.  .  .  they  get  to  the  Amazon,  and,  ascending  the  same  river  by  turning  to 
the  right,  they  enter  the  Orinoco,  .  .  .  The  Dutch,  by  means  of  the  navi- 
gation of  the  Essequibo,  communicate  with  Barinas,  as  well  as  with  the  Paragua, 
the  head-waters  of  the  Caroni,  &c.  .  .  .  Numbers  of  Dutch,  besides  those 
who  go  to  the  Paragua,  remain  in  tlie  places  called  Tucupo,  Capi,  and 
Paraman,  to  buy  slaves.  These  places  are  in  the  interior,  some  three  or 
or  four  days'  journey  from  the  outermost  Missions.  .  .  .  There  are  generally 
Dutch  merchants  in  those  places,  for  the  Caribs  bring  them  the  slaves  there. 

Same,  p.  147. 

1760.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

They  have  gone  higher  up  beyond  the  Falls  of  the  rivers  Paragua,  Aroi 

and  Caura,  considering  them  insurmountable  to  the  efforts  of  the  Spanish. 
Thence  they  made  war  upon  other  nations,  took  slaves  and  sent  them  to  Esse- 
quibo, depopulating  in  this  way  the  dominions  of  the  King,  whilst  peopling  the 
territories  which  the  Dutch  enjoy.  Same,  p.  iSj. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

60  leagues  from  its  [Orinoco]  mouth  .  .  .  [there  are]  certain  lofty 
ranges,  peopled  with  numbers  of  Indians,  who  are  harassed  by  the  Caribs, 
who  capture  the  women  and  children  to  carry  off  to  the  Dutch,  and  extermi- 
nate as  many  of  the  adult  males  as  they  can.  B.  C,  III,  62. 

By  making  incursions  along  this  river  [Essequibo]  and  along  the  Massa- 
runi  and  Cuyuni,  protected  by  the  Carib  Indians,  though  not  of  this  province, 
to  plunder  the  Indians,  of  whom  they  make  slaves  just  as  they  do  of  the 
negroes,  whom  they  sell  and  employ  in  their  plantations  and  farms. 

Same,  p.  64. 


74  SLAVE  TRADE. 

SLAVES-WHENCE    AND    HOW   OBTAINED-(Continued). 

1769.  Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  practice  of  these  foreigners  is  now,  as  always,  to  penetrate  to  the  in- 
terior of  this  province  in  order  to  kidnap  and  enslave  Indians,  your  Ma- 
jesty's vassals,  and  take  them  to  their  Colony  ;  their  practice  is  so  common,  as  it 
is  authorized  by  the  Governor  of  Essequibo  .  .  .  from  the  licences  and  pass- 
ports [given]  .  .  .  under  his  own  hand,  to  the  persons  leaving  the  Colony  for 
this  traffic  of  enslaving  Indians,  until,  without  respect,  they  enter  our  Missions. 

B.  CIV,  20. 

In  1748  two  white  men  from  Essequibo  came  to  our  Mission  of  the  Miamo 
with  a  passport  from  the  Governor  for  the  purpose  of  buying  Indians.  .  . 
The  same  year  a  mulatto  woman  from  Essequibo  was  on  the  savannahs  of 
Cornuio,  buying  slaves  from  the  Caribs,  and  in  the  year  (17)49  a-  soldier  of  our 
detachment  caught  one  of  these  traffickers  very  near  our  Mission  of  Miamo,  who 
had  a  licence  of  the  Governor  of  Essequibo  to  come  to  buy  slaves,  and  in  that 
patent  he  styled  himself  Governor  of  Essequibo  and  mouths  of  the  Orinoco. 

In  the  River  Agnirre  there  was  a  Dutchman  domiciled  with  the  Caribs 
more  than  eight  years  buying  slaves  from  them.  There  were  also  others  in  the 
same  ti'afflc  in  Puruey,  Caura  and  Parava.  from  vv'here  they  used  to  send  to 
Essequibo  and  Surinam  parties  of  from  twenty  to  fifty  slaves,  and  they  discon- 
tinued in  alarm  at  the  arrival  of  the  Royal  Commission  in  the  Orinoco. 

Satne,  pp.  20-21. 

On  the  20th  of  June,  1766,  there  arrived  at  our  Mission  of  Cavallapi  a 
negro  and  an  Indian,  slave-buyers,  each  with  a  licence  from  the  Governor  of 
Essequibo. 

He,  [a  negro  slave-trader  from  Essequibo]  told  me  that  he  had  been  three 
years  on  the  Parava  huying^  slaves  from  the  Caribs.  Same,  p.  21. 

He  [a  negro  slave  trader]  had  come  from  Essequibo  to  theCuyuni,  Yuruari, 
and  the  port  of  the  Mission  of  Cavallapi.  with  two  canoes  or  barges.  One  of 
these  was  laden  with  firearms  and  iron  for  axes  and  knives,  clothes  and  other 
trifles.  He  distributed  these  among  the  Indians  of  the  said  village,  and  of  Miamo 
and  Guascipati,  who  in  return,  as  the  Caribs  said,  were  to  give  them  young 
Indians.  Same,  p.  22. 

1770.  Don  Manuel  Centurion. 

The  constant  export  of  slaves  from  the  interior  of  this  province,  which 
the  Dutch  and  Caribs  carry  on  by  the  Rivers  Apanoni,  Sipo,  Maseroni,  and  many 
others  which  flow  into  the  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  yS. 


1771.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

By  virtue  of  the  new  situation  of  the  capital  in  the  Angostura,  and  the  lesser 
settlements  on  the  banks  of  the  Rivers  Caroni,  Paraijua  and  Caura,  the 
Caribs  have  been  entirely  subjected,  and  many  tribes  have  thus  been  freed 
from  their  persecutions,  the  former  being  in  the  habit  of  making  prisoners 
among  the  natives,  and  selling  them  as  slaves  in  the  Dutch  Colonies  of  Esse- 
quibo and  Surinam.  Same,  p.  So. 


SLAVE  TRADE.  75 

SLAVES-WHENCE   AND    HOW   OBTAIN ED-(Continued). 

1778.     Government  Journal  at  Essequibo. 

July  13.  I  have  provided  one  Veltman  with  a  passport  .  .  .  to  purchase 
Indians  in  the  upper  rivers;  .  .  .  (and)  a  letter  of  permission,  in  order  to 
pass  and  repass  the  Post  of  Arinda. 

July  15.  A  letter  of  permission,  .  .  .  to  J.  H.  C.  Klein,  that  ...  he 
might  pass  and  repass  the  Post  of  Arinda  in  order  to  obtain  slaves  by  barter 
among  the  nations  in  the  river  above.  B.  C,  IV,  iSg. 

1785.     Diary  of  Commander  of  Revenue  Cutter  in  Orinoco. 

[Near  Barima  some  Guarauno  Indians  informed  me]  that  only  some  days 
previous  some  Hollanders  had  come  down  with  a  few  Poytos  to  tlie  head- 
waters of  the  Barima,  and  that  they  had  taken  them  to  Essequibo. 

V.C.-C.,ni,jj4. 

[1788  ?]     Council  of  the  Indies. 

The  Dutch  .  .  .  went  to  the  interior  by  this  river  [Orinoco],  the  Maza- 
runi  and  Cuyuni,  protected  by  the  Caribs,  to  pillage  and  capture  the  Indians 

of  the     .     .     .     Province,  frequently  disturbing     ...     the   Missions  of    the 
.     .     .     Capuchins.  V.  C,  II,  2^4. 

SLAVES-BY  WHOM  CAPTURED  AND  BOUGHT. 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

If  the  Essequibo  correspondence  may  be  trusted,  the  Dutch  slave  traders 
who  infested  these  parts  [Amacura  and  beyond]  are  more  likely  to  have  been 
from  Surinam  than  from  the  western  colonies.  V.  C.-C,  II,  142. 

1593.     Antonio  de  Berrio. 

[Faxardo]  stole  and  carried  off  nearly  300  souls  [Indians  of  Moriquita], 
whom  he  is  selling  like  negroes.  B.  C,  I,  j. 

1628.     West  India  Company  (the  Nineteen). 

Lastly,  the  Company  shall  take  pains  to  fuimish  the  colonists  with  as  many 
negroes  as  shall  be  possible,  on  the  conditions  to  be  formulated.         Same,  p.  6g. 

1638.     Corporation  of  Santo  Thome. 

Tlie  soldiers  who  came  [to  help  Santo  Thome]  would  return  enriched 
with  the  number  of  Indians  whicli  are  given  for  slaves.  The  Governor 
.  .  .  promises  that  all  those  whom  they  shall  take  they  shall  carry  away  to 
your  Government,  or  any  other  part  that  your  Excellency  may  order. 

Same,  p.  104. 

1656.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Colonists  shall  also  be  at  liberty  to  go  to  the  coast  of  Africa  and  fetch 
as  many  negroes  as  they  shall  have  need  of  or  may  desire  to  offer  for 
sale.     .     .     . 

This  Chamber  .  .  .  shall  do  its  utmost  ...  to  order  negroes  for  the 
aforesaid  coast.  Same,  pp.  138-/39. 

1657.  Committee  governing  Walcheren  cities. 

There  shall  be  equipped  two  ships,  the  one  to  the  Wild  Coast,  .  .  .  the  other 
with  a  slave  trader's  cargo,  to  the  coast  of  Africa,  to  buy  slaves  and  carry  them 
from  there  to  the  aforesaid  Wild  Coast.  Same,  p.  143. 


76  SLAVE  TRADE. 

SLAVES-BY  WHOM    CAPTURED   AND    BOUGHT-(Continued). 

1686.     British  Case. 

In  1686  the  enslaving-  of  Tudiuus  by  Dutch  subjects  was  made  illegal,  and 
only  those  Indians  might  be  bonght  as  slaves  who  were  iu  slavery  to  the 
Indians  with  whom  the  trade  was  carried  on.  This  measure  in  effect  protected 
from  slavery  all  the  tribes  that  inhabited  the  territory  now  in  dispute,  as  the  In- 
dians of  that  territory  did  not  enslave  one  another,  but  treated  as  slave  nations 
only  certain  tribes  further  in  the  interior.  This  law  was  strictly  enforced,  and 
had  a  great  effect  in  promoting  friendly  relations  between  the  Dutch  and  the 
Indians.  B.  C,  Sj. 

1699.     Official  Dairy  at  Kijkoveral. 

November  2,  [1699].  There  arrived  at  the  Fort  the  Corporal,  Joos  Bacx, 
and  Jan  Debbaut,  reporting  that  the  expected  Company's  ship  "Den 
Brandenburger,"  .  .  .  had  arrived  here  in  the  river  with  330  [«<;]  negro 
slaves,  and  during  their  voyage  130  of  the  450  slaves  shipped  had  died. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  63. 

1 7 13.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Red  slaves  have  ^one  np  in  price  fully  one-half  as  compared  with  what 
they  used  to  be  .  .  .  ten  or  twelve  years  ago.  This  has  mainly  been  caused 
by  the  Surinam  people,  who  .  .  ,  [are]  trying  ...  to  get  that  trade  into 
their  hands.  B.  C,  /,  23J. 

1725.  Governor  of  Venezuela. 

I  informed  your  Majesty  of  the  trade  carried  on  by  the  Hollanders  through 
the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  buyins?  little  Indians  from  the  victors  for  working  on 
their  plantations  in  the  towns  or  fortresses  of  Surinam  and  Berbiz. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  24. 

1726.  Court  of  Policy. 

On  the  14th  March  [1726]  Jan  Batiste  and  Hendrik  van  der  Win  were  sent 
to  Orinoco    ...    to  buy  red  slaves.  B.  C,  II,  3. 

1726.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Directors  of  the  .  .  .  West  India  Company,  having  ordered  us  to 
purchase  in  Orinoco  some  slaves.  Satne,  p.  4. 

1730.     Court  of  Policy. 

Settlers  are  forbidden  to  trade  for  red  slaves  in  the  rivers  Cajoene  and 
Massereony,  as  for  many  years  past  these  two  rivers  have  been  kept  for  the 
particular  trade  of  the  Honourable  Company.  B.  C,  VII,  iSS. 

1735.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

Sustain  themselves  by  waging  war  against  the  other  Indians,  whom  they  en- 
slave and  carry  away  to  sell  to  the  Dutch  and  other  foreign  nations ;  there  being 
years  in  which  the  slaves  sold  by  them  are  no  Ifess  than  from  600  to  700.  Last 
year  I  deprived  them  wholly  of  this  accursed  traffic,  and  .  .  .  also  .  .  . 
this  year,  whereat  they  became  desperate,  as  they  owed  the  Indians  of  Surinam 
some  700  head  of  slaves.  V.  C.-C,  III,  42. 

1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Carib  nation  would  still  bring  slaves  enough.  B.  C,  II,  68. 


SLAVE  TRADE.  77 

SLAVES-BY  WHOM    CAPTURED   AND    BOUGHT-' Continued). 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

I  am  unable  to  name  all  the  nations  Avhich  the  Csiribs  ]nirsue  with  the  ob- 
ject of  enslaving"  them.  But  the  tribes  dwelling  on  our  frontiers,  and  the  most 
generally  known,  are  the  Barinagotos,  Maos,  Macos,  Amarucotos,  Camaracotos, 
and  Aiiaos,  Paravinas,  Guaicas,  &c.  B.  C,  II,  14'/. 

1762.  Prefect  of  Missions. 

In  the  year  I7[62]  the  Father  President  of  the  Mission  of  Supama  advised  me 
that  a  Onaj'ca  Chief  of  this  Mission  had  liidnapped  some  young  Indians  from 
the  same  village,  and  had  sold  them  to  the  Dutch  and  the  traffickers. 

B.  C,  IV,  21. 

1763.  Don  Jose  Diguja. 

[In  the  Upper  Orinoco]  the  Dutch,  chieily,  bought  from  the  Caribs  and 
carried  away  all  the  Indians  they  could,  for  the  establishment  and  cultivation  of 
the  plantations  in  their  Colonies  of  Essequibo,  Berbice,  Surinam  and  Corentin. 

B.  C,  III,  II. 

Several  expeditions  have  been  sent  out,  and  one  of  these  surprised  a  strong- 
hold, built  by  the  Dutch  on  the  River  Cuyuni,  where  they  had  gathered  all  the 
Indians  of  other  tribes  captured  by  the  Caribs  and  sold  to  them  for  mere 
trifles. 

The  Catalonian  Capuchins  have  .  .  .  closed  the  Orinoco  to  the  inhuman 
commerce  of  the  Caribs  and  of  the  said  Dutch.  Same,  fi.  20. 

In  none  of  the  said  provinces  are  foreigners  any  longer  seen  overrunning  them 
and  committing  hostilities  or  exciting  the  Caribs,  their  aUies,  to  do  so,  except  the 
Dutch,  who  purchase  from  them  all  the  Indians  that  are  not  Caribs. 

Same,  p.  jj. 

The  Governor  [of  Essequibo]  .  .  .  grants  them  [Caribs]  letters  patent 
to  make  slaves  of  all  the  Indians  whom  they  meet.  Same,  p.  44. 

1768.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Mr.  La  Barre,  the  agent  in  Martinique  of  the  Spanish  Governors  .  .  . 
has  told  me  that  .  .  .  strict  and  well  defined  orders  had  come  from  His 
Catholic  Majesty  to  those  Governors  to  sell  no  more  slaves  belonging  to 
subjects  of  France,  England,  or  the  State,  but  to  detain  the  same  and  restore 
them  to  the  owners,  .  .  .  nine  French  slaves  coming  from  Cayenne  to 
Orinoco  had  been  sold  by  the  Governor  of  Orinoco.  Satne,  p.  177. 

1794.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  present  exorbitant  prices  of  the  neg-roes  will  again  be  an  obstacle 
to  t!ie  progress  of  cultivation ;  ...  aid  should  again  be  given  here  to 
the  planters,  and  you  be  requested  to  exempt  the  planters  there  for  five  years 
from  the  payment  of  the  poll-tax.  B.  C,  V,  i^j. 

SLAVES-SURREPTITIOUS   CHARACTER    OF  TRADE    IN. 

1734.     Father  Joseph  Gumilla. 

To  procure  these  [slaves,  balsam  and  annatto]  some  Dutch  introduce  them- 
selves among-  the  fleets  of  these  Indians,  painted  according  to  the  custom  of 
the  said  savages,  by  which  they  encourage  them,  and  add  boldness  to  the  lament- 
able destruction  which  they  work.  B.  C,  III,  84, 


78  SLAVE  TRADE. 

SLAVES-SURREPTITIOUS    CHARACTER    OF    TRADE    IN-(Continued). 

1753.     Instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

This  expedient  [secret  support  of  revolted  slaves]  ...  is  a  just  sat- 
isfaction for  what  they  [Dutch]  are  constantly  practising  in  the  reductions  of  the 
Orinoco,  inciting  and  leading  the  Caribs  to  hostilities.  B.  C,  II,  86. 

1758.     Stephen  Hiz,  Postholder  in  Cuyuni. 

Asked  if  he  had  received  any  merchandize  for  the  purpose  of  baying  slaves, 
...  he  answered  that  ...  he  had  .  .  .  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  snch  purchases.  Same,  p.  166. 

1760.     Valdez  and  Coronado. 

In  regard  to  the  half-breed,  Jan  Batista,  who  was  well  known,  although  in 
his  confession  he  refused  to  give  his  name,  and  denied  that  he  was  a  half-breed, 
saying  that  he  was  an  Indian  of  the  Aruak  nation,  and  having-  maliciously 
stained  himself  with  annotto  in  order  not  to  be  recognized,  his  Honour 
.     .     .     ordered  that  he  should  be  put  in  irons  in  the  fortress.  Same,  p.  ig6. 

1769.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

I  also  saw  and  recognized  a  Dutcli  Mulatto  who  came  disguised  as  a  Carib, 

to  instruct  and  encourage  the  Caribs.     His  name,  and  he  himself,  is  well  known 
in  these  Missions.  B.  C,  IV,  21. 

SLAVERY-CRUELTIES    PRACTICED 

1663.     Commandeur  in  Pomeroon. 

A  slave  belonging  to  the  late  clerk,  van  Heijcoop,  has  cut  the  throat  of  his 
comrade  and  given  him  some  fifty  thrusts  more  while  they  were  out  on  a  journey 
with  their  master.  After  I  had  secured  the  culprit  I  had  him  executed  by  the 
hands  of  justice,  liis  head  stuck  upon  the  gallows  and  the  four  quarters  at 
different  places.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  36. 

The  negroes,  having  suffered  great  want,  made  their  appearance  upon  a  plan- 
tation belonging  to  Indians  and  were  delivered  up  to  me ;  after  I  had  examined 
them,  and  they  had  confessed  their  crimes,  I  liad  them  broken  upon  the  wheel 
by  the  hands  of  justice,  tlieir  heads  and  hands  set  up  on  a  pole,  and  their 
bodies  burnt.  Same,  p.  jy. 

1700.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

November  4,  [1700]  .  .  .  the  clergyman  sent  advice  ...  of  the 
desperate  deed  of  one  of  his  negro  slaves  who  had  deliberately  drowned  him. 
self,  .  .  .  whereupon  the  Commandeur  set  out  .  .  .  and  on  arriving 
there  he  thought  that  the  best  thing  to  do  under  the  circumstances  was  to  have 
the  said  drowned  slave  hung  up  on  a  tree  as  an  example  and  terror  to  any 
other  malicious  negroes  who  might  have  such  intentions ;  and  this  was  done. 

Same,  p.  122. 

December  27,  [1700]  .  .  .  the  Commandeur,  accompanied  by  the  sergeant 
and  four  musketeers,  proceeded  to  the  plantation  "  Poelwijck  "  in  order  to  take 
the  necessary  measures  there  against  the  negro  slaves  who  were  rebellious, 
and  to  question  them  concerning  the  runaway  negro  Gerritje,  who  had  run  away 
with  his  wife  and  children  into  the  woods.  Same,  p.  ij2. 


SLAVE  TRADE.  79 

SLAVERY-CRUELTIES    PRACTICE D-(Continued). 

1700.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

About  6  o'clock  the  former  foreman  of  the  plantation  "  Poelwijck  "  arrived 
here  bringing  a  report  .  .  .  that  the  two  children  of  the  above-mentioned 
negro  had  been  found  cruelly  murdered  by  their  father,  also  that  he  had  heard 
from  two  negroes  who  had  found  the  said  children,  and  who  were  looking  for 
the  said  negro  with  a  dog  that  they  had  with  them,  and  which  ran  on  before 
them  into  the  wood,  that  they  had  heard  the  dog  howl,  and  the  runaway  negro 
had  thrown  a  chopper  at  it,  but  that  they  had  not  found  him. 

December  28  [1700].  The  Commandeur  .  .  .  returned  ...  re- 
porting that  the  nuiaway  uegro,  together  with  his  cliildreii,  had  been  found, 
hut  all  killed  in  the  following  manner :  The  children  with  their  throats  cut, 
and  he  himself  having*  also  hang-ed  himself,  with  his  entrails  out  of  his  body 
and  a  pollution  between  his  legs. 

The  negress,  however,  had  escaped  with  a  knife-thrust  running  downwards, 
and  not  fatal,  and  had  fallen  into  our  hands.  For  the  rest,  all  was  in  good  order 
upon  both  the  plantations  "  De  Hoop  "  and  "  Poelwijck."       B.  C.-C,  App.,  ij2. 

1720.     [1763]  Don  Jose  Diguja. 

In  .  .  .  1720,  .  .  .  the  Dutch,  English,  and  French,  .  .  .  with 
the  Caribs,  overran  .  .  .  the  Province  of  Guayana  [and  others]  enslaving' 
and  slaughtering  all  the  Indians,  other  than  Caribs,  whom  they  could  seize, 
and  burning  the  Mission  villages  and  Spanish  settlements  established  in  the  said 
provinces.  B-  C.,  Ill,  J4, 

1743.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

There  were  brought  me  the  hands  of  the  two  still  absent  Creoles  Ariaen 
and  Fortuyn,  who,  having  run  away  from  the  head  miner  had  been  unwilling  to 
come  back  on  pardon.  They  were  finally  made  an  end  of  by  the  Indians  of 
Waiui.  B.  C,  II,  40. 

1744.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  .  .  .  spared  no  promises  or  threats  to  obtain  either  alive  or  dead  the 
three  remaining  (deserters),  by  all  of  which  means  I  moved  the  Indians  of  Barima 
at  last  with  much  trouble  to  make  an  attack  ;  .  .  .  they  were  successful  and 
under  command  of  the  Jew,  Moses  Isaakse  de  Vries,  broke  their  necks  and 
brought  their  hands  here,  which  I  caused  to  be  nailed  to  a  post,  as  a  warn- 
ing to  others.  Same,  p.  42. 

1749.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Of  the  runaway  slaves  from  the  new  plantation,  .  .  .  five  have  been 
brought  back  .  .  ,  but  two  are  still  wanting  ,  .  .  these  having  been 
slain  by  the  Carib  Indians,  by  whom  also  the  last  one  brought  in  was 
wounded.  Same,  p.  6j. 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

In  view  of  the  multitude  of  young  Indians  which  the  Caribs,  with  the  Dutch, 
daily  carry  to  the  foreign  Colonies,  ...  it  will  not  be  too  much  to  say  that 
the  Caribs  sell  yearly  more  than  300  children,  leaving  murdered  in  their 
houses  more  than  400  adults,  for  the  Dutch  do  not  hke  to  buy  the  latter  be- 
cause they  well  know  that,  being  grown  up,  they  will  escape.  Indeed,  we  know 
this,  as  some  fugitives  were  seen  in  the  Missions,  and  could  be  recognized  by 
the  brands  of  their  masters,  which  many  of  them  have  on  their  bodies — for  the 
Essequibo  Company  have  ordered  that  the  Indian  slaves  shall  be  branded  on  pain 
of  losing  them.  Same,  pp.  146-14'/. 


80  SLAVE  TRADE. 

SLAVERY-CRUELTIES    PRACTICED-(Continued). 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

This  slave  trade  has  so  completely  changed  the  Caribs  that  their  only  oc- 
cupation is  constantly  going  to  and  returning  from  war,  selling  and  killing 
the  Indians  of  those  nations  already  mentioned.  And  not  only  the  Caribs  of  the 
forests,  but  even  those  of  the  Missions,  participate  in  these  wars.     B.  C,  II,  14S. 

1 76 1.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  Dutch  .  .  .  go  by  this  river  [Orinoco],  and  those  of  Mazaroni  and 
Cuyuni,  protected  by  the  Carib  Indians,  pillaging  and  capturing  the  Indians  that 
are  not  Caribs,  from  this  Province,  and  reducing  them  to  slavery,  in  the  same  way 
as  they  do  with  the  negroes,  and  sell  them  and  employ  them  in  their  plantations  and 
farms.  In  order  to  seize  them  they  employ  every  device  that  tyranny  and  avarice 
can  suggest,  keeping  in  close  friendship  with  the  Caribs,  a  ferocious  and  warlike 
tribe  overrunning  all  this  extensive  Province  ...  in  persecution  of  other  In- 
dians, on  whom  the  Caribs  hold  control,  on  account  of  their  peaceful  and  gentle 
character,  being  continually  assaulted  in  their  ranches  or  grounds  ;  the  old  In- 
dians are  killed,  and  the  young  and  the  women  captured  to  be  reduced  to 
slavery.  .  .  .  The  native  Hollanders  of  those  Colonies,  who  accompany 
the  Caribs,  teach  them  how  to  manage  the  arms,  and  they  are  even  more  in- 
human than  the  Caribs  themselves.  V.  C,  II,  J42-J43. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

In  order  to  obtain  these  poor  Indians  they  [Dutch]  adopt  every  method 
which  their  preed  and  tyranny  suggest,  .  .  .  with  the  Caribs,  ...  in 
search  of  the  other  Indians,  over  whom  the  Caribs  have  the  mastery  .  .  .  the 
men  are  slain  and  the  women  and  children  made  prisoners,  for  these  are  the 
ones  of  whom  they  make  slaves.  B.  C,  III,  64. 

1763.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Chief  of  the  Acuway  nation  above  Demerary  has  come  down  with  two 
neg-ro  girls  and  three  hands  of  negroes,  bringing  information  that  he  had  made 
a  night  attack  upon  the  plantation  De  Savonnette,  in  upper  Berbice,  and  killed 
flfty-flve  negroes,  men,  women  and  children.  B.  C,  II,  227. 

1783.     Dutch  Administrator  of  Essequibo. 

They  [slaves]  exhibited  to  me  the  flogged  Bomba,  the  negro  Jamis,  wlio  had 
been  shot,  and  the  girl  Dede,  who  detailed  her  miseries  while  they  themselves 
there  extracted  the  gun-shots  and  tied  them  up.  B.  C,  V,  12. 

1786.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  good  effect  ...  of  the  Post  of  Maroco  becomes  daily  more  felt.  A 
deserter  from  here  and  two  runaway  negroes  .  .  .  having  been  captured 
there.  .  .  .  One  of  these  negroes  has  drowned  himself,  the  other  has  by  the 
Court  here  been  sentenced  on  the  26th  September  last  to  be  flogged,  branded, 
and  lias  had  his  ears  cut  oft",  and  put  in  chains  for  his  life.  Same,  p.  44. 

1794.     Jan  Van  Eersbeek. 

Having  also  brought  with  us  one  Indian  and  the  right  arm  of  that  negro. 

Same,  p.  1^7. 


SLAVE  TRADE.  81 

SLAVERY-ITS  STATUS  AND  IMPORTANCE. 

.     British  Case. 

To  prevent  escape  [of  slaves]  .  .  .  the  Dutch  to  a  great  extent  relied 
on  the  Posts  in  the  Upper  Essequibo  and  the  Cuyuni.  B.  C,  p2. 

1706.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

TJiirteen  young-  negro  Creoles,  whom  I  made  use  of  as  traders  for  the  Com- 
pany .  .  .  have  run  away  up  above  the  falls  in  Cayuni.  ...  I 
have  .  .  .  sent  after  them  the  sergeant.  ...  I  have  also  sent  a  free 
Malack,  named  Jan  Pietersen,  .  .  .  said  Jan  Pietersen  has  again  come  down, 
reporting  that  he  has  found  four  of  the  runaways  overland  in  Penoeny, 
.     .     .     the  others  have  traveled  further  up  the  Cayuni,  also  to  the  savannah. 

B.  C,  I,  22S-22g. 

1707.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

If  the  indigro  succeed  the  Slave  Trade  will  have  a  considerable  stimulus. 

Same,  p.  22g. 

1708.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  successful  attempting  of  sugar-cane  demands  an  undeniably  g'reater  uiiiu- 
ber  of  slaves,  ...  As  regards  the  importation  of  slaves  for  this  river, 
.  .  .  in  this  grievous  war-time  private  individuals  have  no  desire  to  cumber 
themselves  with  more  slaves.  Same,  p.  2jo. 

1728.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  .  .  .  [take]  the  liberty  to  inform  you  that  several  slaves  belonging  to 
the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony  have  dared  to  run  away  and  to  remain  under  your 
protection  in  the  River  Orinoco,  refusing  to  return  to  their  duty  ;  .  .  .  I 
beg  most  earnestly,  Sir,  that  you  may  be  pleased  to  return  by  the  bearer  of  this 
all  the  slaves  who  deserted  from  this  Colony.  B.  C,  II,  g. 

1729.  Secretary  Gelskerke  in  Essequibo. 

For  some  years  past  your  Lordships'  slaves,  as  well  as  those  belonging  to  the 
colonists,  run  away  to  Orinoco  as  soon  as  they  think  they  have  any  grievance. 
There  the  Spaniards  keep  them,  and  will  not  give  them  up  when  we  have 
claimed  them.  This  makes  them  so  insolent  that  measures  have  been  devised 
to  provide  against  this.  Same.  p.  8. 

1753.     Instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

Some  years  ago  a  number  of  rebellious  negroes  fled  from  their  [Dutch] 
Colony  of  Surinam,  whom,  so  far,  they  have  been  unable  to  reduce  although  for 
that  purpose  a  large  body  of  European  soldiers  were  brought  our. 

Same,  p.  S6. 
1755.     L)on  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

This  Indian  slave  trade  is  of  great  utility  to  tlie  Dutch,  as  the  said  slaves 
cultivate  their  lands,  and  fetch  as  high  a  price  as  negroes.  Same,  p.  iiS. 

1769.     Remonstrance  of  States-General. 

This  desertion  [of  slaves]  unless  checked,  miglit  in  time  cause  the  com- 
plete ruin  of  Essequibo.  B.  C,  IV,  j2. 

1769.     Ex-Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  Colony  of  Essequibo  is  going  visibly  to  its  rnin  since  the  gate  has 
been  closed  for  the  illicit  traffic  which  it  previously  carried  on  in  Orinoco,  and 
the  poilos  or  slaves  have  found  that  of  their  liberty  open,  so  that  they  can  escape 
thence.  Sajiie,  p.  jo. 


82  SLAVE  TRADE. 

SLAVERY-ITS   STATUS   AND    I  M  PORTANCE-(Continued). 

1772.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  numbers  of  the  runaways  increasing-  daily,  this  matter  will  end  in  the 
total  ruin  of  a  great  many  plantations,  unless  efificacious  remedies  be  adopted. 

B.  C,  IV,  1 00- 10 1. 

1773.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

A  still  more  ruinous  occurrence  for  the  Colony  occurred  a  few  days  ago 
.  .  .  eleven  negroes,  five  negresses  and  one  child  made  off  in  a  boat  to  Orin- 
ocque,  which  has  now  l)econie  a  refuge  for  these  people.  Unless  your  Lord- 
ships be  pleased  to  adopt  efficacious  means  most  speedily,  and  demand  early 
redress  from  the  Sovereign,  we  shall,  I  fear,  hear  before  long  of  a  large  and  in- 
creased number  of  similar  occurrences,  resulting  in  the  total  ruin  of  the 
Colony  .  .  .  If  no  treaty  can  be  concluded  with  the  King  of  Spain  by 
which  our  runaway  slaves  may  be  restored  to  us  .  .  .  then  I  foresee  .  .  . 
that  our  Colony,  which  is  now  beginning  to  flourish,  will  in  less  than  ten  years 
suffer  irremediable  ruin.  Same,  pp.  108-iog. 

1774.  Director-General  and  Courts  of  Justice  and  Policy. 

We  again  take  the  liberty  of  entreating  your  Lordships  to  be  pleased  to  make 
an  alliance  or  contract  with  the  Court  of  Spain  ...  to  restore  and  to  send 
back  our  deserting  soldiers  or  runaway  slaves  .  .  .  If  .  .  .  not,  .  .  . 
the  whole  Colony  will  some  day  come  to  total  ruin.  Same,  p.  I2j. 

1774.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Unless  your  Lordships  are  enabled  to  adopt  efficacious  measures  most  speedily 
.  .  .  in  the  matter  of  the  slaves  running-  away  to  the  Spaniards,  we  shall 
all  be  totally  ruined  here  some  day.  Same,  p.  128. 

1775.  Memorial  to  Director-General  and  Councillors  of  Essequibo. 

The  Undersigned,  wishing  to  prevent  the  total  ruin  of  this  Colony,  humbly 
request  your  Excellency  and  your  Honours  to  be  pleased  to  bring  this  matter, 
which  is  one  of  threatening  danger,  most  speedily  to  the  notice  of  their  Lord- 
ships, so  that  we  may  be  ensured  against  further  ruin  and  the  loss  of  all  our 
possessions,  both  by  the  establishment  of  a  few  forts  in  the  direction  of 
Orinoco  and  by  positive  orders  from  the  Court  of  Spain  for  the  restitution  of 
our  slaves.  Satne,  p.  i2g. 

1775.  Courts  of  Policy  and  Justice. 

It  were  desirable  that  the  remonstrances  made  by  their  High  Mightinesses  to 
the  Court  of  Spain  concerning  the  desertion  of  the  soldiers  and  the  running 
away  of  tlie  slaves  had  had  better  results,  .  .  .  we  fear  with  reason  that 
this  matter  may  one  day  be  of  evil  consequence  for  the  Colony,  Same,  p.  ij/, 

1776.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

If  the  Governor  (of  Orinoco)  does  not  restore  our  slaves,  the  Colony,  in  a 
short  time,  will  suffer  irretrievable  damage.  Same,  p.  166. 

1783.     Dutch  Administrator  of  Essequibo. 

It  is  to  be  wished  that  .  .  .  something  may  be  done  with  the  Court  of 
Spain  that  this  lieavy  I0.S8  of  slaves  to  their  neighbouring  domain  could  be 
restored,  and  the  total  ruin  of  this  land  be  prevented.  B.  C,  V,  12. 


SLAVE  TRADE.  83 

SLAVERY-ITS   STATUS   AND    I M  PORTANCE-(Continued). 

1783.  Dutch  Administrator  of  Essequibo. 

I,  being  at  Demarara,  saw  the  present  Government  dispatch  a  barque  to 
Oronoque  to  bring  cattle  for  the  garrison  manned  by  the  best  slaves  of  the  plan- 
tations and  of  the  (military)  train,  but  until  now  I  have  seen  none  of  them 
appear,  and  if  they  or  others  may  do  this  they  will  be  in  a  better  position  to 
teach  the  rest  the  road  thereto,  and  the  language  of  that  fatal  place,  and  come 
themselves  to  take  away  their  families,  that  they  may  still  be  here,  in  order  never 
to  return.  B.  C,  V,  12. 

1784.  Commandeur  in  Demerara. 

This  matter  [escape  of  slaves]  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  this 
Colony  [Demerara]  and  to  Essequibo.  There  passes  no  week  without  run- 
aways of  one  plantation  or  another  going  thither,  and  the  neighborhood  is 
depriv^ed  of  all  possible  means  of  being  able  to  bring  them  back  as  long  as  there 
are  no  uitleggers  or  a  good  strong  occupation  Post  erected  on  the  boundaries  of 
Oronoque.  Satiie,  p.  2j. 

1784.  West  India  Company  (the  Ten). 

The  chief  reason  which  induces  tlie  slaves  to  run  away  is  their  idea  that 
as  soon  as  they  arrive  there  [in  Orinoco]  they  will  be  exempted  from  their  slavery, 
and  it  is  a  fact  that,  directly  upon  their  arrival,  they  are  baptized  by  a  priest  and 
declared  free,  but  then  they  are  starving,  to  prevent  which  they  are  given,  on  be- 
half of  the  King,  their  food  and  drink,  or  5  stivers  per  day. 

In  return  for  which  they  must  work  at  the  fortifications  or  in  the  mines  fully 
as  hard  as  they  ever  had  to  do  during  their  slavery,  and  if  they  show  the  least  in- 
clination to  go  back  again,  chains  are  put  on  their  legs  in  order  to  keep  them 
there.  Same,  pp.  24-2^5 . 

1785.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

This  [as  to  the  Moruka  Post]  is  all  subject  to  your  Honours'  approval,  and  to 
save  as  far  as  may  be  possible  the  Colony  from  ruin,  caused  through  the  deser- 
tion [of  slaves]  to  Oronoque.  Same,  p.  j6. 

Everything  here  is  in  good  order,  only  there  remains  the  desertion  of  the 
slaves  of  our  inhabitants  to  Oronoque,  which  always  continues,  and  proves  a 
great  drawback  to  the  welfare  of  this  Colony.  Same,  p.  jg. 

1786.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Now  that  we  are  .  .  .  possibly  about  to  become  allies  of  Spain  we  may 
obtain  a  Cartel  with  [her]  ...  for  the  extradition  of  our  slaves  who  de- 
sert .  .  .  then  would  the  inhabitants,  particularly  those  of  Essequibo,  fast 
begin  to  enjoy  rest.     Then  we  should  be  able  to  open  Bouweron  without  danger. 

Same,  p.  41. 
1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

The  Caura  [river]  deserves  most  attention,  on  account  of  its  abundance  of 
wood  and  the  fertility  of  its  soil  and  arable  lands,  in  which  the  Indians  cultivate 
produce  of  first  necessity  ;  and  a  beg'inning'  has  been  made  of  some  small  planta- 
tions of  cotton  by  the  fugitive  negroes  from  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  ^6. 

1790.  Director-General. 

For  an  exchange  of  runaway  slaves  to  the  Orinoco  and  other  Spanish 
possessions.  Same,  p.  J4. 


84  SLAVE  TRADE. 

SLAVERY-ITS  STATUS   AND    I  M  PORTANCE-(Continued). 

1790.  Lopez  de  la  Puente. 

The  rebellious  negro  slaves,  which  at  present  numbers  12,000  more  or 
less,  .  .  .  are  independent,  and  recognize  no  superior.  .  .  .  They  have 
always  resisted  the  yoke  of  foreigners,  but  particularly  that  of  the  Dutch,  and 
have  beaten  the  large  expeditions  ,  .  .  sent  for  the  purpose  of  reducing 
them ;  .  .  .  the  Dutch  now  pay  them  a  large  sum  in  kind  so  that  they 
may  refrain  from  raiding  their  settlements.  B.  C,  V,  120. 

1 791.  Treaty  of  Aranjuez. 

The  reciprocal  surrender  of  white  or  black  fugitives  is  agreed  upon  be- 
tween all  the  Spanish  possessions  in  America,  and  all  the  Dutch  Colonies,  and 
particularly,  .  .  .  between  all  the  Spanish  establishments  on  the  Orinoco  and 
Essequibo  and  Demerara,  Berbice  and  Surinam.  Same,  p.  128. 

1792.  A.  Backer  to  Spanish  Governor-General. 

Whereas  .  .  .  the  General  States  of  the  United  Netherlands  have,  on  the 
23d  of  June  of  the  past  year,  made  an  agreement  in  Aranjuez  with  .  .  . 
the  King  of  Spain,  with  regard  to  the  extradition  and  surrender  of  fugitive 
slaves  ...  we  hope  that  the  bearer  of  this  letter  will  receive  from  Your  Ex- 
cellency all  the  facility  and  aid  to  recover  several  negro  slaves  who  have  fled 
last  year  from  Essequibo  and  Demerara  to  Orinoco. 

We  are  disposed,  on  our  part,  to  strictly  fulfill  the  above-mentioned  Agree- 
ment. V.  C. ,  //,  4S2. 

SLAVERY-ABOLITION  OF  BY   BRITISH,  ITS  EFFECT. 

1794.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

A  plantation  without  slaves  is  a  body  without  soul ;  it  is  only  too  well 
known  that  our  trade  on  the  coast  of  Guinea  is  in  great  decay  ;  still,  the  agri- 
cultural Colonies  must  not  for  that  reason  be  made  to  languish.  .  .  .  this 
Colony  will  now,  we  hope,  .  .  .  daily  grow  and  flourish,  if  permitted 
freely  to  import  slaves.  B.  C,  V.  1^4. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

This  same  year  of  1S07  saw  the  abolition  of  the  African  slave  trade,  the 
first  of  those  steps  which  in  1838  resulted  in  the  total  abolition  of  slavery  from 
the  Colony.  .  .  .  this  .  .  .  came  as  a  severe  blow  to  the  struggling 
planters  whose  dependence  upon  their  slaves  was  complete.  The  blow  itself 
came  at  a  most  inopportune  moment.  It  came  when  the  colony  was  already  in 
a  moribund  condition.  V.  C,  i/j. 

The  effect  of  this  final  emancipation  was  almost  the  ruin  of  the  Colony. 

Same,  pp.  J-/4-I75- 


-.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  the  subsequent  emancipation  of  the  j 
negroes,  and  the  resulting  loss  to  the  planters,  this  had  no  efl'ect  upon  the 
area  which  (jjreat  Britain  continued  to  occupy.  B.  C.-C,  112, 


5   \ 

•I 


SLAVE  TRADE.  85 

SLAVERY-ABOLITION    OF    BY    BRITISH,    ITS    EFFECT-(Coiitinued). 

1807.     [1893]  James  Rodway. 

The  abolition  of  tlie  African  trade  in  1807  was  naturally  a  great  shock 
to  the  planters.  The  old  system  of  buying  new  laborers  to  open  up  and  extend 
the  plantations  then  came  to  an  end,  and  enterprise  in  that  direction  received  a 
check  from  which  it  has  never  since  recovered.  V.  C,  ///,j2j. 

1 810.     Court  of  PoHcy. 

[As  to  the  Oaribs]  having  formerly  been  of  great  use  to  the  Colony 
this  certainly  was  the  case  at  the  time  it  was  lawful  to  employ  the  other  classes 
of  Indians  as    slaves,  when    these  Caraiban  Indians  were  very  nseful  in  pro- 
curing them,  but  could  not  be  applicable  at  this  moment,  when  that  trade 
was  prohibited.  B.  C,  V.  ig^, 

1849.     Earl  Grey. 

It  is  most  melancholy  to  learn,  that  while  the  difficulties  of  the  planters  have 
continued  since  the  abolition  of  slavery  to  become  more  and  more  severe, 
until  now  their  ruin  appears  to  be  almost  complete,  and  the  depreciation  of  prop- 
erty once  of  such  great  value,  has  reached  a  point  which  involves  in  the  deepest 
distress  great  numbers  of  persons  both  in  this  country  and  the  colony;  at  the 
same  time  the  negroes,  instead  of  having  made  a  great  advance  in  civilization  as 
might  have  been  hoped  during  the  fifteen  years  which  have  elapsed  since  their 
emancipation,  have,  on  the  contrary,  retrograded  rather  than  improved,  and  that 
they  are  now  as  a  body  less  amenable  than  they  were  when  that  great  change 
took  place,  to  the  restraints  of  religion  and  of  law,  less  docile  and  tractable,  and 
almost  as  ignorant  and  as  much  subject  as  ever  to  the  degrading  superstition 
which  their  forefathers  brought  with  them  from  Africa.  V.  C,   III,  J2y. 

1894.     James  Rodway. 

The  emancipation  act  had  been  passed  on  the  24th  of  August  [183-]  and 
was  published  in  the  Colony  on  the  19th  of  October.  V.  C,  III,j2j. 

Under  the  emancipation  Act  the  slaves  were  classified  as  predials  and 
domestics,  the  former  being  bound  to  remain  as  apprentices  until  1840,  while  the 
latter  would  be  entirely  free  in  1838.  Same,  p.  J26. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  emancipation  meant  a  serious  reduction  of  the 
estimated  capital  and,  as  a  natural  consequence,  of  all  the  advantages  of  its  pos- 
session. Only  about  a  third  of  the  value  of  the  slaves  was  received,  so  that  every 
owner  was  mulcted  in  the  amount  of  the  other  two  thirds,  leaving  him  in  so  much 
the  worse  position  as  a  borrower.  From  all  that  can  be  gleaned,  the  human 
property  on  an  estate  was  always  of  more  importance  than  the  acreage  in  cultiva- 
tion, and  was  therefore  its  prop  and  mainstay  in  all  financial  difficulties. 

Same,  p.  J26. 

It  was  undoubtedly  true  that  there  was  great  distress  in  the  Colony  at  this 

time.     Lieutenant  Governor  Walker  reported  to  the  Secretary  of  State  [Earl 
Grey],  on  the  matter,  giving  a  sad  picture  of  the  Colony.  Same,  p.  j2'/. 

A  commission  was  appointed,  in  January,  1850,  to  enquire  into  the  state  and 
prospects  of  the  Colony,  which  reported  on  the  28th  of  December  of  the  same 
year.  This  report  is  most  exhaustive,  proving  beyond  a  doubt  that  the  colony 
In  general  was  yirtually  ruined.  Same,  p.  j2y. 


80 

DUTCH   FISHERIES. 

1681.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  obtained  little  food  from  them  [natives]  and  this  want  has  been  sup- 
plied by  the  sea-side  and  again  two  canoes  have  gone  there,  one  of  them  to  Aiua- 
cura  to  salt  manatees  and  wild  hog's  flesh.  B.  C,  I,  iSj. 

1699.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Our  barque  which  we   sent  to  Waiiii     ...     to  salt   fish  and  to  trade 
arrived  here     .     .     .     with  a  very  bad  catch,  and  without  having  done 
any  trading. 

We  thought  it  to  be  the  interest  of  the  Company  to  let  the  said  yacht  [Ram- 
mekens]  make  a  short  cruise  to  Waiiii  to  salt  fish,  wherein  the  desired  success 
was  not  achieved.  Same,  p.  214. 

1699.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

July  31,  [1699].  Daniel  Henderson  came  to  the  fort  from  Demerary  .  .  . 
to  go  salting  up  the  river.  Samg,  p.  21  j. 

October  27,  [1699].  The  yacht  "  Rammekens  "  has  gone  down  to  the  River 
Wayni  for  the  salting  of  provisions. 

November  11,  [1699].  The  yacht  "Rammekens"  again  dropped  down 
stream  to  go  and  salt  in  the  River  Wayni,  as  has  already  been  mentioned. 

Same,  p.  216. 

1710.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Having  learned  through  the  Creole  Jan,  whom  I  had  sent  to  Mazaruni  to  salt 
for  the  fort.  Same,  p.  234. 


1746.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

This  Colony  from  its  very  beginning  having  been  in  the  possession  of  that 
[Orinoco]  fishery,  and  never  having  suffered  the  least  hindrance  or  opposition 
from  the  Spaniards,  this  [seizure  by  the  Spaniards,  of  a  Dutch  fishing  boat]  ap- 
pears to  m2  to  bs  a  kind  of  piratical  act  which  cannot  be  tolerated.  .  .  .  The 
new  Governor  being  due  in  Orinoco  in  February  next,  I  shall  send  there  to  claim 
the  boats  and  cargoes,  but  I  am  certain  that  such  will  be  in  vain.      B.  C,  II,  47. 

1747.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  hereby  repeat  .  .  .  and  also  very  earnestly  recommend  you  here- 
with to  aid  in  every  possible  way,  and  with  all  your  might,  in  the  maintenance  of 
the  fishery  [in  the  Orinoco  region]  and  to  help  preserve  the  right  thereof. 

Same,  p.  4g. 

1748.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  shall  also,  as  soon  as  a  favorable  opportunity  occurs,  execute  your 
Honours'  order.s  ...  as  regards  the  fishery.  I  have  brought  the  matter 
so  far  with  the  Commandant  of  Orinoco,  that  I  believe  myself  that  no  further 
disturbances  will  occur,  but  I  can  obtain  no  satisfaction  for  the  three  canoes 
taken  away  because  he  pretends  that  this  took  place  through  a  privateer  of  Trini-  I 
dad,  and  thus  out  of  his  jurisdiction.  Same,  p.  JJ. 


DUTCH    FISHERIES.  87 

1767.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Spanish  deserters  have  arrived  in  Essequibo,  .  .  .  They  give  the  harsh 
treatment  of  the  new  Governor  as  a  reason  for  deserting,  ...  I  do  not  trust 
the  whole  business,  especially  since  commerce  with  Orinoco  is  entirely  stopped, 
and  even  the  flshery  is  absolutely  at  a  standstill,  which  has  never  hap- 
pened before,  and  which  is  exceedingly  embarrassiuj?  ...  to  the 
whole  Colony.  B.  C,  III,  14J. 

On  account  of  the  bad  treatment  received  at  the  hands  of  the  present  Governor 
of  Orinoque,  all  the  Warouws,  thousands  of  whom  live  on  the  islands  in  the  mouth 
of  the  Orinoco,  are  fleeing  from  there,  and  that  hundreds  of  them  have  already 
arrived  in  Barima.  Our  flshery  is  therefore  knocked  on  the  head  for  some 
time,  unless  that  nation  should  resolve  to  exchange  blow  for  blow ;  .  .  .  but 
courage  fails  them,  for     .     .     .     [they  are]  most  afraid  of  firearms. 

Same,  p.  144. 

1768.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

They  [Spaniards]  are  not  content  with  most  unreasonably  keeping  our  run- 
away slaves  and  with  hindering  lis  from  carrying'  on  the  flshery  in  Oronoco, 
which  we  have  always  been  free  to  do,  but  they  now  wish  to  prevent  us  from 
salting  along  our  own  coasts,  and  will  in  this  manner  end  by  closing  our  river, 
and  no  boats  will  dare  to  go  out  any  more.  Same,  p.  181. 

1768.  British  Case. 

Tlie  Dutch  had  for  many  years  [before  1768]  enjoyed  the  maracot  flshery 
in  the  moutli  of  the  Orinoco.  It  was  much  hindered  by  the  Spaniards,  but  al- 
ways upon  the  plea  that  the  vessels  were  not  fishing  but  smuggling.         B.  C,  J2. 

1769.  British  Counter  Case. 

The  Dutch  flshery  iu  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  .  .  .  had  been  enjoyed 
by  the  Dutch  for  a  long  period,  and  their  right  to  it  was  never  denied  by 
the  Spanish  authorities  till  1769.  .  .  .  All  the  captures  of  the  Dutch  fish- 
ing craft  before  that  year  were  either  acts  of  piracy,  disavowed  by  the  Spanish 
Commander,  who,  in  many  cases,  procured  redress  for  the  owners,  or  were  jus- 
tified only  on  the  grounds  that,  under  pretence  of  fishing,  contraband  trade  was 
being  carried  on  with  the  Spanish  possessions.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  the 
Dutch  fishery  was  permanently  abandoned  after  1769.  B.  C.-C,  Sj-SS. 

1769.     Remonstrance  of  the  States-General. 

That  .  .  .  the  people  of  the  Orinoco  had  some  time  ago  not  only  begun  to 
dispute  with  the  people  of  Essequibo  about  the  flshing  rights  in  the  mouth  of 
the  Orinoco  and  thereupon  to  prevent  them  by  force  from  enjoying  the  same, 
notwithstanding  that  the  people  of  Essequibo  had  been  for  many  years  in 
peaceful  and  quiet  possession  of  that  flshery,     .     .     .    but     .  .     the 

people  of  Orinoco  were  beginning  to  prevent,  by  force,  their  fishing  upon  the 
territory  of  the  State  itself,  extending  from  the  River  Marowjn  to  beyond  the 
Rivei  Wayne,  not  far  from  the  mouth  ot  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  IV,  ji. 

1769.     West  India  Company. 

Concerning  the  .  .  .  hindering  of  tlie  fisheries  ...  we  have 
made  a  very  full  remonstrance  to  the  States  General.  V.  C,  II,  212. 


88  DUTCH  FISHERIES. 

1769.  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Indies. 

It  is  necessary  for  me  to  ask  information  from  the  Governors  of  .  .  . 
Guayana  and  of  Cumana  concerning  the  facts  which  are  reported,  and  to  forward 
the  said  memorial  [Dutch  remonstrance  of  1769]  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  in 
order  that  His  Majesty  may  be  informed  .  .  .  about  the  ri^ht  claimed  by 
the  Republic  to  the  fishery  at  tlie  entrance  to  the  River  Orinoco  ...  a 
thing'  as  new  to  me  as  that  the  Carib  tribe  of  Indians  is  conceived  of  as  the 
ally  of  the  Dutch.  V.  C,  III,  3S1. 

1770.  Commandant  of  Guayana. 

The  fishery  in  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco  was  never  less  disputed  by  the 
Spaniards  to  the  Dutch  than  at  present,  for  the  Dutch  do  not  fish  there,  and  in 
the  three  years  that  the  privateers  for  this  river  have  been  in  service  by  my  orders 
they  have  taken  twenty-three  foreign  vessels,  but  no  fishing  boat,  nor  have  even 
seen  any,  nor  has  it  come  to  my  knowledge  that  the  Dutch  have  had  such 
fishery  .  .  .  And  I  have  only  been  able  to  find  one  case  in  which  the  Span- 
iards had  met  with  and  taken  in  the  year  1760  a  small  Dutch  schooner  and 
two  fishing-boats,  in  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  and  River  Barima  ...  I 
am  of  opinion  tliis  pretended  fishery  should  be  denied  to  them  and  pro- 
hibited. B.  C,  IV,  72. 

1785.     Council  of  the  Indies. 

In  1769  the  Ambassador  of  Holland  appeared,  .  .  .  presenting  .  .  . 
a  memorial  .  .  .  that  the  Spaniards  had  commenced  some  time  back,  to 
dispute  their  riglit  to  fish  at  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  and  in  the  stretch  of 
territory  between  the  Marewigni  river  and  the  other  side  of  the  Wayne,  be- 
longing to  the  State,  .  .  .  and  that  they  had  been  disturbed  in  their  fishing 
by  force,  notwithstanding  the  long  time  they  had  enjoyed  it  quietly  and  peace- 
fully, and  that  it  was  of  great  profit  to  them  by  reason  of  the  abundance  of  fish  to 
be  found  there.  Same,  pp.  2J4-2/J. 

The  Governors  of  Guayana  and  Cumana     .     .    .     reported   (justifying  the 
same).  Same,  p.  2/^. 

That  they  could  not  found  such  pretensions  upon  the  tacit  or  express  permission 
that  the  Commandants  of  Guayana  and  Orinoco  may  have  at  times  gijen  them  to 
fish  at  the  Boca  de  Navios  and  the  Barima  and  Aquire  rivers  ;  on  the  huts  they 
may  have  built  to  salt  and  dry  their  catch,  nor  on  the  navigation  which  may  have 
been  furtively  allowed  them  as  far  as  Guayana  or  farther  up.  Same,  p.  2yj, 

The  matter  remained  in  this  condition  up  to  the  year  1785,  when,  the  brief 
having  been  made  by  the  Relator,  and  the  Record  returned  to  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral ...  he  stated  in  his  reply  of  May  27  of  the  same  year  [1785J  that  at 
that  time  there  was  no  action  required,  since  more  than  fifteen  years  having 
passed  without  any  pressure  being  brought  by  the  Minister  of  Holland  in  the 
premises,  it  was  natural  to  believe  that  the  Republic  better  apprised  of  the 
want  of  just  reasons  for  tlie  demand  it  had  made,  had  desisted  thei'efroni. 

Same,  pp.  2jg-2So. 


CHAPTER    m, 
BOUNDARIES, 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  SPANISH-TO  GUIANA  AS  A  WHOLE. 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Spain  was  the  first  nation  to  discover  South  America,  to  explore  it,  and  to 
take  formal  possession  of  it.  V.  C,  221. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

That  Spain  was  the  first  to  discover  South  America  is  admitted,  but  her 

exploration  of  it  was  very  limited.  B.  C.-C,  ijo. 

Venezuelan  Case. 

Spain  was  the  first  nation  to  discover  and  explore  Guiana.         V.  C,  221. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  admitted  that  Spain  was  the  first  nation  to  discover  Guiana.     It  is 

untrue  that  except  to  a  very  limited  extent  she  explored  that  country.  All  the  im- 
portant explorations  in  that  part  of  the  territory  now  called  Guiana  were  made 
by  the  English  and  Dutch.  B.  C.-C,  ijo. 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Spain  was  ...  the  first  and  only  nation  to  take  formal  possession  of, 
and  to  occupy,  Guiana  as  a  whole.  V.  C,  221. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

At  no  time  did  she  [Spain]  t.alie  formal  possession  of  and  occupy  Guiana 
as  a  whole ;  the  acts  of  the  Dutch  and  the  Spaniards  wholly  rebut  any  such  con- 
tention. B.  C.-C,  IJO. 

-.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

Spain  herself,  from  first  to  last,  proclaimed  her  sole  right  to  the  whole  of 
Guiana  south  of  the  narrow  fringe  of  Dutch,  French  and  English  settlements 
along  the  coast.  The  Orinoco  and  the  entire  coast  region  as  far  east  as  the  Es- 
sequibo  she  always  regarded  as  her  own.  V.  C.-C,  2g. 

-.     [1897]  George  L.  Bun. 

Spanish  claim,  of  any  formal,  official  sort,  as  to  the  boundary  in  Guiana,  I 
have  nowliere  found  in  the  Diplomatic  correspondence  preserved  in  Dutch 
archives.  .  .  .  The  Dutch  remonstrances  of  1759  and  1769,  which  alone  from 
the  Dutch  side  seem  to  have  asked  Spanish  attention  to  the  question,  never  re- 
ceived a  formal  answer,  V.  C-C,  II,  20Q. 

(89) 


90  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    SPANISH -TO    GUIANA   AS   A   WHOLE-(Continued). 

1615.     King  of  Spain. 

It  has  been  understood  that  in  the  region  of  Gnajana  the  enemy  hare  made 
some  settlements  in  which  they  are  planting  a  very  great  quantity  of  tobacco,  and 
to  which  ships  go  very  commonly  to  be  laden  therewith,  and  on  the  way  they 
traffic  and  do  all  the  other  injury  they  are  able. 

The  said  Governor  is  commanded  to  try  to  dislodge  [them]  from  there,  by 
taking  from  them  the  said  settlements,  and  by  taking  the  necessary  measures  to 
extirpate  the  enemy  from  every  point  of  tliat  island  on  which  they  have  taken 
footing.  B.  C,  1,54. 

1637.  Don  Juan  Desologuren. 

Each  new  settlement  which  they  [Dutch]  found  is  a  source  of  present  advan- 
tage to  them,  and  though  it  may  seem  an  error  of  judgment  to  scatter  their 
strength  in  so  many  places,  it  is  not  so  in  them,  because  by  these  means  they  di- 
vert His  Majesty's  arms  and  are  not  molested  by  his  power,  as  they  would  be 
if  their  settlements  were  few,  and  they  can  thns  advance  npon  the  mainland  in 
whatever  part  is  most  convenient  to  them.  Same,  p.  jS. 

The  coasts  being  as  they  are,  infested  with  pirates  and  foreig-n  settlements, 
it  would  be  rashness  for  those  in  authority  to  send  help  even  if  they  were  com- 
manded to  do  so ;  .  .  .  I  will  not  dilate  here  on  the  extent  to  which  the 
coasts  and  islands  are  infested  with  enemies.  Same,  p.  Si. 

1627.     Don  Pedro  de  Vivero. 

On  the  mainland  in  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Royal  Audiencia  and  of  the 

said  Government  and  port  of  Guayana,  English,  Irish,  and  others,  with  negro 
slaves,  have  established  and  settled  themselves,  from  Cape  North  up  to  the  mouth 
of  the  River  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  no. 

The  said  pirates  want  to  seize  this  New  Kingdom  of  Granada,  and  the 
ports  and  islands  of  Margarita,  Trinidad,  and  Guayana,  in  the  Government  of 
Caracas  and  Venezuela,  as  they  have  done  in  Pernambuco  and  Brazil  and  other 
ports,  which  your  Royal  person  and  your  Royal  Council  of  the  Indies  have  de- 
fended with  such  care  and  vigilance,  so  that  the  said  pirates  should  not  seize  the 
said  ports.  And  those  who  are  therein  have  foreseen  that  upon  ejecting  them 
therefrom,  they  will  doubtless  proceed  to  take  possession  of  the  said  Guayana  on 
account  of  the  great  tobacco  trade,  the  mines  of  gold  and  silver  and  the  other 
products.  Same,  p.  in. 

1638.  Royal  Audiencia  of  New  Kingdom  of  Granada. 

The  Governor  of  Guayana  .  .  .  wrote  to  us  in  the  month  of  August  of 
last  year,  1637,  that  he  was  besieged  by  the  Dutch  enemies  who  have  generally 
infested  those  coasts,  .  .  .  representing  the  injuries  that  would  follow  if 
these  enemies  should  take  possession  of  those  provinces.     Same,  pp.  loj-iod. 

1662.     Governor  of  Trinidad. 

These  [settlements  on  the  Wild  Coast]  are  composed  of  companies,  and  many 
of  them  with  permission  of  the  States  of  Holland,  and  fi'om  the  way  they 
divide  these  lands,  they  appear  to  be  tlieirs.  Same,  p.  ij2. 


BOUNDARIES.  91 

CLAIMS    BY    THE    SPANISH-TO    GUIANA   AS   A   WHOLE-(Continued). 

1662.     Spanish  Council  of  War. 

For  the  said  assistance  [to  Santo  Thome  and  Trinidad]  accrues  to  the  defence 
of  the  New  Kingdom  and  of  the  Province  of  Barinas,  to  which  parts  the  enemy 
have  an  entrance  through  the  mouths  of  the  River  Orinoco  if  they  become  masters 
of  the  said  coast.  B.  C,  1, 160. 

1676.     Spanish  Council  of  War. 

[Spanish  claim  to  all  (}niaua.J  In  view  of  the  time  and  season,  it  does  not 
appear  advisable  at  present  to  bring  the  proposed  complaint  [against  a  proposed 
Dutch  colony  at  Cape  Orange  between  Surinam  and  the  River  Amazon]  before 
the  States-General.  Same,  p.  176. 

What  the  Dutch  are  now  desirous  of  attempting  is  more  absolute,  for  their 
object  [in  planting  a  Colony  at  Cape  Orange]  is  to  increase  plantations  in  the 
Indies  .  .  .  and  to  extend  them  along  the  coasts  of  the  mainland  in  order  to 
get  the  trade  more  into  their  hands,  to  the  serious  loss  and  prejudice  of  the  in- 
habitants of  those  ports,  and  the  evident  risli  of  the  Indies  bein^  lost  through 
the  numerous  settlements  which  the  Northern  nations  have  made  in  those 
provinces.  Same,  p.  178. 

17 yj.     Marquis  de  Torrenueva. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  are  established  within  this  demarcation 
and  limits,  on  the  continent  of  the  Province  of  Guayana,  and  occupy  with  their 
cities  and  mills,  the  territory  which  stretches  from  the  Orinoco  [according  to  the 
map  cited  below  this  should  read  Essequibo]  to  the  before-mentioned  Surinam, 
a  distance  of  5°,  from  318^°  to  3240  of  [east]  longitude,  [according  to  Delisle's 
map  of  1 703,  U.  S.  Com.  atlas,  map  J7]  .  .  .  The  opinion  which  I  gave  at 
the  Council  of  State  in  reference  to  the  disputes  with  Portugal  ...  in  which 
is  also  treated  of  what  may  and  ought  to  be  done  to  check  .  .  .  the  Dutch 
on  the  River  Orinoco  [Essequibo  according  to  latitude  and  longitude  cited  above] 
who  are  trying-  by  these  rivers  to  establish  themselves  in  our  dominions. 

B.  C,  II,  41. 

1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

The  Dntch  are  establislied  on  the  mainland,  to  the  east  of  the  Great  Mouth 
of  the  Orinoco,  and  in  the  position  marked  out  in  the  plan  which  he  has  sent.  They 
are  divided  into  the  three  Colonies  which  are  called  Essequibo,  Berbice  and  Sur- 
inam. In  order  to  dislodge  them  from  all  these  Colonies  a  large  number  of 
troops  and  war  vessels,  well  equipped,  are  necessary,  as  they  are  strongly  forti- 
fied and  garrisoned,  and  especially  so  in  the  ancient  settlement  of  Rio  de  Surinam. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  183. 

1743.     Marquis  de  Torrenueva. 

Equal  attention  is  due  to  the  object  with  which  the  Dutch  established  them- 
selves to  the  windward  of  the  River  Orinoco,  in  5^  north  latitude,  and  325^^ 
nearly  of  [east]  longitude,  according  to  Delisle  [  F.  C.  atlas,  map  J7]  to  leeward 
of  the  Island  of  Cayenne,  and  in  6°  north  latitude,  and  320°  40'  longitude,  with 
the  two  forts  with  the  name  "  Zeelandeses  "  between  the  rivers  named  Surinam 
and  Cupenam.  And  this  could  be  no  other  than  to  get  nearer  to  the  mouth  and 
banks  of  the  said  [Orinoco]  river,  and  to  found  thereon  plantations,  which  might 
facilitate  their  traffic  with  the  new  kingdom,  and  enable  them  to  penetrate  by  that 
part  to  those  places  and  districts  which  their  avarice  might  dictate  until  they 


92  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY    THE    SPANISH-TO   GUIANA   AS    A   WHOLE-(Continued). 

made  themselves  masters  of  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  ...  it  being 
necessary  to  preserve  this  mouth  as  a  safeguard  of  that  kingdom,  it  is  no  less 
necessary  to  restrain  the  Dutch  from  approaching  its  banks  either  by  land  or 
water,  keeping  in  view  with  this  object  the  Vth  and  Vlth  Articles  of  the  Treaty 
of  Peace  with  that  nation  of  1648.  The  mouth  of  the  River  Essequibo  offers 
facilities  for  carrying  out  those  designs,  being  situated,  according  to  this 
geographer,  in  6°  40'  latitude,  and  318°  10'  [east]  longitude,  and  its  source  in  1° 
nearly  of  north  latitude,  and  316°  of  [east]  longitude,  thus  the  whole  course  of  the 
river  forms  a  large  extent  of  country,  ...  it  contains  within  its  limits  tribes 
of  Indians  to  be  reduced,  many  who  would  then  serve  as  a  barrier  so  that  the 
Dutch  might  not  pass  to  the  west  of  this  [Essequibo]  river.  B.  C,  II,  41. 

1748.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

A  wanderer  of  the  name  of  Pinet  having  gone  up  the  River  Cuyuni  .  .  . 
has  made  report  to  me  that  the  Spaniards  had  not  yet  undertaken  the  building 
of  any  forts  or  Missions  as  had  been  their  intention  lower  down,  but  that  they 
cruelly  ill-treated  the  Indians  subject  to  us,  continually  taking  them  by  sur- 
prise in  their  dwellings  and  carrying  them  off,  with  their  wives  and  children,  to 
send  them  to  Florida  ;  that  he  had  spoken  to  the  Chief  of  the  Spaniards,  .  .  . 
but  that  the  latter  had  replied  that  the  whole  of  America  belonged  to  the 
King  of  Spain,  and  that  he  should  do  what  suited  himself,  without  troubling 
about  us.  Same,  p.  38. 

1753.     Portuguese  Secretary  of  State  to  Spanish  Ambassador. 

The  project  of  hindering  the  Butcli  from  penetrating,  as  they  have  en- 
deavored to  do,  into  the  heart  of  the  dominions  of  the  two  crowns  [Spain 
and  Portugal]  .  .  .  appeared  as  justifiable  as  it  is  in  conformity  with  the 
law  of  natural  defence  .  .  .  that  nation  .  .  .  reduced  within  their  own 
proper  limits,  cannot  subsist  on  the  continent  in  which  up  to  the  present  they 
have  tried  to  usurp  the  dominions  of  others,  except  by  bringing  forces  from 
Europe.  Same,  p.  82. 

1753.     Instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

No  other  means  [than  giving  support  to  revolted  slaves]  offers  itself  to  dis- 
cover the  secret  invasions  they  [Dutch]  .are  carrying  on  in  our  dominions. 

Same,  p.  86. 

In  respect  that  all  the  territory  comprised  between  the  Rivers  Maranon 
and  Orinoco  unquestionably  belongs  to  the  two  Crowns  [Spain  and  Portugal] 

any  establishment  of  the  other  foreigners  in  that  place  is  to  be  looked  upon  as  a 
usurpation  of  their  rights,  and  they  cannot  show  that  we  have  formally  recognized 
that  dominion  as  theirs.  Same,  p.  87. 

Although  the  two  Courts  [Spain  and  Portugal]  have  not  considered  it  con- 
venient to  attack  them  [  Dutch  in  fiuayana]  with  open  force,  nevertheless  they  are 
agreed  in  the  scheme  of  doing  so  by  intrigue,  .  .  .  both  nations  have  re- 
solved to  take  measures  to  Iicm  them  in,  each  on  its  own  side,  the  Spaniards  by 
that  of  the  River  Orinoco,  and  the  Portuguese  by  the  Maraiion  ...  in 
order  that  tlicy  may  not  penetrate  the  interior,  seeking  better  establishments 
and  a  more  profitable  commerce.  Same,  p.  88. 


BOUNDARIES.  93 

CLAIMS    BY    THE    SPANISH-TO    GUIANA   AS   A   WHOLE-(Continued). 

1760.  Confidential  Report  to  King-  of  Spain. 

In  the  public  report  we  appear  to  ignore  the  place  which  the  rebel  negroes 
maintain  against  the  Dutch.  ...  as  Spain,  by  the  Peace  of  Utrecht,  is 
not  bound  to  luaiiitaiu  the  Dutch  in  the  said  Colony,  she  may  in  good  con- 
science and  Christian  policy,  consent  and  contribute  to  their  expulsion  by  the 
neg-roes,  .  .  .  these  negroes  .  .  .  are  about  30,000  in  number,  and 
though  they  were  only  6,000,  that  number  of  resolute  spirits  would  be  sufficient 
to  eject  the  Dutch  from  their  colonies. 

These  negroes  have  retired  into  the  dale  left  by  the  small  mountain  range 
which  borders  the  coast  on  the  limits  of  this  province,  and  runs,  ...  as  far 
as  Cape  North,  and  thus  their  territory  or  colonies  lie  between  the  southern 
limits  of  the  Dutch,  and  the  northern  limits  of  the  French,  which  they  call  Cay- 
enne, .  .  .  Your  Majesty  will  understand  how  strong  is  the  territory  held  by 
these  men,  and  how  difficult  it  is  for  the  Dutch  to  reduce  them  by  force  of  arms, 
and  how  conducive  it  would  be  to  your  Majesty's  interests  to  acquire  it. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  203-206. 

1 76 1.  Don  Jose  Diguja. 

This  Province  of  (xuayana  has  as  boundaries :  On  the  east,  all  the  coast  on 
which  are  situated  the  Dutch  colonies  of  Esquivo,  Bervis,  Demerari,  Coren- 
tin  and  Surinama;  and  further  to  windward,  Cayenne,  belonging  to  the 
French  ;  on  the  north,  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  which,  separating  the  Provinces 
of  Cumana,  Barcelona,  Caracas,  Barinas,  Santa  Fe  and  Popayan,  forms  a  half 
circle,  running  back  east  to  seek  its  head-waters  in  Parima  Lake ;  on  the  south, 
the  dominions  of  the  Most  Faithful  King  in  Brazil,  the  frontiers  of  the  latter,  and 
the  said  Province  of  Guayana  being  unknown.  V.  C,  II,  SJJ. 

1761.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

(juayana  is  the  most  eastern  province  of  the  dominions  of  your  Majesty  in 
the  northern  part  of  South  America ;  its  boundaries  are  the  western  ocean  on 
the  east,  on  the  coasts  of  which  (?  are  the  Colonies  of  tlie  French)  at  the  mouth 
of  tlie  Amazon  and  those  of  the  Dutch  at  Surinam  and  Esquivo,  near  the 
Orinoco;  on  the  south,  the  Portuguese,  .  .  .  and  on  the  west  and  north  the 
Casiquiari,     .     .     .     and  this  great  river  [Orinoco].  B.  C,  II,  204-203. 

1769.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  territory  of  this  Mission  of  tlie  Capuchins  ...  is  from  Angos- 
tura of  the  Orinoco  to  the  Grand  3Iouth,  in  a  straight  line,  on  botli  sides,  to 

the  Marauon  or  Amazons.  This,  together  with  the  protest,  ...  of  the 
Governor  of  Essequibo,  makes  me  doubt  if  it  be  permitted  to  us  to  penetrate  to 
the  interior  in  future  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  Indians  of  the  before-mentioned 
parts,  Barima,  Moruca,  Cuyuni,  and  even  of  the  coast ;  and  as  it  is  a  matter  so 
necessary  to  the  practice  of  the  reductions,  it  appears  to  me  well  to  lay  before 
your  Majesty  my  doubt.  B.  C,  IV,  23-24. 

1769.     Report  to  Council  of  Indies. 

The  Province  of  Guayana  is  situated  on  the  other  side  of  the  River  Orinoco. 
Its  limits  are  :  — 

On  the  east  all  the  coast  on  which  are  the  Dntcli  Colonies  of  Esquibon, 
Berbis,  Mesari,  Corentyne,  and  Surinam,  and  further  to  the  windward  Cayenne, 
which  belongs  to  the  French  ; 


94  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY    THE    SPANISH-TO    GUIANA    AS   A   WHOLE-(Continued). 

On  the  north,  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  which  divide  the  Provinces  of  Cumana, 
Barcelona,  Santa  Fee,  Caracas,  Barinas,  and  Popayan,  and  form  a  semi-circle, 
bending  to  the  east  up  to  its  source  in  the  Lake  of  Parimas  ; 

On  the  south,  the  dominions  of  Brazil,  the  boundaries  between  which  and 
the  Province  of  Guayana  are  unknown,  as  also  is  the  extent  of  the  interior.  This 
Province  has  for  its  Capital  Santo  Thome  de  Guayana.  B.  C,  IV,  4J. 

1779.     Don  Jose  de  Abalos. 

The  said  Dutch  Colony  of  Essequibo,  and  the  others  which  the  States- 
General  possess  on  that  coast,  are  all  in  general  on  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  close  to 
the  sea-shore,  and  do  not  penetrate  far  into  the  Interior  of  the  country,  and, 
consequently,  at  the  back  of  Essequibo  and  the  other  Dutch  possessions,  .  .  . 
the  land  is  in  part  free  from  them  and  only  occupied  by  heathen  Indians  and 
.  .  .  negro  slaves,  fugitives.  .  .  .  The  commissioners  shall  endeavor  to  occupy 
the  said  lands  as  appertaining  to  Spain,  their  first  discoverer,  and  not  after- 
wards given  up  nor  occupied  at  the  present  time  by  any  other  Power, 
neither  has  any  other  Power  a  title  tliereto.  Same,  p.  /pj. 

The  occupation  of  the  lands  in  all  these  countries  must  be  taken  up  as  part 
of  the  same  Province  of  Guayana,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Governor  and  Com- 
mandant thereof  as  its  Chief  and  Head,  by  grant  and  appointment  from  his 
Majesty.  Same,  p.  ig6. 

1790.    Governor  of  Guayana. 

My  care  has  been  compelled  by  the  fact  that  the  Dutch,  French  and  Portu- 
guese have  occupied  the  greater  part  of  this  vast  extent  of  our  territory,  and 
that  from  day  to  day  they  are  advancing  their  possessions,  particularly  the 
Dutch,  by  the  River  Essequibo.  B.  C,  V,  82. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  SPANISH-TO   ESSEQUIBO. 

1637.     Jacques  Ousiel. 

The  Governor  set  forth  that  immediately  after  the  conquest  of  Tobago  he  had 
resolved  to  carry  his  victorious  arms  against  Essequibo,  a  fort  lying  in  his 
province  of  tluayaua.  B.  C,  I,  S6. 

1737.     Marquis  de  Torrenueva. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  are  established  within  this  demarcation  and 
limits,  on  the  continent  of  the  Province  of  Guayana,  and  occupy  with  their  cities 
and  mills,  the  territory  which  stretches  from  the  Orinoco  [according  to  the 
map  cited  below  this  should  read  EssequiboJ  to  the  before-mentioned  Surinam,  a 
distance  of  .'>o,  from  .'{18^^'  to  324°  of  [east]  longitude  [according  to  Delisle's 
maj)  of  1703,   V.  C.  atlas,  pi.  Ji\     .     .     . 

The  opinion  which  I  gave  at  the  Council  of  State  in  reference  to  the  disputes 
with  Portugal  ...  in  which  is  also  treated  of  what  may  and  ought  to  be 
done  to  check  the  French  on  the  Mississippi  and  the  Dutch  on  the  River  Orinoco 
[should  be  Essequibo  according  to  longitude  above  cited  |  who  are  trying  by 
these  rivers  to  establish  tliemselves  in  our  dominions.  B.  C,  II,  41. 


BOUNDARIES.  95 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    SPANISH-TO    ESSEQUI  BO-(Continued). 

1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

Your  Majesty  may  order  the  chief  or  commander  who  will  be  in  charge  in  Ori- 
noco to  request  the  Governor  of  the  nearest  Diitcli  settlement  not  to  advance 
further  towards  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco,  and  marking  out  the  limits  of  the 
place  where  they  are  stationed,  to  take  care  that  they  do  not  advance  further. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  iSj. 

1760.     Confidential  Report  to  King  of  Spain. 

The  circuit  of  Guayana  with  its  two  districts,  one  extending  to  Essequibo 
and  Caura,  .  .  .  and  the  other  should  .  .  .  extend  as  far  as  the  French 
settlements  and  the  Portuguese  frontier,  both  to  the  South  of  Guiana,  and  in 
this  sense  if  other  Dominions  did  not,  and  had  not  intervened,  Guayana  would 
extend  to  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon,  .  .  .  and  would  be  an  extensive 
island,  comprehending  what  is  shown  on  the  general  map  from  the  ship's  mouth 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Marafion  or  Amazon. 

To  return  to  the  extensive  district  of  Guayana  belonging  to  your  Majesty's 
dominion,  .  .  .  the  country  is  wild,  with  mountains  and  woods,  as  far  as 
Cape  North,  uncultivated,  unknown,  and  inhabited  by  innumerable  nations  of 
wild  Indians  of  whom  the  missionaries  of  Guayana  make  use  for  their  villages, 
the  French  for  their  missions,  and  the  Dutch  for  labour.  Same,  p.  20^. 

1769.     Councillor  in  Essequibo. 

Pedro  Sanchos  has  come  from  Orinoco  with  the  bad  news  that  in  a  month 
or  six  weeks  two  boats  will  come  ...  as  far  as  in  Pomeroon  to  carry  off 
the  Indians,  and  then,  I  fear,  plantations  will  surely  be  pillaged ;  for  this  Gov- 
ernor sets  his  boundaries  as  far  as  the  bank  of  Oeuo,  [in  the  mouth  of  the 
Essequibo]  where  James  Penning  lives.  -B-  C,  IV,  42. 

1769.     Director' General  in  Essequibo. 

That  Governor  bragged  considerably  to  this  man,  and  said  that  the  laud 
belonged  to  His  Catholic  Majesty  as  far  as  to  the  bank  of  Oene  [in  the  mouth 
of  the  Essequibo],  and  that  he  would  come  and  seize  those  plantations  which  lay 
on  Spanish  territory.  V.  C,  II,  /p/. 

1779.     Don  Jose  de  Abalos. 

The  said  province  of  Guayana  .  .  .  begins,  on  its  eastern  side,  to 
windward  of  the  outflow  of  the  River  Orinoco  into  the  sea  on  the  border  of 
the  Dutch  Colony  of  Essequibo,  it  shall  be  one  of  the  first  cares  ...  in  mak- 
ing the  new  settlement  to  go  as  near  as  possible  to  the  aforesaid  Colony  .  .  . 
for  founding  the  first  settlement.  B.  C,  IV,  ig4-ig§. 

1779.     Don  Jose  Fehpe  de  Inciarte. 

Besides  the  advantages  which,  in  the  matter  of  settlement,  maybe  expected 
from  founding  on  the  said  hill  of  Bauruma  (Pomeroon),  ...  the  result  will 
be  that  with  four  or  five  villages  the  very  banks  of  the  River  of  Essequibo  will  be 

reached,  and  when  this  has  been  done  the  Dutch  will  be  deprived  of  communi- 
cation, not  only  with  the  various  tribes  of  Indians  lying  to  the  south  of  Essequibo 
and  all  the  creeks  of  the  Orinoco,  but  likewise  with  all  the  Parime  [Barima]. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  233-254. 


96  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    SPANISH-TO    ESSEQUIBO-(Continued). 

1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

The  portion  of  this  country  [finiana]  belonging  to  Spain  is  bounded  on  the 
east  by  the  Dutch  Colonies  of  Esseciuibo,  Demerari,  Berbis,  and  Surinam,  and 
by  the  French  Colony  of  Cayenne ;  on  the  south  by  the  Portuguese  Colonies  of 
the  Amazons  and  Rio  Negro ;  and  on  the  west  and  north  by  the  Upper  and 
Lower  Orinoco.  B.  C,  V,  ^2. 

1788.     Don  Fermin  de  Sancinenea. 

The  River  Essequibo,  which  is  between  our  possessions  and  those  of  the 
Dutcli.  V.  C,  III,  400. 

1 814.     Venezuelan  Case. 

At  the  time  of  the  acquisition  by  Great  Britain  of  the  colony  now  known  as 
British  Guiana,  the  territories  belonging  to  or  that  might  lawfully  be  claimed 
by  the  Kingdom  of  Spain  comprised  the  entire  territory  between  the  Oi'inoco 
and  Essequibo  riyers.  V.  C,  2jj. 

1 814.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  wholly  untrue  that  at  the  time  of  the  acquisition  by  Great  Britain  of 
the  Colony  now  known  as  British  Guiana,  the  territories  belonging  to,  or  that 
might  lawfully  be  claimed  by  the  King  of  Spain,  comprised  the  entire  territory 
between  the  Orinoco  and  Essequibo  Rivers.  B.  C.-C,  141. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    SPANISH-TO   ALL  THE    COAST. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

From  the  Orinoco  to  the  Essequibo  the   Spaniards  claimed   dominion 

They  also  exercised  exclusive  control  there.  V.  C,  ijj. 

1 614.  Antonio  de  Muxica  Buitron. 

It  would  be  well  to  free  our  coasts  of  them  [Dutch]  entirely,  for,  from  the 
River  Marailon  [Amazon]  to  the  Orinoco  there  are  three  or  four  more  [in  addition 
to  the  one  on  the  Corentine  destroyed  in  161 3]  of  their  settlements,  and  their  plan- 
tations are  very  considerable.  B.  C,  I,j6. 

161 5.  Report  of  Council  to  Spanish  King. 

By  allowing  Foreign  nations  so  ill-affected  to  Spain  to  have  settlements  in  ter- 
ritory which  belongs  to  your  Majesty,  v/e  suffer  in  reputation.         Same,  p.  44. 

1662.     Report  of  Spanish  Council  of  War. 

He  [Governor  Viedma]  says  that  he  had  sent  a  person  to  reconnoitre  the  settle- 
ments and  towns  which  the  foreigners  have  there,  who  found  that  on  the  coast  of 
Terra  Firma  (jurisdiction  of  Iiis  Government  20  leagues  to  windward  of  the 
River  Orinoco)  there  are  two  settlements;  one  of  150  Dutcli,  and  another  of 
2)S0.  Same,  p.  /jp. 

1761.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

In  the  geographical  description  .  .  .  by  its  Governor,  .  .  .  Diguja,  in  1 761 
.  .  .  this  Province  of  (jiuayana  has  as  boundaries:  on  the  east,  all  the  coast 
on  which  are  situated  the  Dutch  Colonies  of  Esquivo,  Bervis,  Demerari,  Corentin, 
and  Surinama  ;  and  furtlier  to  windward,  Cayenne,  belonging  to  the  French  ; 
on   the    north,  the  banks  of    the  Orinoco,  which,  separating  the  Provinces  of 


BOUNDARIES.  97 

CLAIMS    BY  THE    SPANISH-TO  ALL  THE  COAST-(Continued). 

Cumana,  Barcelona,  Caracas,  Barinas,  Sante  Fe  and  Popayan,  forms  a  half  circle, 
running  back  east  to  seek  its  head-waters  in  Parima  lake  ;  on  the  south,  the 
dominions  of  the  Most  Faithful  King  in  Brazil,  the  frontiers  of  the  latter,  and  the 
said  Province  of  Guayana  being  unknown.  V.  C,  II,  2yj. 

1769.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

My  opinion  always  has  been  that  they  [Spaniards]  would  gradually  acquire  a  foot- 
hold in  Cuyuni,  and  try  to  obtain  the  mastery  of  the  river,  as  they  now  practically 
have  done  at  the  end  of  the  past  year.  But  I  should  as  soon  have  expected  Heaven 
to  fall,  as  that  they,  in  so  high-handed  a  manner,  openly,  (as  if  in  open  warfare), 
in  breach  of  the  right  of  nations,  in  breach  of  all  Treaties  of  Alliance  with  His 
Catholic  Majesty,  should  attack  us  from  another  side,  and  have  the  audacity  to 
go  to  work  as  if  they  were  Sovereigns  of  this  whole  coast.  .  .  .  They 
have  captured  and  taken  away  all  our  people  that  were  on  the  sea-coast.  The 
Salter  of  Luyxbergen  has  luckily  escaped  them,  but  his  Indians,  his  vessels,  two 
large  canoes  and  three  single  canoes,  which  he  had  got  by  barter,  they  have  taken 
away.  B.  C.,IV,  6-7. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  SPANISH-TO  THE   POM  EROON-MORUCA  REGION. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Over  by  the  Monica  and  Pomeroon  they  [Spaniards]  had  made  their  presence 

effectively  felt,  and  Spain  claimed  both  of  these  rivers  as  her  own. 

V.  C,  I  OS. 
.     British  Counter  Case. 

No   division,  assignment   or   claim   had   ever  placed   Mornka  within   the 

province  of  the  Capuchin  Fathers.  B.  C.-C,  Sq. 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

From  the  first  Dutch  occupation  of  the  Pomeroon,  in  1658,  down  to  late  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  the  claim  of  the  Dutch  to  that  river  seems  to  have  been 
unquestioned.  ...  In  1769,  for  the  first  time,  we  hear  in  Dutch  records  of 
a  counterclaim  :  the  Spanish  Governor  of  Orinoco  is  said  to  have  declared 
that  the  territory  was  Spain's  as  far  as  the  bank  of  Oene,  in  the  moutli  of  the 
Essequibo.  During  the  years  which  followed,  though  Spain  and  Holland  were  at 
peace,  there  was  more  than  one  Spanish  incursion  into  the  Pomeroon  ;  but,  though 
ravages  were  committed  along  the  coast  and  Indians  abducted  from  the  interior, 
there  was  no  attempt  actually  to  take  possession  of  the  river.  Of  the  hisiruc- 
cion  of  the  Spanish  Intendant-General  of  Venezuela,  in  February,  1779,  for  the 
occupation  and  settlement  of  Guayana,"  to  the  borders  of  the  Dutch  colony  of 
Essequibo,"  the  Dutch  authorities  seem  to  have  known  nothing  ;  but  of  the 
reconnoisance  later  .  .  .  by  .  .  .  Inciarte  .  .  .  they  knew ;  .  .  . 
but  the  Director-General  having  assured  himself  that  they  were  "  all  gone  without 
having  done  any  harm  "  to  the  post  or  to  the  Indians,  evinced  no  disquiet  about 
the  matter,  and  no  steps  seem  to  have  been  taken  toward  protest  or  further 
investigation.  V.  C.-C,  II,  g6. 

1662.     Report  of  Spanish  Council  of  War. 

[Governor  Viedma]  says  that  he  had  sent  a  person  to  reconnoitre  the  settle- 
ment and  towns  which  the  foreigners  have  there,  who  found  that  on  the  coast  of 
Terra  Firma  (jurisdiction  of  his  Government  20  leagues  to  windward  of  the 
River  Orinoco)  there  are  two  settlements;  one  of  150  Dutch,  and  another  of 
280.  B.  C,  I,  isg. 


98  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS     BY    THE    SPANISH-TO    THE     POM  EROON  -  MORUCA 
REGION-IContinued). 

1757.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

If  they  [Dutch]  be  pcriulttert  to-day  in  Monica,  they  will  pass  some  other 
day  to  Barima,  which  flows  into  the  mouth  itself.  B.  C,  II,  ijy. 

1769.     Certificate  of  the  Capuchin  Fathers. 

We  certify  that  by  mandate  of  our  Superior  and  permission  of  the 
Honourable  Commandant-(jeneral  of  the  River  Orinoco,  Don  Manuel  Cen- 
turion, we  have  passed  into  Maruca  in  search  of  the  Indians  belonging'  to 
the  Missions  of  the  Capuchin  Fathers  of  Catalonia,  and  out  of  regard  for  the 
Postholders  we  give  these  presents  the  28th  day  of  Februarj-,  1769.     B.  C,  IV,  g. 

1775.     Moruca  Postholder. 

He  [Spanisli  Captain]  further  said  that  his  lord  and  master  would  shortly 
set  a  guard  in  the  creek  of  Weena,  called  the  Barmani,  and  that  the  whole  of 
Maroelilia  also  belonged  to  tlie  Spaniards,  and  I  thereupon  answered  that  the 
river  Barima  belonged  to  the  Swede,  and  Weene,  as  well  as  Maroekka,  to  the 
Dutch,  and  they  said  that  it  was  not  so.  Same,  p.  ij8. 

[1778].     Council  of  the  Indies. 

[The  Commandant  of  Guiana  wrote   in    1778]  between   the  Guayne  and 

Moruca  (a  territory  contiguous  to  the  Orinoco,  and  never  occupied  by  the 

Dutch).  V.  C,  li,  278. 

1779.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

At  a  quarter  of  a  league  before  reaching  the  aforesaid  Dutch  post  [Moruca] 
the  rivulet  forms  a  small  bay     .     .     .     and  this  bay  could  serve  as  a  port. 

It  would  be  convenient  in  my  opinion  to  found  a  town  close  to  tliis  bay 
or-port,  as  besides  the  advantages  offered  by  the  produce  of  the  land,  the  com- 
munication which  the  Dutch  have  with  the  Orinoco  by  means  of  the  inside 
branches  could  be  prevented. 

The  passage  of  the  river  Moruca  could  easily  be  prevented  by  erecting  a  fort 
with  four  or  six  guns  in  the  aforesaid  small  bay. 

As  for  protecting  the  town  against  the  attacks  of  the  Dutch  or  any  other 
enemy,  this  can  be  obtained  by  erecting  a  fort  on  one  of  the  small  heights. 

Same,  pp.  4JJ-436. 

Having  embarked  and  continued  up  the  said  Bauruma,  [Pomeroou]  we 
arrived  .  .  .  opposite  the  rancherias  of  the  aforesaid  Piache  [an  Arawak 
Indian  doctor].  .  .  .  Having  asked  me,  through  an  interpreter,  with  what 
object  I  had  come  to  these  parts,  I  told  them  .  .  .  that  my  chief  reason  was 
to  ascertain  whether  .  .  .  the  Dutch  were  enslaving  them  and  making  Poitos 
of  them  while  they  had  been  declared  free  by  our  Sovereign.  At  this  reply  most 
of  them  became  angry  and  spoke  with  harshness  and  contempt  of  the  Dutch,  and 
reproached  me  because  the  Spaniards,  although  owning  the  lands,  and  being 
their  relatives,  did  not  go  thither  to  settle,  and  said  they  wanted  to  live  in  a  village 
with  their  relatives  the  Spaniards.  Having  told  them  that  everything  would  be 
done  as  they  wished,  they  became  very  happy.  .  .  .  Directly  I  had  looked  at 
the  farms  they  made  me  fire  a  shot  at  a  tree,  telling  me  that  it  was  in  token  of 
having  talicn  possession  of  tliose  lands  in  the  name  of  .  .  .  tlie  King  .  .  . 
for  they  belonged  to  him  and  to  no  one  else.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  2j_§. 


Boundaries.  09 

claims  by  the  spanish-to   the   pom  eroon- moruca 

REGION-(Continued). 

^179-     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  elaborate  reconnoissance  ...  in  1779  by  .  .  .  Inciarte,  was 
attended  by  no  breach  of  the  peace ;  and  his  report  in  favor  of  Spanish 
estabUshments  on  both  these  rivers,  altliough  it  resulted  in  a  royal  order  for  the 
erection  of  a  Spanish  village  and  fort  in  the  Monica  at  the  site  of  the  Dutch  post, 
seems  to  have  led  to  no  practical  results.  [Nothing  of  all  this  is  known  to  the 
Dutch  records  except  the  presence  of  the  Spanish  party  in  Pomeroon  and  Moruca.] 
Whatever  claims  to  the  river  migiit  be  made  hy  tlie  Spaniards,  I  cannot 
learn  that  the  Dutch  were  ever  actually  disturbed  in  tlie  possession  of  their 
post.  There  was,  indeed,  as  we  learn  from  other  sources  than  the  Dutch,  an  un- 
successful Spanish  attack  on  the  Post  in  1797,  while  the  Colony  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  English  ;  but  this  was  in  time  of  war,  V.  C.-C,  II,  log. 

1780.     King  of  Spain. 

Inciarte  is  to  return  ...  for  the  purpose  of  occupying  and  settling  the 
places  specified  in  his  .  .  .  Report  .  .  .  and  making  the  provisional 
fortification  which  he  considered  needful,  ejecting  the  Dutch  from  the  Post  or 
advance  guard-house,  which  they  have  built  on  the  road  of  the  River  Moruca, 
.  .  .  If  the  .  .  .  Governor  of  Essequibo  should  complain  thereof,  the  answer 
is  to  be  given  that  the  proceedings  ...  are  in  accordance  with  the  general  laws 
and  instructions  .  .  .  which  do  not  permit  such  intrusion  of  foreigners  in  the 
Spanish  dominious,  for  this  is  the  reply  that  will  be  given  here  if  any  complaints 
or  claims  should  be  lodged  by  the  States-General  of  Holland.         B.  C,  IV,  212. 

1783.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

As  regards  the  settlement  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  Lower  Orinoco  and  the 
frontiers  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  for  which  I  hold  a  commission,  I  will  refer 
to  what  ...  I  remitted  ...  to  his  Excellency  .  .  .  de  Galvez 
.  .  .  the  27th  November,  1779  ;  but  as  during  the  war  the  French  took  posses- 
sion of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  the  Dutch  have  abandoned  the  advanced  Post 
they  held  on  the  banks  of  the  River  Moruca,  which  position  it  is  important  we 
should  occupy  ...  it  appears  to  me  .  .  .  advisable  to  fortify  this  Post 
.  .  .  and  to  found  a  village  with  the  Indian  natives,  who  inhabit  its  vicinity, 
and  to  send  two  missionaries  .  .  .  and  in  this  manner  to  prevent  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  said  Colony  from  penetrating  into  the  lands  lying  between  thein 
and  tlie  Orinoco.  b.  C,  V,  20. 

1786.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Meanwhile  there  had,  .  .  .  been  spread  a  rumour  .  .  .  that  the 
Spaniards  had  threatened  if  the  tobacco  were  not  restored  that  they  would  raid 
the  [Moruka]  Post  which  they  alleged  was  on  their  territory. 

Same,  p.  ^5. 
1786.     Minute  on  Report  of  Jose  de  Abalos. 

Placing  tlie  said  .  .  .  fort  ...  in  the  same  creek  of  the  said  River 
Moruca  to  prevent  the  passage  of  all  hostile  vessels,  and  ejecting  the  Dutch 
from  the  said  Post  or  advanced  guard-house  which  had  been  built  there.  ...  If 
the  Governor  of  Essequibo  should  complain  of  this  action  he  was  to  reply  that  he 
had  proceeded  in  accordance  with  the  general  laws  and  instructions  .  .  . 
which  do  not  permit  such  intrusions  of  foreigners  in  Spanish  dominions  as 
those  are.  Same,  pp.  47-48. 


100  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS     BY    THE     SPANISH-TO     THE     POM  EROON- MORUCA 
REGION-(Continued). 

1804.     Lieutenant-Governor  Myers. 

It  [colony  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara]  is  separated  from  Berbice  by  the 
Abari  Creek.  The  boundary  with  the  Spaniards  is  disputed.  According  to 
Dutch,  it  is  a  line  running  north  and  south  from  Cape  Brama  or  Brem  ;  and  ac- 
cording to  the  Spjiniards  it  is  the  Morucco  Creels,  a  little  to  the  westward  of 
Cape  Nassau.  B.  C,  V,  186. 

1839.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  South  American  Colonies  .  .  .  claimed  the  banks  of  the  Rivers 
Moroco  and  Pomaroon  .  .  .  from  this  point  across  the  savannahs  .  .  . 
first  south-west  and  then  south-east  towards  the  confluence  of  the  River  Cuyuni 
with  the  Massaruni  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  along  the  western  bank  of  the  Esse- 
quibo as  far  as     .     .     .     the  Rupununi.  B.  C,  VII,  4, 


CLAIMS  BY  THE  SPANISH-TO  BARIMA  AND  ORINOCO  MOUTH. 

1637.  Governor  of  Guiana. 

If  they  [Dutch]  attain  their  object  in  possessing  themselves  of  the  Orinoco 

and  destroying  Guayana  [Santo  Thome]  whereby  they  will  become  masters  of 
the  best  land  in  the  Indies.  B.  C,  I,  loy. 

1638.  Governor  of  Guiana. 

If  the  enemy  should  seize  this  river  [Orinoco]  they  could  avail  themselves 
of  food  for  as  many  of  their  fleets  as  come,  and  for  anything  else  they  might 
design.  Same,  p.  loi. 

1719.     Commandant  at  Santo  Thome  to  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  beseech  you  not  to  allow  your  soldiers  to  come  to  trade  with  the  Indians 
of  this  river  [Orinoco],  because  it  is  contrary  to  what  has  been  stipulated, 

and  a  thing  which  must  not  be  permitted.  Same,  p.  231. 

1734.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

His  Honour  [the  Spanish  (iovernor,  Don  Carlos  de  Sucre]  .  .  .  has  brought 
some  troops  to  the  Orinoco,  and  that  he  expects  ten  or  twelve  barques  more 
with  militia,  whereof  His  Honour  informs  me,  .  .  .  giving  as  reasons  for  this 
sending  of  so  many  troops  to  these  frontiers,  that  he  was  persuaded  by  advices 
(received)  that  the  Swedish  nation  was  intending  to  found  a  Colony  in  the 
River  of  IJarima,  lying  between  the  Orinoco  and  your  Honours'  Post  at  Wac- 
quepo,  and  he  could  not  persuade  himself  that  the  Dutch  nation  would  tolerate 
in  their  neighborhood  so  proud  and  haughty  a  nation  as  the  Swedes. 

After  the  departure  of  Captain  Laurens  Brander  (  ...  in  the  year  1732, 
.  .  .  ),  a  rumour  spread  in  this  Colony  that  the  said  Captain  Brander  would 
again  return  in  order  to  take  possession  in  the  River  Rarima  of  a  tract  of 
land  which  the  King  of  Spain  is  said  to  have  presented  to  the  deceased 
Elector  of  Ravaria,  who  was  Governor  of  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  and  which 
the  Elector  had  again  presented  to  the  King  of  Sweden.  B.  C,  II,  jS. 


BOUNDARIES.  101 

CLAIMS    BY   THE   SPANISH-TO    BARIMA   AND    ORINOCO    MOUTH- 

(Continued). 

1734.     King  of  Spain. 

The  .  .  .  President  of  .  .  .  Santa  Fe  .  .  .  having  communi- 
cated .  .  .  with  respect  to  the  settlement  whicli  the  Swedes  were  at- 
tempting to  make  in  River  Barima,  .  .  .  I  .  .  .  command  that 
.  .  .  you  take  all  proper  measures  to  prevent  the  settlement  attempted  by  the 
Swedish  nation  from  being  established.  B.  C,  III,  82. 

1737.     Governor  Don  Carlos  de  Sucre. 

He  [Governor  Sucre]  finds  himself  again  compelled  to  have  recourse  to  your 
Majesty  .  .  .  especially  as  the  northern  nations  have  begun  to  settle  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river  [Orinoco],  and  sundry  families  of  Swedes  are  expected  to 
come  and  settle  in  the  Caiion  of  Barima,  within  the  river  of  that  name.  This 
may  result  in  the  loss  of  those  provinces  and  of  that  of  Caracas,  and  in  the 
ultimate  blocking  of  the  road  to  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota.  B.  C,  II,  26. 


1758.     MiHtary  Commandant  in  Essequibo  to  Spanish  Commandant  in  Orinoco. 

Ke  [Director-General  in  Essequibo]  has  ordered  me  to  send  you  the  en- 
closed map  [by  M.  d'Anville],  on  which  you  will  be  able  to  see  them  [the 
boundaries  of  the  territory]  very  distinctly,  and  these,  in  accordance  with  the 
inviolable  duty  of  his  office,  he  hopes  to  be  able  to  maintain.  Same,  p.  ryj. 


1760.     Judicial  Report  as  to  Attack  by  Spaniards  on  Dutch  settled  in  Barima. 

Since  it  conduces  to  the  service  of  God  our  Lord  and  of  His  Catholic  Majesty 
...  to  keep  the  Dutch  of  the  said  Colonies  [Essequibo  and  Surinam]  by 
chastisement  within  their  own  possessions  (if  so  be  that  they  hold  them 
lawfully)  and  to  deter  them  from  pressing  into  these  dominions  of  the  King 
through  the  intersecting  rivers.  Same,  p.  187. 

1763.  Don  Jose  Diguja. 

Discussion  for  the  last  sixty  years,  about  the  fortification  of  this  most  im- 
portant river  [Orinoco],  so  as  to  prevent  its  navigation  by  foreigners,  and 
secure  the  whole  of  these  provinces,  to  which  it  affords  ingress.  For  this  only 
three  places  have  been  considered  adequate,  .  .  .  Angostura,  .  .  .  the 
Island  of  Faxardo,     .     .     .     and  the  fortress  of  Guayana.  B.  C,  III,  2g. 

1764.  British  Case. 

In  1764  the  settlement  of  Santo  Thome  was  removed  to  Angostura,  on  the 
Orinoco,  above  the  mouth  of  the  Caroni.  The  forts,  however,  remained  at  the 
old  site  which  was  treated  as  the  effective  frontier  of  the  Spanish  posses- 
sions. B.  C,  16. 

1768.     Judicial  Proceedings. 

First  notice  [of  sale].  I  ordered  .  .  .  the  first  announcement  should  be 
given  of  the  goods  and  utensils  .  .  .  that  were  seized  .  .  .  from  the 
foreigners  clandestinely  settled  for  commerce  and  traffic  in  the  creek  called  the 
Creek  of  Barima,  jurisdiction  of  this  province.  B.  C,  III,  168. 


102  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    SPAIMISH-TO    BARIMA   AND    ORINOCO    MOUTH- 

(Continued  . 

1768.  Judicial  Proceedings. 

Declaration  of  First  Witfiess.  Francisco  Cierto,  Captain  ...  of  the 
coast-guard  which  protects  the  ports  of  this  said  province,  .  .  .  declared  : 
That  tlic  CoJiimaiidaut-fiJeiieral  .  .  .  having:  received  information  that 
in  the  creek  called  the  Creek  of  Barima  which  is  close  to  the  great  front  of  the 
River  Orinoco  and  falls  into  it,  sundry  Dutch  families  were  established,  dis- 
pjitched  him  [Cierto]  with  instructions  to  warn  them  once,  twice  and  thrice  to 
quit  the  whole  of  that  territory  hecause  it  belonged  to  the  said  province. 

B.  C,  III,  170. 

We  .  .  .  Centurion  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  Oleaga  .  ,  .  having 
seen  the  "  Autos  "  drawn  up  on  the  expedition  made  .  .  .  against  the  Dutch 
foreigners  who  had  unlawfully  established  themselves,  for  clandestine  trade  in 
woods  and  other  products,  in  the  Creek  of  Barima.  jurisdiction  of  this  prov- 
ince, .  .  .  and  in  view  of  the  way  in  which  they  took  to  flight  without  en- 
deavoring to  defend  themselves,  leaving  their  implements  .  .  .  and  goods 
,  .  .  and  in  view  of  the  sale  .  .  .  made  of  the  articles  brought  back,  the 
amount  thereof  being  paid  into  the  Royal  Treasury  .  .  .  we  .  .  .  com- 
mand that  .  .  .  the  division  and  distribution  of  the  total  amount  of  this 
matter  be  carried  out  in  the  form  and  manner  following.  Saute,  p.  1J4. 

1769.  Royal  Accountant  in  Guayana. 

I  .  .  .  declare  that  .  .  .  Captain  .  .  .  Cierto,  with  the  two 
cruising  launches  of  this  river,  sent  by  the  said  Seiior  Don  Manuel  Centurion, 
arrested  the  foreigners  that  were  established  on  the  Barima  Channel,  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  same  Province,  two  boats  and  several  tools  and  agricultural  imple- 
ments, which     .     .     .     were     .     .     .     declared  confiscated.  V.C.,II,j6y. 

1 77 1.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

The  Dutch  of  Essequibo,  who  had  extended  their  settlements  to  the  Ori- 
noco, and  established  themselves  in  the  Grand  or  Ships'  Mouth,  I  have  forced 
to  retreat  to  their  legitimate  possessions.  B.  C,  IV,  80. 

1784.     Captain-General  of  Caracas. 

Settlement  should  be  commenced  by  Lower  Guiana.  .  .  .  From  here  it 
will  not  be  diflficult  to  extend  them  to  the  frontier  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara, 
to  restrict  the  usurpations  of  the  Dutch,  .  .  .  and  to  occupy  all  the 
principal  creeks  of  the  Orinoco,  with  a  view  of  impeding  the  contraband  trade 
carried  on  by  them. 

If  the  work  of  settling  the  land  is  begun  in  the  vicinity  of  Essequibo,  and  the 
proposed  fort  built  there,  etc.  B  C,  V,  21. 

1786.     Anonymous. 

An  order  was  given  to  the  Intendente  of  Caracas,  on  the  20th  October,  1778, 
to  settle  the  most  suitable  places  on  tlie  frontier. 

13th  April,  1779,  he  obtained  apptoval  of  the  foundation  of  a  village  at  no 
great  distance  from  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  not  far  removed  from  the  capital 
of  Guayana,  ...  On  the  9th  of  March,  1780,  all  the  measures  were 
approved  which  he  had  taken  for  new  settlements  (of  which,  up  to  this  time,  not 
one  has  been  carried  out).  Same,  p.  46. 


BOUNDARIES.  103 

CLAIMS    BY   THE   SPANISH-TO    BARIMA    AND    ORINOCO    MOUTH- 

(Continued). 

1788.     British  Case. 

In  a  scheme  of  Governor  Marmion  of  1788  for  the  settlement  and  fortifica- 
tion of  the  frontiers  of  Guayana,  it  was  proposed  to  abaiulou  the  connl ry  on  the 
sontli  bank  of  the  Orinoco  for  twenty  leagues  upward  from  Point  IJarinia; 
and  to  commence  drawing  tlie  line  to  be  effectively  held  from  tlie  Creek  of 
Curucima,  or  the  point  of  the  chain  in  the  great  arm  of  the  Imataka  Mountains, 
and  thence  following  those  mountains  to  the  Cuyuni.  B.  C,  16. 

1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

Taking  as  chief  base  the  said  creek  of  Carucimea,  or  the  point  of  the  chain 
and  ridg-e  in  the  great  arm  of  Imataca,  an  imaginary  line  will  be  drawn  run- 
ning to  the  south-south-east  following  the  slopes  of  the  ridge  of  the  name  which 
is  crossed  by  the  Rivers  Aguire,  Arature,  and  Amacuro,  and  others,  in  the  dis- 
tance of  20  leagues,  direct  to  Cuyuni ;  from  there  it  will  run  on  to  the  Masuruni 
and  Essequibo,  parallel  to  the  sources  of  the  Berbis  and  Surinama  ;  this  is  the 
directing  line  of  the  course  which  the  new  settlements  and  (ouudatious  pro- 
posed must  follow.  B.  C,  V,  61. 

[1821]?     Anonymous. 

It  has  already  been  observed  that  it  is  of  vital  importance  to  defend  the 
mouths  of  the  Orinoco,  and  to  this  end  the  first  thing  to  be  done  is  to  found  a 
considerable  settlement  in  the  lands  in  their  vicinity.  Same,  p.  220. 

CLAIMS     BY     THE     SPANISH-TO    CUYUNI,     MAZARUNI     AND    THE 

INTERIOR. 

1753.     Instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

It  appears  that  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  the  Rivers  Marauon  and 
Orinoco  communicate  by  means  of  others  intermediary,  which  flow  through  the 
centre  of  the  Province  of  Guayana  ...  as  also  that  such  communica- 
tion may,  some  day  or  other,  be  prejudicial  to  His  Majesty's  dominions,  the 
King  wishes  that,  .  .  .  you  will  observe  and  determine  the  sites  where  some 
Spanish  settlements  may  be  formed,  which  would  hinder  that  communication 
being  made  use  of  by  foreigners.  B.  C,  II,  86. 

1758.     Commandant  of  Guiana. 

For  the  purpose  of  putting  a  stop  to  these  prejudicial  troubles  [arising  from 
the  slave  trade],  and  in  order  that  the  good  intentions  of  His  Majesty  may  be 
attained,  by  preventing  any  extension  of  the  claims  which  the  Dutch  are  every 
day  advancing  further  in  this  part  of  his  dominions,  I  ordain  and  commaud 
Don  Santiago  Bonalde  as  Commandant,  and  Don  Luis  Lopez  de  la  Puente  as 
Second,  to  proceed  this  day  to  the  interior,  and  ...  to  the  said  Island  of 
Curauuicuru  for  the  purpose  of  apprehending  the  said  Dutchman  [Jacobs],  and 
any  other  person  that  may  there  be  found,  .  .  .  and  bring  them  as  prisoners, 
well  guarded,  to  this  fortress.  Same,  p.  jjo. 

1758.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

Carrying  on  the  unjust  traffic  of  slavery  among  the  Indians,  in  the  dominions 
of  the  King  my  Sovereign.  As  this  same  river  €uyuni  and  all  its  territory 
is  included  in  those  dominions,  it  is  incredible  that  their  High  Mightinesses 
the  States-General  should  have  authorized  you  to  penetrate  into  those  dominions. 


104  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS     BY    THE     SPANISH-TO     CUYUNI,    MAZARUNI     AND     THE 

INTERIOR-(Continued). 

and  still  less  to  carry  on  a  traffic  in  the  persons  of  the  Indians  belonging  to  the 
settlements  and  territories  of  the  Spaniards.  I  therefore  consider  myself  justified 
in  approving  the  conduct  of  this  expedition.  B.  C,  II,  idg-iyo. 

1758.     Counsellor  Padilla  y  Moron. 

The  Counsellor  .  .  .  says  that  .  .  .  the  foreigners  [Dutch  at 
Cuyniii  Post]  .  .  .  were  appreliended,  whilst  acting  as  a  guard,  by  order 
of  the  Governor  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  within  the  limits  of  the  juris- 
diction of  this  Government  for  the  purpose  of  apprehending  fugitive  negro 
slaves  deserting  from  their  masters.  Same,  p.  ijo. 

1758.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

It  was  discovered  that  the  Dutch  of  Essequibo  were  coutinning  their 
usurpations  on  the  River  Cuyuni,  and  although  they  were  dislodged,  .  .  . 
we  fear  they  now  intend  to  recover  the  lost  Posts.  Same,  p.  171. 

1758.  Nicolas  de  Castro. 

The  Commandant  of  Guiana  has  sent  me  ...  a  letter  which  you  have 
written  to  him,  demanding  the  delivery  of  the  two  Dntch  prisoners,  a  negro, 
and  a  Creole,  with  their  children,  and  of  all  that  was  found  by  the  guard  in  com- 
mand there  on  an  island  in  the  River  Cuyuni,  which  is,  with  its  dependen- 
cies, a  part  of  the  domains  of  the  Xing',  my  master,  and  on  which  these  prisoners 
publicly  kept  up  an  illicit  trade  in  Indian  poitos,  although  it  is  incredible  that  their 
High  Mightinesses  should  have  authorized  you  to  enter  the  said  domains,  and 
still  less  to  purchase  Indians  from  his  villages  and  territories,  in  order  to  make 
slaves  of  them.  Sa?ne,  p.  179. 

1759.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Commandant  of  Orinoco,     .     .     .     maintains,     .     .  that  the 

River  Cuyuni  is  Spanish  territory,  and  refuses  to  give  back  the  imprisoned 
Postholder,  settler,  and  Creoles.  Same,  p.  171, 

1769.  Prefect  of  Missions. 

On  the  20th  of  June,  1766,  there  arrived  at  our  Mission  of  Cavallapia  negro 
and  an  Indian,  slave-buyers,  each  with  a  licence  from  the  Governor  of  Esse- 
quibo. .  .  .  They  were  detained  and  their  canoes  taken  by  the  Father  of  the 
Mission,  and  he  then  sent  them  to  me  by  land  to  the  Mission  of  Guacipati. 
.  .  .  I  took  the  passports  from  them,  which  are  in  Dutch,  and  which  I  now 
inclose.  .  .  .  They  were  taken  prisoners  by  the  soldiers.  .  .  .  This  same 
negro,  at  the  end  of  (17)65,  had  come  again  to  the  Mission  of  Cavallapi  and 
Guacipati  with  a  passport.     ...     I  prevented  him  from  going  further. 

B.  C.,IV,  21. 

1770.  Governor  of  Cumana. 

Accordingly,  they  daily  hinder  the  progress  of  the  Gospel  and  the  conversion 
of  the  Gentiles,  which  was  especially  the  case  when  these  Dutch  crossed  the  bor- 
ders of  tlieir  Colony  and  came  to  take  possession  of  territory  and  establish 
themselves,  for  the  better  security  of  the  above-mentioned  traffic,  in  the  domin- 
ions of  His  Majesty,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  last  Missions  on  their  fron- 
tiers. This  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  they  established,  .  .  .  a  Post  .  .  . 
in  the  Iliver  Cuyuni,  in  the  territory  of  the  Missions,  ...  for  this  river 
has  never  belonged,  nor  been  held  to  belong,  to  the  Colony  of  Essequibo. 

Same,  p.  7J. 


BOUNDARIES.  105 

CLAIMS     BY    THE     SPANISH-TO     CUYUNI,     MAZARUNI     AND     THE 

INTERIOR-(Continued). 

1770.  Commandant  of  Guiana. 

We  should  restrain  withiu  their  own  limits  the  Butch  of  Essequibo,  Ber- 
bice  and  Surinam,  .  .  .  being  always  on  the  watch  to  stop  the  usurpations 
which  they  are  constantly  making  in  tliese  our  dominions,  and  which  at  pres- 
ent we  cannot  prevent,  at  the  same  time  assuring  to  the  king  the  possession  of  this 
valuable  and  extensive  country,  and  in  a  short  time  giving  to  the  Crown  a  valuable 
province  and  many  subjects.  .  .  .  Nothing  is  wanting  but  the  help  we  ex- 
pect from  your  Excellency  ...  to  occupy  these  eighteen  strongholds  at 
Parinie  and  the  surroundings.  B.  C,  IV,  jS. 

1771.  Commandant  of  Guayana. 

The  famous  Lake  Parima  (the  centre  of  these  provinces).  Same, p.  83. 

On  the  River  Parime  ...  the  said  officer  shall  cause  a  small  fort  to  be 
built  in  some  narrow  pass  or  advantageous  place,  that  the  guns  of  the  said  fort 
may  close  the  passage  of  the  river  to  our  enemies.  .  .  .  At  El  Dorado  itself, 
or  some  site  .  .  .  best  fitted  to  close  the  entrance  of  Lake  Parime  .  .  . 
a  stronghold  shall  be  built.  Same,  p.  98. 

Should  any  European  foreigners  be  found  in  tliose  parts  outside  the  Col- 
onies allowed  them,  as  .  .  .  the  Dutch  on  the  coast  of  Surinam,  Berbice, 
Essequibo,  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  his  Majesty's  order  shall  be  intimated  to  them 
that  they  quit  those  his  royal  dominions  forthwith,  and  if,  after  the  first  re- 
monstrances, they  do  not  withdraw  to  the  former  settlements  allowed  them, 
abandoning  the  territory  they  have  usurped,  they  shall  be  driven  out  by  force 
of  arms.  Same,  p.  gg. 

1788.     British  Case. 

It  is  clear  .  .  .  that  at  this  date  [1788]  Marmion  treated  the  junction 
of  the  Uruan  and  Cuyuni  as  the  limit  of  the  Spanish  territory  in  that  direc- 
tion, and  considered  that  by  holding  the  mouth  of  the  Uruan  the  Spaniards 
would  secure  not  only  all  the  territory  which  they  then  held,  but  all  that  they 
could  hope  to  settle.  B.  C,  jg-60. 

1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

Although  all  the  land  which  lies  beyond  the  Cuynni  up  to  the  sources  01 
the  Parime  and  Curaricara,  having  now  been  more  explored,  is  found  not  to  be  of 
nearly  such  extent  as  was  imagined,  it  may  be  expected  .  .  .  that  it  will  be 
advantageously  occupied  withiu  a  few  years  by  the  spread  of  villages  and 
cattle  farms,  the  breeders  extending  their  enclosures,  the  planters  and  settlers 
their  plantations  and  the  missionaries  their  reductions;  mutually  supporting  one 
another  and  continuing  their  settlements  on  the  other  side  of  the  Cuyuni  in  the 
great  savannahs  and  margins  of  the  rivers  which  run  to  the  south. 

It  is  also  a  reason  for  not  giving  the  Dutch,  who  have  already  too  far  pene- 
trated on  the  Cuynni,  an  opportunity,  by  continually  extending  their  Colony,  of 
taking  possession  of  those  more  advanced  districts  and  villages,  and  of  render- 
ing it  necessary  for  us  to  oppose  them  with  forces  which  would  be  required 
for  the  defence  of  the  other  approaches  to  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  V,  62. 


106  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS     BY    THE     SPANISH-TO     CUYUNI,    MAZARUNI     AND     THE 
INTERIOR-(Continued). 

1792.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

To  the  south  of  Cuyuni  and  bearing  to  the  east,  in  the  rear  of  the  Dutch 
settlements,  he  [Lopez  de  la  Puente]  is  to  report  whether  he  knows  how  many 
days'  journey  distant  the  dwellings  of  the  negro  fugitives  from  Essequibo  and 
Surinam  are  situated.  B.  C,  V,  142. 

1792.     Governor  of  Guiana. 

You  should  assure  yourself  of  the  information  .  .  .  that  iu  an  island 
.  .  .  helow  the  mouth  of  the  Mazaruni  there  are  various  nations  of  In- 
dians armed  with  flre-arms  and  a  stockade.  .  .  .  there  is  more  reason  for 
distrust  when,  as  you  tell  me,  they  are  provided  with  fire-arms  in  contravention 
of  the  general  ordinances  which  govern  us,  .  .  .  these  vagrant  nations 
.  .  .  if  .  .  .  not  protected  by  .  .  .  more  civilized  ones  could  not  be 
provided  with  such  armament  on  the  frontiers  of  our  possessions,  or  rather, 
within  our  own.  V.  C.-C,  III,  J40-J41. 

CLAIMS    BY  THE   SPANISH-BASIS    FOR    AND    SPANISH    VIEWS    OF 
DUTCH   CLAIMS  TO  SAME. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Dutch  were  recognized  as  having-  .  .  .  rights  iu  the  districts  of 
the  river  itfassaruni.  Spanish  Indians,  coming  from  the  Spanish  Missions, 
asked  for  the  permission  of  the  Dutch  Commandeurs  to  settle  in  that  locality. 

B.  C,  iij. 
1757.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

The  request  they  [Dutch]  make  in  writing  to  the  Commandant  of  Guay- 
ana,  that  he  may  permit  their  Aruacas  to  pass  higher  up  the  river  when  they 
come  for  the  turtle-fishing,  though  neces.sary  to  their  interests,  is  hardly  in  con- 
formity with  the  title  of  (governors  of  Essequibo  and  Orinoco ;  and  I  am 
positively  assured  that  not  only  does  the  Commandant  condescend  to  grant  it, 
but  he  goes  so  far  as  to  protect  with  his  licences  the  vessels  going  up  for  that 
purpose.  On  these  occasions  Aruacas,  Caribs,  and  Dutchmen  come  disguised,  so 
as  not  to  be  detected.  B.  C,  II,  ijy. 

1757.  Don  Jose  Solano. 

Some  fourteen  years  ago  he  [Iturriaga]  saw  a  Protection  or  Patent  executed 
in  Latin  by  the  Governor  of  Essequibo  in  behalf  of  a  Carib  Captain,  who  lived 
within  the  Orinoco  river ;  .  .  .  and  he  ascertained  that  the  States-dieneral 
in  their  Patents  to  the  Governors  of  Essequibo  add  the  title  of  Governors  of 
Orinoco;  and  that  it  is  a  matter  of  fact  that  these  Governors  call  themselves  of 
Essequibo  and  the  Orinoco  in  the  licences  issued  by  them.  ...  He  adds 
that  lie  does  not  quite  aj>prove  of  the  title  of  Governors  of  Essequibo  and  of 
Orinoco,  but  deems  needful  for  their  benefit  the  request  that  they  make  by  writing, 
to  the  Commandant  of  Guayana,  that  their  Aroacas  who  come  to  fish  for  turtles 
be  allowed  to  pass  higher  up.  V.  C.-C,  III,  66. 

1758.  British  Case. 

Fray  IJenito  de  la  Garriga  ...  in  1758  .  .  .  say[s]  .  .  .  that 
he  had  seen  documents  from  Essequibo,  according  to  wliicli  the  jurisdiction 
of  that  Government  extended  to  the  mouth  of  the  Aguirre,  and  the  boundary 


BOUNDARIES.  lOY 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    SPANISH-BASIS    FOR    AND   SPANISH    VIEWS   OF 
DUTCH    CLAIMS   TO    SAM  E-(Continued). 

was  a  line  drawn  south  from  that  point,  skirting  the  outmost  savannahs  of  the 
Missions  of  Miamo,  passing  Tucupo  and  Curumo,  and  reaching  Aripamuri,  by 
which  name  he  referred  to  Rupununi.  A  study  of  the  whole  letter  shows  that 
the  Dutch  were  supreme  not  only  in  the  Barima  district,  but  also  in  all  the  forest 
region  between  the  Orinoco  and  the  Cuyuni.  B.  C,  Ii6. 

1758.     Fiay  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

Moyo,  ...  on  coming  from  Essequibo,  .  .  .  told  me  he  had 
brought  many  papers  from  Essequibo,  and  among  them  an  official  document 
ill  which  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Groveruor  was  marked  down.  This,  ac- 
cording to  what  he  said,  extends  to  the  mouth  of  the  Aguirre,  and  from  that 
mouth  a  straight  line  due  south  shows  the  division  of  the  jurisdiction  of  his  Gov- 
ernor, so  that  the  said  line  extends  to  the  margins  of  the  outermost  savannahs 
of  our  Missions  of  Miamo,  etc.  The  said  line  passes  by  Tucupo  and  Corumo, 
and  crosses  to  the  before-mentioned  Aripamuri.  I  consider,  if  this  news  be 
true  which  the  said  party  gave  me,  that  tliey  have  cut  the  stolen  clotli  to  suit 
their  taste.  And  it  must  be  true,  for  it  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  the  Governors 
sometimes  give  permits  in  which  these  boundaries  are  marked.        B.  C,  II,  14Q. 

They  clearly  show  the  object  of  those  foreigners,  and  give  reason  to  think 
that  they  want  to  appropriate  the  vfhole  of  the  Eiver  Cuyuni  if  their  passage 
is  not  stopped.  And  so  we  shall  never  have  the  Caribs  in  subjection,  with 
proper  authority  to  prevent  the  people  of  Surinam  from  passing  along  that  river 
to  purchase  slaves,  if  they  establish  those  posts.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  20j. 

1758.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

iturriaga  adds  .  .  .  that  the  people  of  Essequibo  declared  openly  and 
maintained  that  the  extent  of  the  Dominion  of  the  States-General  reaches  to 
the  "  Boca  de  Navios "  or  great  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  and  they  even  go  far 
into  the  interior  to  make  the  most  of  their  fishery. 

These  four  letters  having  been  referred  to  .  .  .  Don  Joseph  Solano, 
...  he  [Iturriaga]  fails  to  find  on  what  basis  they  make  their  claims, 
unless  it  be  the  passiveness  wherewith  the  Commandants  of  Guiana  have  al- 
lowed them  to  fish  in  "  Boca  de  Navios  "  and  Barina  and  Aguire  rivers,  and 
extend  their  navigation  up  to  Guayana.  That  they  thereby  stretch  their  dominion 
to  the  great  mouth  of  Orinoco.  V.  C.-C,  III,  6y. 

1761.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

The  third  and  fourth  letter  of  .  .  .  Iturriaga,  dated  .  .  .  17 57  and 
.  .  .  1758,  treat  of  tlie  pretensions  on  tlie  Orinoco  openly  put  forward  by 
the  (Governors  of  the  Dutch  Colony  of  the  River  Esquivo,  on  the  ground  that 
the  titles  that  they  have  from  the  States-General  give  them  this  jurisdiction  ;  not- 
withstanding I  do  not  know  that  they  have  reclaimed  the  vessels  which  the  Trini- 
tarios  and  Guayanos  took  from  them  in  the  course  of  this  river.        B.  C,  II,  2oj. 

Nor  do   I   know  on  what    they  [Dutch]  could   found   their   claims;  for 

though,  by  the  Vth  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  the  dominion  of  the 
countries,  fortified  places,  factories,  etc.,  was  conceded  to  them  which  they  at 
that  time  possessed  in  America,  on  the  Orinoco  neither  they  nor  any  others  but 
the  Spaniards  alone,  ever  held,  or  have  since  held,  castles  or  forts. 

Same,  p.  204. 


103  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    SPANISH-BASIS    FOR    AND    SPANISH    VIEWS  OF 
DUTCH    CLAIMS  TO   SAM  E-(Continued). 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

To  the  east,  and  on  the  coast  of  this  province  [of  Guayana],  are  situated 
the  Dutch  Colonies,  Essequibo,  Demerary,  Berbice,  Corentin,  and  Surinam. 
According  to  reports  obtained  by  Don  Juan  de  DiosyValdes,  ,  .  .  the  Colony 
of  Essequibo  consists  of  sundry  sugar  estates,  which  the  Dutch  have  planted,  to 
the  distance  of  30  leagues,  on  the  banks  of  the  River  Essequibo,  beginning  at  its 
mouth,  and  also  of  some  islands  formed  by  the  said  river,  which  offer  land  for 
plantations.  B.  C,  III,  62-63. 

i'76g.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

From  this  I  infer  how  much  they  [Dutch]  are  endeavoring  to  procure  new 
sites,  and  thereby  allege  possession,  and  cause  a  dispute  in  time,  if  a  stop  be 
not  put  to  them,  for  they  now  imagine  that  they  hold  as  theirs  the  River 
Cuyuni,  when  before  their  guards  did  not  go  beyond  its  mouth,  as  is  proved 
by  the  patent  of  orders  issued  to  the  Postholder  of  the  Cuyuni.  And  even  the 
tfoveruor  claims  it  as  territory  of  the  Colony,  as  shown  by  the  protest  he  sent 
to  the  Commandant  of  the  Fort.  And  in  like  manner  he  claims  the  Rivers 
Mornca  and  Barima,  upon  which  he  now  founds  his  complaint  against  the  said 
Commandant-General,  charging  him  with  insults  and  outrages,  because  he  dis- 
lodged them,  as  already  noted,  from  the  advanced  Post  of  Barima. 

B.  C.,/V,  23. 

He  declared  that  the  Dntcli  are  not,  nor  ever  have  been,  in  possession  of 

the  rivers  or  creeks  which  flow  into  the  sea  from  the  Essequibo  exclusively, 
up  to  the  nioutli  of  the  Orinoco;  that  they  have  only  been  permitted  to  have 
in  that  part  a  small  guard  of  two  Europeans  and  some  Indians,  in  a  lodge 
which  they  call  the  Post,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  River  Moruca,  which  the 
Dutch  call  Maroco ;  and  that  this  settlement  has  not  existed  from  time  quasi-im- 
memorial, because  the  whole  of  the  Colony  is  not  so,  and  we  know  that  it  began 
in  the  year  1659.  Same,  pp.  47-4S. 

It  is  untrue  that  the  Dutch  have  held,  or  do  hold,  possession  of  the  River 
Cuyuni,  ...  for  having  established  thereon  a  guard  and  lodge  like  that  of 
Moruca,  in  the  year  1747,  to  facilitate  the  inhuman  traffic  and  seizure  of  Indians 
whom  they  enslave  surreptitiously  in  the  dominions  of  the  King  our  Lord 
.  .  .  directly  it  came  to  our  notice,  in  the  year  1757,  they  were  dislodged  there- 
from ;  and  so  neither  on  the  Cuyuni,  Maseroni,  Apanoni,  nor  the  other  rivers 
which  have  their  outfall  in  Essequibo  do  the  Dutch  hold  any  possession,  nor  is  it 
permissible  that  they  should  hold  it. 

The  only  place  wherein  the  Dutch  are  tolerated  and  established  is  on  the 
banks  of  the  River  Essequibo,  which  runs  from  S.  E.  to  N.  W.  almost  parallel 
to  the  sea-coast,  the  eastern  boundary  of  this  Province  of  Guayana,  and  leaves  the 
interior  thereof  free  to  the  Spaniards,  its  legitimate  possessors.  Savic,  p.  48. 

It  is  an  equally  false  statement  that  they  [Dutch]  liave  also  been  prevented 
by  the  Spaniards  from  carrying  on  the  said  llsliing  in  the  territory  which 
Gravesande  calls  territory  of  tlic  State  itself,  which,  he  says,  extends  from 
the  river  Mareguine  up  to  this  side  of  the  Guayne  very  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Orinoco,  which  supposition,    .     .     .     is  an  insufferable  error.  Same,  p.  49. 


BOUNDARIES.  109 

CLAIMS  BY  THE    SPANISH-BASIS    FOR    AND    SPANISH    VIEWS   OF 
DUTCH    CLAIMS   TO  SAM  E-(Continued). 

1769.  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Indies. 

It  is  necessary  for  me  to  ask  information  from  the  Governors  of  the  new  vil- 
lage of  Guayana  and  of  Cumana  concerning  the  facts  which  are  reported,  and  to 
forwaid  the  said  memorial  [Dutch  Remonstrance  of  1769]  to  the  Council  of  the 
Indies,  in  order  that  His  Majesty  may  be  informed  of  the  extension  of  those 
boundaries,  and  about  the  right  claimed  by  the  Republic  to  the  fisliery  at 
the  entrance  to  the  river  Orinoco— a  thins?  as  new  to  me  as  that  the  Carib  tribe 
of  Indians  is  conceived  of  as  the  ally  of  the  Dutch.  V.  C,  III,  381. 

1770.  Commandant  of  Guayana. 

In  .  .  .  the  Missions  of  the  Catalonian  Capuchins,  .  .  .  the  Caribs 
.  .  .  have  been  settled  to  the  number  of  5,000  for  over  twenty  years,  without 
our  knowing  until  now  that  this  numerous  tribe  belongs  to  the  Dutch,  as  Grave- 
sande  says,  nor  still  less  that  these  forests  are  a  part  of  the  Republic,  for  they 
have  always  been  the  nursery  for  the  reductions  of  the  Catalonian  Capuchin 
missionaries  of  Guayana.  B.  C,  IV,  7/. 

The  Post  which  Gravesande  states  the  Spaniards  took,  near  a  rivulet  to  the 
south  of  the  River  Wayne,  between  this  and  the  Povaron,  where  he  states  the 
Company  has  had  from  time  immemorial  a  trading  settlement,  and  which  also  be- 
longed, without  contradiction,  to  the  territory  of  the  Republic,  I  imagine  will  be 
the  one  the  Dutch  abandoned  when  they  intruded  in  the  river  Barima,  in 
1768,  as  soon  as  they  learned  from  their  friends  the  Caribs  that  our  privateers 
were  visiting  that  river,  as  one  of  the  most  considerable  which  flows  into  the 
Orinoco,  although  he  wishes  to  make  little  of  it  by  calling  it  a  rivulet ;  and  the 
Director  of  Essequibo  does  not  dare  name  it,  least  he  thereby  declare  himself  an 
usurper ;  and  consequently  he  shows  himself  of  very  weak  memory  by  stating  that 
this  settlement  was  there  from  time  immemorial,  when  it  is  scarcely  two  years 
old.  Satne,  p.  72. 

1778.     Council  of  the  Indies. 

The  Commandant  of  Guayana,  Don  Manuel  Centurion,  [stated  that]  Grave- 
sand  had  endeavored  to  arouse  the  States-General  against  the  proceedings  of 
the  Spaniards,  erroneously  supposing  that  the  Dutch  had  ever  been  in  posses- 
sion of  the  rivers  or  rivulets  that  empty  into  the  sea  from  the  Esquibo  to  the 
Orinoco,  because  they  had  there  no  establishment  other  than  a  straw-thatched 
hut  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Moruca,  or  Maroco,  which  had  been  tolerated 
for  forty  years  back,  intended  to  prevent  the  desertion  of  tlieir  slaves. 

V.  C,  II,  277. 

That  neither  were  they  [Dutch]  in  possession  of  the  Maseroni  and  other  rivers 
that  emptied  into  the  Esquibo  on  its  southwestern  bank,  .  .  .  because  the 
Esquibo  flowing,  approximately,  parallel  with  the  sea-coast  .  .  .  until  it  emp- 
tied into  the  sea  forty-live  leagues  east  of  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  all  the 
rivers  having  their  sources  in  the  furthest  interior  of  the  Province  of  Guayana  and 
flowing  towards  the  coast  lying  between  the  mouths  of  the  Corentin  and  Es- 
quibo came  in  contact  with  the  latter ;  ...  so  that  if,  as  the  Dutch  supposed, 
the  territory  embraced  by  the  rivers  feeding  the  Esquibo  (and  they  are  the 
Cuyuni,   Maseroni,    Mao,  Apanoni,   Putara,  and   other   minor   ones,  with   their 


110  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    SPANISH-BASIS    FOR    AND    SPANISH    VIEWS   OF 
DUTCH    CLAIMS   TO   SAM  E-(Continued). 

branches)  belonged  to  the  dominion  of  the  Republic  they  would  have  in  the 
Province  of  Guayana  more  than  the  Spaniards  ;  the  case  being,  as  appeared  from 
the  map  he  annexed,  that  the  DutcJi  could  only  cljiiin  possession  of  the  Suri- 
nam, Cupernam,  Corentim,  Benis,  Demerara,  Esqnivo,  and  Powaron  rivers. 

V.  C,  II,  27  s. 

That  the  Post  which  Gravesand  stated  the  Spanish  took  possession  of  near  a 
rivulet  south  of  the  Guayne  river,  where  he  supposed  the  company  had  from 
time  immemorinl  a  trading-place  depending  beyond  contradiction  upon  the  Re- 
public, must  be,  without  doubt,  the  one  which  the  intruding:  Dutclimen  upon  the 
Guarima  River  abandoned  in  the  year  1768,  so  soon  as  they  learned  that  our 
cruising  launches  were  patrolling  that  river,  one  of  the  largest  emptying  into  the 
Orinoco,  notwithstanding  that  Gravesand  made  it  out  a  rivulet,  without  venturing 
to  name  it,  so  as  not  to  declare  himself  a  usurper.  It  is  equally  strana:e  that  he 
should  call  this  an  immemorial  establishment,  when  it  had  existed  barely 
for  two  years.  Same,  p.  2yg. 

Tliat  they  [Spaniards]  had  never  up  to  that  time  disputed  the  right  of  the 
Dutcli  to  the  fisheries  at  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco  because  they  did  not  fish 

there,  as  is  proved  by  the  fact  that,  having  armed  during  the  last  three  years 
some  cruising  launches  for  this  river,  they  had  seized  thirty-three  foreign  vessels, 
but  none  of  them  engaged  in  fishing,  nor  was  there  even  any  information  that  the 
Dutch  were  in  possession  of  such  fishing  grounds.  Same,  p.  2yg. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  DUTCH-TO  THE  POM  EROON- MORUCA  REGION. 

.     [1897]   George  L.  Burr. 

From  the  first  Dutch  occupation  of  tlie  Pomeroon,  in  1G.5S,  down  to  late 
in  the  eighteenth  century,  tlie  claim  of  the  Dutcli  to  that  river  seems  to 
have  been  unquestioned.  .  .  .  In  1769,  for  the  first  time,  we  hear  in  Dutch 
records  of  a  counterclaim:  the  Spanish  governor  of  Orinoco  was  said  to  have 
declared  that  the  territory  was  Spain's  as  far  as  the  bank  of  Oene,  in  the  mouth 
of  the  Essequibo.  During  the  years  which  followed,  though  Spain  and  Holland 
were  at  peace,  there  was  more  than  one  Spanish  incursion  into  the  Pomeroon  ;  but 
though  ravages  were  committed  along  the  coast  and  Indians  abducted  from  the 
interior,  there  was  no  attempt  actually  to  take  possession  of  the  river.  Of  the 
Instruccion  of  the  Spanish  Intendant-General  of  Venezuela,  in  February,  1779, 
for  the  occupation  and  settlement  of  Guayana  "  to  the  borders  of  the  Dutch 
colony  of  Essequibo,"  the  Dutch  authorities  seem  to  have  known  nothing;  but  of 
the  reconnoissance  later  .  .  .  by  .  .  .  Inciarte  .  .  .  they  knew ;  .  .  . 
but  the  Director-General  having  assured  himself  that  they  were  "all  gone  without 
having  done  any  harm  "  to  the  post  or  to  the  Indians,  evinced  no  disquiet  about 
the  matter,  and  no  steps  seem  to  have  been  taken  toward  protest  or  further  in- 
vestigation. V.  C.-C,  II,  g6. 

1703.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Governor  of  Surinam  .  .  .  shows  himself  ill-disposed  because  his 
traders  here  in  our  district,  namely,  Essequibo,  Uaumeron  and  Demerary 
were  not  permitted  to  trade.  B.  C,  I,  226. 


BOUNDARIES.  Ill 

CLAIMS   BY   THE    DUTCH-TO  THE   POM  EROON-MORUCA   REGION- 

(Continued). 

1737.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

We  ought  ...  to  keep  up  this  Post  ["tliei>ost  of  Wacquepo  and 
MoruJia"!  because  it  was  establislied  for  the  maiiiteiiaiice  of  your  Honour's 

frontiers  stretching  toward  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  II,  2j. 

1747.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  discharged  Pieter  de  Laet,  the  Postholder  of  Morulia.  on  account 
of  his  bad  behaviour,  and  since  that  Tost  is  of  great  importance,  and  it  is  essen- 
tial to  tlie  Colony  to  keep  np  the  same,  I  have  appointed  [etc.].      Same,  p.  ^o. 

1755.     Postholder  in  Wacquepo. 

Concerning  what  you  write,  that  if  they  will  not  come  of  their  own  free  will 
you  would  come  and  fetch  them  with  violent  measures,  I  do  not  think  that  you 
meant  this  seriously,  but  that  you  only  said  so  to  frighten  the  Indians. 

Because  I  cannot  believe  that  you  would  undertake  to  violate  in  such  a  man- 
ner the  jurisdiction  of  their  Hig-h  Mightinesses,  my  Sovereigns. 

Same,  p.  122. 

1757.     Secretary  in  Essequibo. 

Two  [mules]  died  through  the  great  drought,  the  lack  of  fresh  water,  and 
above  all,  the  getting  grounded  in  a  certain  canal,  called  Itaboe,  and  situated 
under  the  Company's  Post  Moruca.  Same,  p.  ijg, 

1760.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  been  obliged  to  send  a  detachment  of  four  of  the  best  soldiers  to  the 
Post  of  Maroco  as  quickly  as  possible  because  the  Spaniards  are  beginning  to 
put  tJieir  horns  out  again.  .  .  .  They  also  threatened  to  deal  with  the 
Post  in  Maroco  ere  long  in  the  same  way  as  they  had  done  with  that  in  Cuyuni. 

Same,  p.  igy. 

1769.     Postholder  in  Moruca. 

I  .  .  .  report  .  .  .  that  ...  a  Spanish  Tessel  came  into 
Marocco  and  to  the  Post,  there  being  upon  it  two  Fathers,  twelve  soldiers  and 
a  party  of  Weykiers  with  small  canoes  (the  vessel  was  provided  with  eight  swivel 
guns,  and  on  the  forecastle  a  four-pounder  piece)  coming  to  fetch  Arowaks 
and  Warouws  ;  and  they  have  caught  a  whole  party  in  Wayne  and  Maroco. 
.  .  .  We  knew  of  nothing  until  a  Father  came  to  the  Post.  He,  however,  did 
nothing  to  us  at  the  Post,  and  I  spoke  to  the  Fathers,  saying  that  such  acts 
were  not  permitted  on  Dutch  ground  and  territory.  They  stated,  in  reply, 
that  they  did  not  know  that,  and  that  they  had  orders  from  their  Governor. 
They  in  the  evening  departed,  .  .  .  but  .  .  .  they  came  up  stream 
again  .  .  .  with  a  noise,  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  asked  where  were  the  Indians 
whom  they  had  seen.  .  .  .  They  seized  immediately  one  maid.  .  .  . 
They  have  taken  my  two  female  slaves  with  their  children,  two  free  maids — one 
boy  of  mine  is  still  missing.  .  .  .  They  have  gone  with  more  than  a  hundred 
guilders'  worth  of  my  goods,  that  they  found  outside  ;  but  in  the  house  they 
touched  nothing.  According  to  the  report  .  .  .  they  will  come  again  to 
come  and  fetch  the  Indians  of  Pomaroon.  B.  C,  IV,  S-g. 

X769.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

But,  in  1769,  another  remonstrance  to  the  Spanish  Court,  drawn  by  the  Zee- 
land  Chamber  of  the  West  India  Company,  urged  by  the  Stadhouder,  and  adopted 


113  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY  THE   DUTCH-TO  THE    POM  EROON-MORUCA  REGION- 

(Continued). 

by  the  States-General,  stated  or  implied  definite  claims  as  to  territorial  boundary 
in  Guiana.  On  tfie  coast  the  Dutch  territory  is  represented  as  stretching  to 
beyond  the  Waini ;  in  the  interior,  to  a  point  between  the  Dutch  post  on  the 
Cuyuni  and  the  nearest  Spanish  Missions.  This  is  the  one  document  known  to 
the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  two  countries  which  suggests  the  place  of 
the  boundary.  V.  C.-C,  II,  igo. 

1786.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  threats  to  raid  the  Post  Maroco  appear  only  to  be  a  popular  rumour 
concerning  which  I  deem  it  better  not  to  write  to  the  Government  of  Oronoque, 
.  .  .  it  .  .  .  being  ver)-  probable  that  the  Government  never  thought 
of  it. 

By  writing  to  them  about  it,  we  sliould  either  offend  them  or  show  fear, 
and  thereby,  perhaps,  inspire  them  with  a  desire  to  do  something  of  which 
they  would  not  otherwise  have  thought.  At  the  same  time,  it  would  be  well 
to  be  on  one's  guard.  B.  C,  V,  46. 

1790.     Report  of  Commissioners  on  condition  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara. 

More  lands  here  could  be  brought  under  cultivation  if  the  vicinity  of  the  River 
Orinoco  did  not  prevent  it,  for  the  Spaniards  there  sometimes  come  with  armed 
boats  ...  as  far  as  Moruca,  and  carry  away  by  force  the  Indians  who 
dwell  there  .  .  .  The  Colonies  of  Demerara  and  Essequibo,  THEREFORE, 
form  a  stretch  of  21  (Dutch)  miles  along  the  coast  of  Guiana. 

Same,  p.  yg. 

1794.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  went  on  as  far  as  the  Creek  of  Moruca,  which  up  to  now  has  been 
maintained  to  be  the  boundary  of  our  territory  with  that  of  Spain,  upon 
what  basis  I  do  not  know.  It  will  be  of  the  utmost  necessity  to  define  that 
boundary-line  once  for  all.  Sarne,  p.  14J. 

1802.     Anonymous  [Dutch]   Memorial. 

From  the  Creek  Abary  (being  the  boundary  between  the  Colony  of  Berbice 
and  Demerara)  to  the  River  Pomeroon,  which  belongs  to  the  Colony  of  Esse- 
quibo, that  extent  amounts  to  fully  25  hours'  march.  Same, p.  ij6. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  DUTCH-TO  WAINI. 

,     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

Permission  to  cut  timber  [in  the  Waini]  .  .  .  was  .  .  .  repeat- 
edly and  formally  granted  by  the  Essequibo  Court  of  Policy  in  the  name  of 
the  West  India  Company  ;  though,  owing  to  the  river's  unnavigable  entrance, 
this  permission  remained  unused.  V.  C.-C,  II,  ii^- 

1753.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

In  a  short  time  everything  will  have  been  granted,  and  there  will  be  no  more 
land  remaining.  Wherefore,  I  have  sent  away  Pilot  J.  Grotendorst  to  measure 
the  Rivers  Waini  and  Pomeroon. 

A  rumour  is  current  here  that  Emissaries  of  Sweden  have  arrived  in  Surinam 
in  order  to  make  inquiry  respecting  the  River  Barima  lying  between  Oronoco  and 
this  river,  in  order  to  bring  over  a  Colony  there.  B.  C,  II,  "/J. 


feOUNDARIES.  113 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    DUTCH-TO    WAI N  l-(Continued). 

1754.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

According  to  the  reports  of  the  Indians,  there  are  between  Orinoco  and  here 
two  or  three  very  rich  silver  mines,  by  no  means  at  or  near  the  River  Orinoco,  but 
far  south  of  it  on  our  side,  and  even,  In  my  opinion,  south  of  tiie  >Vaini,  and 
in  the  chain  of  mountains  commonly  called  the  Blaauwenberg,  which  forms  a 
whole  long  line  of  mountain  chain,  .  .  .  what  shall  I  do?  .  .  .  It  is 
even  impossible  for  me  ...  to  detach  eight  or  ten  men  to  garrison  and 
defend  as  far  as  possible  the  Post  of  Moruka,  which  will,  I  fear,  bear  the  brunt. 

B.  C,  If,  93. 

1759.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  possession  of  that  river  [Cuyuni],  as  far,  too,  as  this  side  of  the  Wayne, 
which  is  pretended  to  be  the  boundary-line  (although  I  think  the  latter  ought  to 
be  extended  as  far  as  Barima)  cannot  be  questioned  .  .  .  and  your  Lord- 
ships' right  of  ownership  is  indisputable.  Same,  p.  iSo. 

1 761.  Secretary  in  Essequibo. 

I  respectfully  reply  that  the  aforesaid  boats,  having  been  seized  by  those  pirates 
between  the  rivers  of  Barima  and  Waini,  were  absolutely  on  the  Company's  coast, 
for  this  is  certain  (not  to  enter  upon  the  various  opinions  which  exist  about  the 
limits  of  the  Company's  domains)  that  the  river  of  Waini  indisputably  belong-s 
to  the  Company.  Same,  p.  200. 

1762.  Secretary  in  Essequibo. 

If  we  may  not  go  as  far  as  Weyne,  which  is  your  lordships'  river  as  mucli 

as  this  one,  I  do  not  know  what  to  do  in  future  to  get  food  for  the  slaves. 

Same,  p.  21^. 

1762.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Had  both  been  captured  in  the  mouth  of  the  River  Wayni  (indisputably  the 
territory  of  the  Honourable  Company).  Same,  p.  216. 

1763.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  first  [of  the  four  Posts  or  so-called  trading  places  of  the  Company]  is 
Maroco,  situated  between  this  river  and  Orinoco,  under  the  direction  of  which 
are  the  rivers  of  Pomeroon  and  Weyni.  Same,  p.  226. 

1768.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

A  Spanish  privateer  from  Orinoco,  cruising  along  our  coast,  made  an  attempt 
to  capture  your  Lordships'  Salter  before  the  River  Waini  (indisputably  the  Com- 
pany's  territory),  and  fired  very  strongly  upon  him.  The  latter  was  cautious 
enough  (not  being  able  to  escape  otherwise)  to  run  his  boat  high  and  dry  upon 
the  bank,  so  that  he  could  not  be  reached  by  the  privateer  who,  having  continued 
to  fire  upon  him  for  some  time,  and  seeing  that  he  could  do  nothing,  finally 
departed. 

They  [Spaniards]  are  not  content  with  most  unreasonably  keeping  our 
runaway  slaves  and  with  hindering  us  from  carrying  on  the  fishery  in  Orinoco, 
which  we  have  always  been  free  to  do,  but  they  now  wish  to  prevent  us  from 
salting-  along  our  own  coasts,  and  will  in  this  iranner  end  by  closing  our  river_ 
and  no  boats  will  dare  to  go  out  any  more.  B.  C,  III,  iSi. 


114  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY  THE    DUTCH-TO   WAINI-{Continued). 

1769.     Remonstrance  of  the  States-General. 

The  Spaniards  had  begun  to  carry  off  the  Indians  from  Monica,  and  had 
made  themselves  masters  of  the  Company's  Post  there,  being  a  small  river  or 
creek  south  of  the  Weyne  River,  situated  between  the  latter  and  the  Pomaroon 
River,  where  from  time  immemorial  the  Company  had  also  a  tradiug  place 
aud  a  Post,  and  nliich  also  iucoutestahly  belong-ed  to  the  territory  of  the 
Butch.  B.C.,  IV,  30. 

i76g.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

Ill  the  formal  remonstrance,  addressed  in  1769,  .  .  .  by  the  States- 
General  to  the  Spanish  Court,  a  definite  claim  was  made  as  to  the  boundary 

on  the  (iluiaua  coast.     The  territory  of  the  Netherlands,  according  to  this  docu- 
ment, stretched  from  the  river  Marovvyn  to  beyond  the  river  Waini. 

So  far  as  appears  in  the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  Netherlands,  no 
answer  to  this  claim  was  ever  made  by  Spain.  Spanish  aggressions,  however, 
did  not  cease.  V.  C.-C,  II,  114. 

The  Dutch  claim  to  the  ownership  of  the  Waini  was  officially  enounced 
to  Spain  in  the  remonstrance  of  17G9,  and  was  (however  forgotten  in  the  in- 
terval) still  a  basis  of  action  for  the  Dutch  Colonial  authorities  in  the  period  im- 
mediately preceding  the  final  loss  of  the  colony.  Same,  p.  113. 

1775.     West  India  Company,  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

He  [Spanish  Captain]  .  .  .  said  that  his  lord  and  master  would  shortly 
set  a  guard  in  the  creek  of  Weena,  called  the  Barmani,  and  that  the  whole  of 
Maroekka  also  belonged  to  the  Spaniards,  and  I  thereupon  answered  that  the 
river  Barima  belonged  to  the  Swede,  and  Weene  as  well  as  Maroekka,  to 
the  Dutch,  and  they  said  that  it  was  not  so.  B.  C,  IV,  138, 

1779.  Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

Having  arrived  within  musket-shot  of  the  said  [Moruka]  Post,  I  hoisted  the 
Spanish  flag.  .  .  .  Thereupon,  two  white  Dutchmen  appeared,  without  any 
other  people.  Having  arrived  opposite  the  said  Post  and  moored  the  vessels  in 
front  of  it,  .  .  .  the  said  Dutchmen  came  on  board.  .  .  .  Having  re- 
proached him,  as  though  the  lands  where  the  Post  was  situated  belonged  to 
the  Prince  of  Orange,  with  not  replying  with  the  Dutch  flag  to  that  of  our 
Sovereign,  he  answered  that  he  had  no  flag,  nor  knew  to  whom  the  said  lands 
belonged,  but  that  in  Essequibo  the  said  Birector-General  assured  him  verbally 
that  the  said  lands  of  Moruca,  and  those  included  in  the  whole  Creek  of  Ouiaua 
belonged  in  ownership  to  the  High  and  Mighty  Estates  of  the  Butch  Republic. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  229. 

It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  Paul  Fernero,  formerly  Corporal  of  the  said  [Mo- 
ruka] post,  and  at  present  a  soldier  therein,  said  that  the  former  Director- 
General  01  Essequibo  told  him  in  a  letter,  that  the  lands  and  rivers  of  Moruca 
and  (juiana  belonged  in  ownership  to  the  Butch,  and  the  creek  of  Barima  and 
its  lands  to  Sweden.  Same,  p.  2^5. 

1839.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  Butch  .  .  .  recognized  neither  the  mouth  of  the  River  Pomaroon 
nor  that  of  the  Morocco    ...     as  the  limits  of  their  territory. 

B.  C,  VII,  4. 


BOUNDARIES.  115 

CLAIMS    BY    THE    DUTCH-TO    BARIMA     AND    ORINOCO    MOUTH. 

.     British  Case, 

The  Essequibo  Dutch  had  made  friends  with  these  Caribs  by  the  end  of  the 
[i7thj  century,  and  the  Bariuia  district  was  thenceforward  cousidered  as 
within  the  sphere  of  the  Postholder  of  Pomeroou.  B.  C,  ii^. 

The  Bariuia  district  .  .  .  was  treated  by  both  the  Dutch  and  British 
Governments  successively  as  within  their  territorial  jurisdiction. 

Same,  p.  iiS. 
.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Barima  continued  to  be  generally  regarded,  in  accordance  with  the 
belief  and  practice  of  more  than  a  century,  as  within  Dutch  jurisdiction. 

B.  C.-C,  pi. 
1683.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  wish  their  Honours  would  take  possession  of  that  river  [Barima]  as  well, 
which  has  been  done  by  me  provisionally  in  order  to  see  what  revenue  it  will 
yield,  since  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  Honourable  Company  has  the  right  to 
trade  and  traffic  there  in  an  open  river  as  much  as  other  private  persons. 

B.  C. ,  1, 185-186. 
1734.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

If  the  Swedes  undertake  to  try  to  establish  themselves  between  the  Orinoco 
and  this  Colony,  on  your  Honours'  territory,  I  should  be  obliged  to  try  to  pre- 
vent it.  B.  C,  II,  18. 

1749.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

All  the  itinerant  traders  which  go  from  there  [Surinam]  in  order  to  deal  in 
slaves  stop  here,  as  all  go  to  Barima,  which  is  situated  under  this  jurisdiction, 
to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  inhabitants,  because  they  pay  far  more  for  the  slaves 
than  we  usually  do.  Same,  p.  61. 

1758.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

Those  of  Essequibo  publish  and  sustain  that  the  dominion  of  the  States- 
General  extends  to  the  Ship's  Mouth  or  Great  Mouth  of  tlie  Orinoco,  and  they 
even  enter  well  inside  that  river  to  enjoy  its  fishery.  Same,  p.  141. 

1758.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

In  1758,  the  Governor  of  these  Dutch  colonies  addressed  to  the  Governor  of 
Spanish  Guiana  a  remonstrance  against  Spanish  aggressions,  in  which  he  claimed 
for  the  Dutch  the  boundary  laid  down  on  the  map  of  D'Anrille.  This  claim 
was  made,  however,  without  authority  from  the  West  India  Company  or  from  the 
State,  and  was  not  urged  in  the  remonstrance  [1759]  addressed  on  this  occasion 
at  the  instance  of  the  Company  by  the  States-General  to  the  Court  of  Spain. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  I  go. 

1760.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

They  [Spaniards]  also  took  some  canoes  on  this  side  of  Barima,  and  thus 
within  the  Honourable  Company's  territory.  B.  C,  II,  igj. 

1761.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  new  outrages  of  the  Spaniards  in  seizing  the  boat  of  Mr.  Persik  and  the 
five  canoes,  which  were  busy  salting,  have  greatly  surprised  us.  .  .  .  We 
still  hope  to  receive  these,  and  the  earlier  the  better,  together  with  the  rea- 
sons why  you  deem  that  everything:  which  has  happened  on  this  side  of 
Barima  must  be  deemed  to  have  occurred  on  territory  of  the  Company. 

Same,  p.  igS. 


116  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    DUTCH-TO  BARIMA   AND    ORINOCO    MOUTH- 

(Continued). 

1764.     Diiector-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  whole  jurisdiction  of  the  Company,  from  Abary  to  Barima. 

B.  C,  HI,  105. 
1764.     Shareholders  of  West  India  Company. 

The  Colony  of  Essequibo  comprises  the  district  of  the  north-east  coast  of  South 
America  lying  between  the  Spanish  Colony,  the  Orinoco,  and  the  Dutch  Colony, 
the  Berbices,  and  .  .  .  the  same  is  crossed  not  only  by  tlie  chief  river, 
the  Essequibo,  but  also  by  several  small  rivers,  such  as  Barima,  Waini,  Moruka, 
Pomeroon,  and  Demerary,  from  which  it  takes  the  name  of  the  Colony  of  Esse- 
quibo and  the  rivers  belonging  thereto,  though  in  the  whole  of  the  aforesaid 
district — at  least,  as  long  as  it  was  under  the  direction  of  the  West  India  Com- 
pany, until  the  year  1750,  no  other  river  than  the  chief  river  of  Essequibo  was 
inhabited  or  populated.  Same,  p.  116. 

1766.     Court  of  Justice,  Essequibo. 

Resolved  .  ,  .  that  .  .  .  the  following  proclamations  should  be 
made : — 

All  dwelling'  or  sojourn  in  Barima  is  forbidden  to  all  colonists,  all  upon 
penalty  of  being  further  punished  according  to  the  exigencies  of  the  case,  but 
those  who  still  have  some  timber  cut  there  are  permitted  to  fetch  away 
the  same.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  2og-2io. 

1803.  G.  A.  W.  Ruysch — proposed  Charter  by. 

As  in  Pomeroon,  Waini,  and  Barima,  there  are  still  found  well  stocked 
forests,  tlie  inliabitauts  who  wish  to  devote  themselves  to  lumbering  will  be 
granted  a  certain  extent  of  forest,  wherein  they  shall  be  at  liberty  to  fell  timber, 
upon  payment  of  certain  dues  to  the  Republic.  .  .  .  The  ownership  of  the 
land  remaining'  reserved  to  tlie  Republic,  unless  the  petitioners  should  sub- 
sequently desire  to  establish  plantations  there,  in  which  case  the  Governor  and 
the  Court  of  Policy,  .  .  .  shall  grant  letters  of  pre-emption  and  recommend- 
ation. B.  C,  V,  iSj. 

1804.  Lieutenant-Governor  Myers. 

It  [Colony  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara]  is  separated  from  Berbice  by  the 
Abari  Creek.  The  boundary  with  the  Spaniards  is  disputed.  According-  to 
Dutch,  it  is  a  line  running-  north  and  south  from  Cape  Brama  or  Brem ;  and 
according  to  the  Spaniards  it  is  the  Morucco  Creek,  a  little  to  the  westward  of 
Cape  Nassau.  Same,  p.  1S6. 

1839.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

They  ]  Dutch]  had  even  occupation  of  the  eastern  banks  of  the  .  .  . 
Barima  |  before  .  .  .  i666|  .  .  .  which  military  outpost  they  con- 
sidered to  be  their  western  boundary.  B.  C,  VII,  4. 

The  Dutch  West  India  Company  considered  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  to  be 
the  limit  of  their  possessions. 

I  Humboldt  says|  The  Dutch,  far  from  recognizing  the  Rio  Pomeroon  or  the 
Moroco  as  the  limit  of  their  territory,  plaiced  the  boundary  at  Rio  Barima, 
consequently  near  the  mouth  of  the  Oroonoko  itself,  when  they  draw  a  line  of 
demarcation  from  N.  N.  W.,  to  S.  S.  E.  towards  Cuyuni.  Same,  p.  J2. 


BOUNDARIES.  117 

CLAIMS    BY  THE   DUTCH-TO   BARIMA    AND  ORINOCO    MOUTH- 

(Continued). 

1839.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  had  always  been  considered  to  form  the  western 
boundary  of  the  former  Dutch  possessions.  B.  C,  VII,  jj. 

1844.     Earl  of  Aberdeen. 

The  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  always  claimed  by  the  Dutch  as  their  western 
boundary.  Same,  p.  go. 

1875.     Governor  Longden. 

The  boundary  claimed  by  the  old  Dutch  Colony,  namely,  a  line  from  Point 
Barima.  B.  C,  VI,  212. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  DUTCH-TO  AMACURA. 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

It  was  even  believed  among  the  [Spanish]  missions  that  the  Dutch  Oovernor 
of  Essequiljo  claimed  jurisdiction  as  far  as  a  line  running  due  south  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Aguire.  This  was  told  their  prefect  by  a  fugitive  slave,  who 
claimed  to  have  brought  from  Essequibo  an  official  document  in  which  this  was 
shown  ;  and  a  Dutchman  from  Essequibo  told  the  same  prefect  that  the  Mission 
of  Curumo  had  been  destroyed  because  it  lay  east  of  this  Hne.  The  slave-traders 
are  even  said  to  have  once  presented  a  passport  m  which  the  Essequibo  governor 
styled  himself  "  Governor  of  Essequibo  and  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco."  But  all 
this  is  unknown  to  the  Dutch  records,  and  was  certainly  never  reported  to  the 
home  authorities.  V.  C.-C,  II,  142. 

1762.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Register  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  Demerary,  and  the  dependent  districts. 

Situated  on  the  north  coast  of  South  America,  at  about  7°  latitude  north  and 
42°  longitude;  from  the  creek  Abari  on  the  east  to  the  river  Amacura  on  the 
north,  and  comprising  the  rivers  Demerary,  Essequibo,  Pomeroon,  Weyne,  and 
the  large  creeks  Maykouny,  Maheyka,  Wacquebo,  and  Maroco,  being  a  stretch 
of  land  along  the  sea-coast  of  about  120  (Dutch)  miles,  of  15  in  1°. 

Belonging  to  the  Honourable  General  Chartered  West  India  Company  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  under  the  administration  of  the  Chamber  of  Zeeland. 

B.  C,  II,  2 1 2-2 1  J. 

1762.     Muster  Roll. 

Directory  of  the  Colony  Essequibo,  Demerarij,  and  dependent  districts  : 
Situate  on  the  north  coast  of  South  America    .     .     .     from  the  Creek  Abari 
on  the  east  to  the  River  Amacura  on  the  north,  including  the  Rivers  Demerarij, 
Essequibo,    Powaron,    Weijne,   and    the    large    Creeks    Maijkounij,    Maheijka, 
Wacquepo,  and  Maroco. 

Belonging  to  the     .     .     .     West  India  Company.  B.  C,   VII,  164. 

1764,     Director- General  in  Essequibo. 

Register  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  Demerary,  and  dependent  districts. 

Situated  on  the  north  coast  of  South  America,  at  7°  north  latitude  and  42^ 
longitude  from  the  Creek  Abari  on  the  east  to  the  River  Amacura  on  the  north, 
comprising  the  Rivers  Demeiary,  Essequibo,  Pomeroon.  Waini,  and  the  great 
Creeks  Maykouny,  Maheyka,  Wacquepo,  and  Moruka,  being  a  stretch  of  land 
along  the  sea-coast  of  about  120  [Dutch]  miles  of  15  in  1°  belonging  to  the  Char- 
tered West  India  Company.  B.  C.  ///,  118-119. 


118  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY  THE    DUTCH-TO   AM ACURA-(Continued). 

1765.     Muster  Roll. 

Directory  of  the  Colony  Essequibo,  Demerarij,  and  dependent  district : 
Situate  on  the  north  coast  of  South  America     .     .     .     from  the  Creek  Abari 
on  the  east  to  the  River  Aiuacnra  on  the  north,  including  the  Rivers  Dim- 
merarij,  Essequibo,  Povvaron,  Weijne,  and  the  large  Creeks  Maijkounij,  Maheijka, 
Wacquepo,  and  Maroco. 

Belonging  to  the     .     .     .     West  India  Company.  B.  C,  VII,  i6^- 

1839.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

When  ...  in  the  possession  of  the  Netherlands  ...  its  limits 
were  considered  to  extend  from  Punta  Barima  ...  to  the  nioutli  of 
the  River  Amacnra,  following  the  Caiio  Cuyuni  ...  to  its  source,  from 
whence  it  was  supposed  to  stretch  .  .  .  towards  the  River  Cuyuni,  .  .  . 
and  from  thence  southward  towards  the  Massaruni.  Same,  p.  4. 

CLAIMS    BY    THE    DUTCH-TO    CUYUNI,    MAZARUNI    AND  THE 

INTERIOR. 

1 741.     Storm  van  's  Gravesande,  Secretary  in  Essequibo. 

He  [Nicolas  Hortsman]  had  considered  it  necessary  to  remain  above  [up  the 
Essequibo]  where  lie  had  planted  the  flag'  and  cleared  a  bread  garden. 

B.  C,  II,  32. 
1 741.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  fully  two  months  ago  since  Jacques  Donacq  (who  attended  to  the  Post  in 
Essequibo  in  place  of  the  deceased  Jacobus  van  der  Burg)  came  to  me  to  report 
how  an  Indian  had  arrived  at  the  Post,  and  had  informed  him,  by  order  of  the 
Surgeon  Hortsman,  that  he  had  planted  the  flag  of  your  Honours  by  the  Lake 
of  Parima,  and  had  taken  possession  of  the  land,  had  cleared  a  cassava 
garden  there,  and  had  dispatched  Christiaen  Reijs  over  sea  to  give  a  further 
account  of  the  journey  which  had  succeeded  according  to  his  wish.     Savie,  p.  jj. 

1749.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Having  written  to  the  Governor  of  Cumana  that,  if  he  persisted  in  the  design 
of  founding  a  Mission  in  the  River  Cuyuni,  I  should  be  obliged  to  oppose 
myself  thereagainst  effectually,  he  has  replied  to  me  that  such  was  without  his 
knowledge  (not  the  founding  of  the  new  [Mission],  but  the  site),  and  that  it  should 
not  be  progressed  with,  as  in  reality  nothing  has  been  done.  On  the  map  your 
Honours  will  find  the  place  marked,  as  also  the  site  of  the  one  already  estab- 
lished. 

The  discoveries  made  in  our  neighborhood  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  year  1748, 
[1747  on  his  map]  a  copy  .  .  .  whereof  ...  I  have  been  able  to  obtain 
cognizance  of,  is  also  of  no  small  advantage  for  us — that  notorious  sea  of  Parime 
.  .  .  having  now  at  last  been  discovered  and  found,  and  even,  according 
to  the  map,  situated  within  our  jurisdiction.  Same,  p.  6j. 

1754.     Court  of  Policy. 

I  had  the  honour  some  years  ago  to  inform  your  Honours  that  they  [Spanish] 
had  located  a  Mission  in  the  Creek  Mejou,  which  flows  into  the  Cuyuni,  .  .  . 
this  Mission  was  so  absolutely  and  indisputably  on  our  territory. 

Same,  p.  gj. 

These  two  Missions  are  not  in  the  Creek  Mejou,  but  some  miles  lower  on  the 
River  Cuyuni  itself.  Same,  p.  g^. 


BOUNDARIES.  1 19 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    DUTCH-TO   CUYUNI,    MAZARUNI    AND   THE 
INTERIOR-(Continued). 

1758.     British  Case. 

The  Director-General  of  Essequibo  addressed  to  the  Commandant  at  Guay- 
ana  a  letter  of  remonstrance  as  to  this  raid  [on  the  Cuyuui  Post  in  1758J.  In  this 
letter  the  claim  of  the  Dutch  to  the  territory  is  assumed  as  indisputable. 

B.  C,  4g. 

1758.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

That  the  Post  of  your  Lordships'  Company  was  on  Spanish  ground,  which  is 
utterly  and  indisputably  untrue.  .  .  .  It  is  my  opinion  that  this  river  [Cuyiini] 
is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  youi'  Lordships,  much  more  so  than  any  one  of 
the  others,  and  also  that  it  is  perfectly  certain  and  indisputable  that  they  [Span- 
iards] have  not  the  slig-htest  claim  to  it.  If  your  Lordships  will  .  .  .  look 
at  the  map  of  this  country,  drawn  by  Mr.  D'Anville,  .  .  .  your  Lordships  will 
clearly  see  that  this  is  so.  Our  boundaries,  too,  are  defined  in  a  way  which 
proves  that  the  compiler  was  very  well  informed.  B.  C,  IT,  144. 

1759.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

There  not  being  tlie  slightest  difficulty  or  doubt  concerning'  the  owner- 
ship of  this  portion  of  Essequibo,  most  undoubtedly  belonging,  as  it  does,  to  the 
West  India  Company,  this  unexpected  and  unheard-of  act  [destruction  of  the 
Cuyuni  Post]  is  a  violation  of  all  existing  Treaties — a  violation  even  of  the  uni- 
versal law  of  nations,  and  as  a  matter  of  the  greatest  importance  it  demands  your 
Lordships'  attention  and  vigilance.  Same,  p.  iy2. 

1759.     Resolutions  of  the  States- General. 

Remonstrance  of  the  Directors  of  the  West  India  Company,  .  .  .  set- 
ting forth  that  they  .  .  .  have  been  from  time  immemorial  in  undisturbed 
possession,  not  alone  of  the  aforesaid  River  Essequibo,  but  also  of  all  the 
branches  and  tributaries  .  .  .  and  especially  of  the  northernmost  arm  of  the 
same  river,  called  the  Cuyuni.  .  .  .  They,  ...  in  virtue  of  that  posses- 
sion, have  always  considered  the  said  River  Cuyuni  as  a  domain  of  this 
State.  Same,  p.  176. 

1759.     Ambassador  of  States-General  at  Madrid. 

[The  States-General]  have  been  from  time  immemorial  in  undisturbed 
possession  of  the  River  Essequibo,  and  all  the  little  rivers  which  flow  into  it, 
and  especially  of  the  right  arm  of  the  said  river,  which  flows  northward,  and  is 
called  tlie  Cuyuui ;  that,  in  virtue  of  the  said  possession,  his  masters  have  for  a 
very  long-  time  considered  the  whole  of  the  said  river  as  a  domain  belonging 
to  them,  and  have  consequently  caused  to  be  constructed  ...  an  outpost 
as  to  which  the  Spanish  Governors  have  never  raised  any  objection,  or  made 
the  least  complaint,  understanding  that  such  outposts  are  absolutely  necessary  to 
us  for  the  maintenance  of  the  peace  of  the  Colony  against  the  raids  of  the  sav- 
ages, and  are  constructed  with  noother  object.  V.  C,  II,  ijj. 

1761.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

There  can  be  no  dispute  about  it  with  the  Court  of  Spain,  it  being  only  too 
clear  and  evident  that  the  [Cuyuni]  Post  not  only  stood  upon  the  .  .  . 
Company's  territory,  but  tliat  that  territory  extends  much  farther. 

B.  C,  II,  igg. 


120  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    DUTCH-TO   CUYUNI,    MAZARUNI    AND    THE 
INTERIOR-(Continued). 

1765.    Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

[An  Indian  scout  reports]  that  preparations  are  being  made  to  establish  a 
new  Mission  between  Cuyuiii  and  Mazaruni,  that  is,  in  the  middle  of  onr  land. 

B.  C,  III,  121. 
1767.     Director- General  in  Essequibo. 

If  no  redress  can  be  obtained  at  the  Court  of  Spain,  to  use  reprisals  against 
the  Missions,  situated  on  our  frontier,  even  on  our  territory ;  I  think  they 
would  then  be  brought  to  reason.  Same,  p.  143. 

1767.     West  India  Company  (Amsterdam  Chamber). 

Tlie  natural  meaning  of  the  expression  "  Essequibo  and  adjoined  or  subor- 
dinate rivers  "  is  not  that  which  the  Zeeland  Chief  Participants  attribute  to  it, 
(namely,  that  all  the  places  which  are  situate  on  the  mainland  of  the  so-called 
Wild  Coast,  between  the  boundaries  which  the  Chief  Participants  themselves 
have  .  .  .  defined  as  extending  from  Moruka  to  Mahaicony,  or  from  Rio 
Berbice  as  far  as  the  Orinoco,  are  "  adjoined,  subordinate  to,  and  inseparable 
from  "  the  Colony  Essequibo),  but,  on  the  contrary,  only  this,  that  under  that  de- 
scription are  comprehended  the  various  mouths  and  rivers,  originating  from 
Rio  Essequibo  or  emptying  into  it,  which  are  marked  on  the  map,  such  as,  for 
instance,  Cuyuni,  Massaruni,  Sepenouwy,  and  Magnouwe.  Satne,  p.  147. 

1769.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

But.  in  1769,  another  remonstrance  to  the  Spanish  Court,  drawn  by  the  Zee- 
land  Chamber  of  the  West  India  Company,  urged  by  the  Stadhouder,  and 
adopted  by  the  States-General,  stated  or  implied  defluite  claims  as  to  terri- 
torial boundary  in  Guiana.  On  the  coast  the  Dutch  territor)^  is  represented  as 
stretching  to  beyond  the  Waini;  in  the  interior,  to  a  point  between  the  Dutch 
post  on  tlie  Cuyuni  and  the  nearest  Spanish  Missions.  This  is  the  one  docu- 
ment known  to  the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  two  countries  which  suggests 
the  place  of  the  boundary.  V.  C.-C,  II,  igo. 

1769.     Remonstrance  of  the  States-General. 

A  Spanish  detachment  coming  from  the  Orinoco  had  come  above  that  Post 
and  had  carried  off  several  Indians,  threatening  to  return  at  the  first  following 
dry  season  and  visit  Masseroeny,  another  arm  of  the  Essequibo,  lying  between 
that  and  the  Cuyuni  River,  and,  therefore,  also  unquestionably  forming  part  of 
the  territory  of  tlie  Republic,  ...  and  then  to  descend  the  River  Masse- 
roeny, ascend  the  Cuyuni  and  visit  the  Company's  said  Post  in  Cuyuni. 

B.C.,IV,2g. 

1776.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  a  pity  that  that  boundary  line,  if  I  may  call  it  so,  lies  so  far  up  the 
[Essequibo]  river.  Same,  p.   140. 

1875.     Governor  Longden. 

The  boundary  claimed  by  the  old  Dutch  Colony,  namely,  a  line  from  Point 
Barima,  where  an  old  Dutch  post  subsisted,  to  the  Dutch  post  on  the  Cuyuni, 

(opposite  to  the  ancient  fort  marked  on  the  map  as  "  the  most  easterly  Spanish 
Post- Humboldt")  is  the  boundary  which  I  understand  to  have  been  always 
claimed  by  Great  Britain.  This  boundary  is  indicated  ...  on  the  large 
map  of  .  .  .  Schomburgk's  surveys  .  .  .  corrected  .  .  .  by  .  .  . 
Chalmers  and  Sawkins  ...  in  1872.  .  .  .  This  line  .  .  .  includes 
both  banks  of  the  Amacura  River.  B.  C,  VI,  212. 


BOUNDARIES.  121 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  DUTCH-TO  ALL  THE  COAST. 

-.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

No  claim  to  the  whole  of  this  coast  was  ever  made  by  the  Dutch. 

V.  C.-C,  i6. 

-.     [1897J.     George  L.  Burr. 

Thus,  in  1669,  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  conceded  to  the  German 
Count  of  Hanau  a  strip  thirty  Dutch  miles  broad,  .  .  .  the  grant  reads: 
.  ,  .  "  A  piece  of  land  situated  on  the  wild  coast  of  America,  between 
the  river  Oronoque  and  the  river  of  the  Amazons,"  adding  the  condition,  "  which 
His  Excellency  will  be  entitled  to  select  provided  he  keeps  at  least  six  Dutch 
miles  from  other  colonies  there  established  or  founded  by  the  said  chartered  West 
India  Company,  or  with  its  consent." 

Tliat  tlie  grant  implies  that  the  wliole  Wild  Coast  was  counted  by  the 
West  India  Company  open  to  Dutch  colonization  cannot  be  questioned.  It 
seems  to  imply  also  that  there  were  still  on  that  coast  unoccupied  stretches  of 
thirty  Dutch  miles  in  breadth  lying  at  least  six  miles  distant  from  the  Dutch 
establishments  of  Surinam,  Berbice,  and  Essequibo  ;  and  that  such  a  stretch 
might  by  the  Dutch  be  granted  outright,  even  to  a  foreigner.  But  it  does  not 
assert  an  exclusive  Dutcli  rig-ht  to  colonize  tliat  coast ;  and  .  .  .  Great 
Britain  and  .  .  .  France  were  also  freely  granting  patents  of  territory  on 
the  Guiana  coast,  and  .  .  .  there  has  been  found  no  record  of  the  slightest 
Dutch  protest  against  it.  .  .  .  It  should  be  added  that  the  colony  of  the  Count 
of  Hanau  was  a  flash  in  the  pan,  no  attempt  ever  being  made  to  establish  it. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  26-27. 

From  the  terms  of  these  grants  may  unquestionably  be  inferred  the  as- 
sumption by  the  Dutch  (xovernment  of  a  right  to  plant  colonies,  either 
directly  or  through  the  West  India  Company,  in  the  district  known  as  the  Wild 
Coast.  There  is,  liowever,  in  none  of  them,  anything  to  suggest  that  this  was 
counted  exclusively  a  Dutch  right;  nor  is  there  in  them  any  claim  of 
sovereignty  over  this  coast  as  a  whole.  Same,  p.  28. 

Of  any  claim  by  the  Dutch  to  (Tuiaua  as  a  whole,  or  to  any  part  of  its 
western  coast,  there  is  thus  far  [1613]  no  intimation.  Same,  p.  jS. 

Neither  in  connection  with  the  early  trading  expeditions  to  Guiana  nor  with 
the  first  projects  for  its  colonization  is  there  now  to  be  found  in  Dutch  records 
a  claim  to  definite  territory  there.  The  most  that  is  anywhere  urged  is  that 
this  region  is  not  yet  occupied  by  the  Spaniards  or  the  Portuguese,  and  is  there- 
fore open  to  trade  or  to  settlement.  Same,  p.  176. 

But  wliile  there  is  .  .  .  .abundant  evidence  of  a  claim  of  the  Dutch 
to  plant  colonies  freely  on  the  coast  of  truiana  from  the  Amazon  to  the 
Orinoco,  I  have  found  in  Dutch  records  no  claim,  as  against  other  European 
states,  of  an  exclusive  right  thus  to  colonize  Guiana ;  and  no  protest  at  any 
timeL  against  the  similar  attempts  which,  throughout  the  greater  part  of  this 
(i8th)  century,  the  English  and  the  French  were  likewise  making  to  plai.t  colonies 
on  this  coast.  Same,  p.  iSo. 

I.  The  whole  coast  of  (iuiana  was,  from  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  loolied  on  by  the  Dutch  as  open  to  colonization ;  but  no  exclusive 
claim  to  that  coast,  as  a  whole,  seems  ever  to  have  been  made  by  them. 

Same,  p.  igo. 


122  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS  BY   THE   DUTCH-TO  ALL  THE  COAST-(Continued). 

•     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

2,  From  1621  to  1674  the  right  to  colonize  that  coast  on  behalf  of  the  Dutch 
was  vested  in  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  which  was  empowered  by  its 
charter  to  settle  unoccupied  districts.  That  Company,  while  freely  exercising 
this  right  of  colonization,  and  granting  lands  for  its  exercise  by  others,  has  left 
on  record  no  definition  of  the  limits  of  its  occupation  in  Guiana,  and  no  claim  as 
to  a  boundary  on  the  side  of  the  Spanish  colonies.  V.  C.-C,  II,  igo. 

1632.     States-General, 

None  of  the  said  vessels  shall  be  permitted  ...  to  sail  to  the  coasts  of 
African  or  to  New  Netherlands,  or  any  other  place  where  the  Company  may  trade  ; 
but  shall  be  permitted  to  sail  to  the  coast  of  Brazil ;  item,  in  the  West  Indies,  to 
wit,  the  River  Oronocque  westwards  along  the  coast  of  Carthagena,  Portobello, 
Honduras,  Campecho,  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  [etc.],  .  .  .  in  order  to  injure  and 
offer  hostility  to  the  King  of  Spain.  B.  C,  1, 13- 

1648.     States  General. 

We  [States  General]  annul  .  .  .  all  .  .  .  regulations  according  to 
which  all  ships  .  .  .  have  been  permitted  to  sail  for  private  trade  [etc.]  .  .  . 
to  a  certain  area  within  the  Charter  of  the  West  India  Company;  .  .  .  we 
now  decree  .  .  .  that  the  vessels  of  the  .  ,  .  inhabitants  [of  the  Nether- 
lands] shall  henceforth  be  permitted  to  sail  in  the  West  Indies,  to  wit,  from  the 
River  Oronocque  westwards  [etc.]  .  .  .  without  permission  to  go  east 
along  the  Wild  Coast,  much  less  to  the  Amazon.  Same,  pp.  135-136. 

1669.     West  India  Company. 

The  Directors  of  the  .  .  .  IVest  India  Company  .  .  .  grant  to  His 
.  .  .  Excellency  [Lord  Frederick  Casimir,  Count  of  Hanau]  a  tract  of  land 
situated  on  the  Wild  Coast  of  America,  between  the  River  Orinoco  and  the 
River  Amazon,  which  His  Excellency,  .  .  .  shall  be  pleased  to  choose,  pro- 
vided they  remain  at  least  six  Dutch  miles  from  other  Colonies,  there  erected  and 
established  by  the  .  .  .  West  India  Company  or  with  their  permission,  of 
about  thirty  Dutch  miles  in  breadth  along  the  sea  and  a  hundred  miles  more  as 
the  aforesaid  Colonists  shall  in  the  course  of  time  be  able  to  occupy  and  cultivate 
.  .  .  on  condition  that  the  aforesaid  district  will  have  to  be  cultivated  along 
the  sea  coast  within  a  period  of  twelve  years,  or  that  what  may  then  remain  un- 
cultivated along  the  sea-coast  shall  again  be  at  the  disposal  of  the  Company. 

The  Company  grants  the  aforesaid  district  to  His  Excellency  as  a  lief  or 
feud  with  all  its  prerogatives  and  rights.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  333-334. 

1669.     States-General. 

There  was  heard  the  report  of  .  .  .  deputies  in  charge  of  the  West  India 
Company's  affairs,  having,  .  .  .  investigated  and  examined  the  petition  of 
the  Directors  of  the  .  .  .  West  India  Company,  requesting  .  .  .  approval 
of  what  they,  the  petitioners,  have  agreed  to  .  .  .  with  the  present  .  ,  . 
Count  of  Hanau  concerning  the  establishment  of  a  considerable  Colony  upon 
the  wild  coast  ol  America    .     .     .     being  deliberated  upon,  it  was  approved. 

Same,  p.  jj/. 
1714.     West  India  Company. 

Although  Orinoco,  Trinidad,  &c.  is  [sic)  under  tlie  power  of  the  Spaniard.s, 
still  it  also  lies  within  the  Charter  of  tlie  Company  where  nobody  has  the 


BOUNDARIES.  123 

CLAIMS  BY  THE   DUTCH-TO  ALL  THE  COAST-(Continued). 

right  to  trade  except  the  Company  and  those  to  whom  the  Company  gives  per- 
mission to  do  so,  so  that  it  all  is  the  territory  of  the  Company,  although  we  have 
no  forts  there.  B.  C,  I,  24 j. 

1757.  Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

About  fourteen  years  ago  I  saw  a  passport  ...  in  Latin,  granted  by 
the  Governor  of  Essequibo  of  that  date  to  a  Carib  Chief  who  lived  within  the 
river  Orinoco.  On  making  inquiries  ...  I  came  to  learn  .  .  .  that  the 
States-dreueral  in  their  commissions  to  the  Governors  of  Essequibo  also  give 
them  tlie  title  of  Governors  of  the  Orinoco.  What  is  quite  certain  is  that 
these  Governors  style  themselves  of  Essequibo  and  of  the  Orinoco  in  the 
licences  that  they  issue.  B.  C,  II,  IJJ. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    DUTCH-BASIS    FOR    AND    DUTCH    VIEWS   OF 
SPANISH    CLAIMS  TO  SAME. 

•     [""897]  George  L.  Burr. 

With  the  lower  Orinoco  in  general,  and  especially  with  the  A^nire,  they 
[Dutch]  long  maintained  relations  of  trade,  and  in  such  sort  as  to  make 
doubtful  their  recognition  of  Spanish  sovereig-nty  there.      V.  C.-C,  II,  143. 

1599.     Zeeland  Estates. 

In  the  matter  of  the  request  of  the  Burgomaster  of  Middelburg,  Adriaen  ten 
Heaft,  setting  forth  how  that  in  the  preceding  year,  1 598,  at  heavy  cost  to  himself, 
he  caused  to  be  investigated  on  the  continent  of  America  many  different  rivers  and 
islands,  and  how  that  in  this  voyage  were  discovered  various  coasts  and  lands 
where  one  could  do  notable  damage  to  the  King  of  Spain,— and  how  that  he 
is  well  minded  to  send  out  again  two  ships.  V.  C,  II,  12. 

1 62 1.     Cornells  Janssen  Vianen. 

If  an  attempt  were  made  with  superior  force  to  gain  the  land  there  [on  the 
mainland  of  America  between  Brazil  and  the  Orinoco]  and  by  such  cultivation 
introduce  products  of  Brazil  and  the  West  Indies,  the  Spaniards  would  beyond 
doubt  seek  forcibly  to  prevent  this.  Same,  p.  17. 

1758.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

That  the  [Cuyuni]  Post  of  your  Lordships'  Company  was  on  Spanish  ground, 
which  is  utterly  and  indisputably  untrue. 

It  is  my  opinion  that  this  river  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  your  Lordships, 
much  more  so  than  any  one  of  the  others,  and  also  that  it  is  perfectly  certain 
and  indisputable  that  they  [Spaniards]  have  not  the  slightest  claim  to  it. 
If  your  Lordships  will  .  .  .  look  at  the  map  of  this  country,  drawn  by  Mr. 
D'Anville,  .  .  .  your  Lordships  will  clearly  see  that  this  is  so.  Our  bound- 
aries, too,  are  defined  in  a  way  which  proves  that  the  compiler  was  very  well 
informed.  S-  C,  II,  144. 

1759.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Cuyuni  being  one  of  the  three  arms  which  constitute  this  river  [Essequibo] 
and  your  Lordships  having  had  for  many  years  the  coffee  and  indigo  plantation 
there,  also  that  the  mining  master,  with  his  men,  having  worked  on  the  Blue 
mountain  in  that  river  without  the  least  opposition,  the  possession  of  that  river 
.  .  .  cannot  be  questioned  in  the  least  possible  way,  and  your  Lordships' 
right  of  ownership  is  indisputable,  and  beyond  all  doubt.  Same,  p.  iSo. 


124  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    DUTCH-BASIS    FOR    AND    DUTCH    VIEWS    OF 
SPANISH    CLAIMS  TO   SAM  E-(Continued). 

1759.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  still  request  you  to  lay  before  us  everything  which  might  in  any 
way  he  of  service  in  proof  of  our  right  of  ownership  to,  or  possession  of,  the 
aforesaid  [Cuyuni]  river ;  .  .  .  For  this  purpose  there  might  especially  be 
of  use  to  us  a  small  map  of  the  River  of  Cuyuni,  with  indication  of  the  places 
where  the  Company's  Post,  and  also  the  grounds  of  Oud  Duinenburg,  and  of  the 
Company's  coffee  and  indigo  plantations  were  situated,  and,  finally,  of  the  so- 
called  Blue  Mountain  in  which  the  miners  carried  on  their  work.  .  .  .  We  ask 
for  this  especially,  because  in  your  map  of  Essequibo  ...  we  can  find  nothing 
of  all  this.  B.  C,  II,  iSr. 

We  see  .  .  .  that  you  extend  the  boundary  of  the  Colony  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Orinoco  not  only  as  far  as  Waini,  but  even  as  far  as  Barima.  We 
should  like  to  be  informed  of  the  grounds  upon  which  you  base  this  conten- 
tion, and  especially  your  inference  that,  Cuyuni  being  situate  on  this  side  of 
Waini,  it  must  therefore  necessarily  belong  to  tlie  Colony ;  for,  so  far  as  we 
know,  there  exist  no  Conventions  that  the  boundary-lines  in  South  America  run  in 
a  straight  line  from  the  sea-coast  inland.  Same,  p.  1S2. 

1760.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Although  I  am  aware  .  .  .  that  no  Treaties  have  been  made  which  decided 
that  the  dividing  boundary  in  South  America  should  run  inland  in  a  direct  line 
from  the  sea-coast,  as  is  the  case  with  the  EngUsh  in  North  America,  it  still  ap- 
pears to  me  .  .  .  to  be  an  irrefutable  fact  that  the  rivers  themselves,  which 
have  been  in  the  possession  of  your  Lordships  for  such  a  large  number  of 
years,  and  have  been  inhabited  by  subjects  of  the  State  without  any  or  the  least 
opposition  on  tlie  part  of  the  Spanish,  are  most  certainly  the  property  of 
your  Lordships.  Same,  pp.  184-iS^. 

1 76 1.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  latter  [canoe]  having  been  captured  this  side  of  Barima,  I  am  of  opinion 
that  it  was  captured  upon  the  .  .  .  Company's  territory,  for,  although  there 
are  no  positive  proofs  to  be  found  here,  such  has  always  been  so  considered  by 
the  oldest  settlers,  as  also  by  all  the  free  Indians.  .  .  .  Some  very  old  Caribs 
.  .  .  told  me  that  they  remember  the  time  when  the  .  .  .  Company  had 
a  post  in  Barima,  .  .  .  and  then,  lastly,  because  the  boundaries  are  always 
thus  defined  by  foreigners,  as  may  be  seen  on  the  map  prepared  by  D'Anville,  the 
Frenchman. 

These  are  the  only  reasons  .  .  .  upon  which  I  base  my  opinions,  because 
there  are  no  old  papers  here  out  of  which  any  information  could  be  obtained.  It 
appears  to  me  tliat  the  Spaniards  are  not  ignorant  of  this,  else  they  would  not 
have  made  so  many  complaints  concerning  the  behavior  of  the  depredators  in 
Barima.  I  believe  tliat  had  tliey  considered  it  to  be  their  territory  they 
would  have  found  some  means  for  stopping  it,  especially  since  they  dared  to 
do  so  in  such  a  violent  manner  in  Cuyuni,  when  they  were  perfectly  convinced 
that  that  place  was  beyond  their  own  jurisdiction.  Same,  p.  201. 

1762.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

D'Anville's  map  ...  is  not  only  the  best  but  the  only  one  in  which 
this  coast  is  exactly  and  truly  given.     .     .     .     It  was  published  in  the  year    1751. 

Same,  p.  211. 


BOUNDARIES.  125 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    DUTCH-BASIS    FOR    AND    DUTCH    VIEWS    OF 
SPANISH  CLAIMS  TO   SAM  E-(Continued). 

1762.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

They  [Spanish]  must  have  great  and  important  reasons  to  make  such  at- 
tempts to  obtain  possession  of  this  [CuyuniJ  branch  of  our  river,  and  I  have  not 
the  least  doubt  that  such  is  the  case.  S.  C,  II,  211. 

.     [1764]  British  Case. 

While  claiming  as  Dutch  all  the  territory  up  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Barima, 
the  Director-General  appears  to  have  thought  it  inexpedient  that  the  Dutch 
passes  to  traders  should  purport  to  include  that  river.  In  a  .  .  .  letter,  said  to 
have  been  sent  by  him  .  .  .  [in]  1764,  to  the  Governor  of  Surinam,  the  latter 
is  requested  not  to  name  Barima  in  his  passes,  as  that  gave  offence  to  the 
Spaniards.  The  writer  adds  that  they  maintained  tliat  tliat  river  was  theirs, 
and  expresses  an  opinion  in  their  favour  upon  this  point,  which,  in  one  view, 
might  be  said  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  claim  of  the  Director-General  to  the 
territory  up  to  the  right  bank,  £•  ^v  5^- 

1764.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  reasons  that  they  [Spaniards]  had  for  such  unlawful  proceedings  [de- 
struction of  Cuyuui  post  of  1758]  must  be  best  known  to  themselves,  because 
they  can  have  not  the  very  least  shadow  of  a  claim  to  possession,  or  it  must 
have  been  the  chimerical  pretentions  of  the  priests  in  these  parts  that  the  whole 
of  America  belongs  to  His  Catholic  Majesty,  and  that  all  other  nations  hold  pos- 
session mtreXy  precarw,  and  by  permission.  B.  C,  III,  log. 

*  Mentioning  the  River  Barima  in  those  passes  causes  complaints  from  the 
Spaniards,  who,  maintaining  that  the  river  belongs  to  them,  in  which  I 
believe  they  are  rig-ht,  some  of  these  passes  have  already  been  sent  to  the  Court 
of  Spain.  -S^aw^,  p.  114. 

1770.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

As  regards  the  Spanish  rodomontades  of  which  you  speak,  ...  of  their 
desire  to  come  and  take  possession  of  all  the  territory  extending  to  the  bank  of 
Oene,  which  is  situated  on  the  west  coast  of  Essequibo  and  below  which  there 
are  several  plantations,  under  pretext  that  it  belongs  to  his  Catholic  Majesty, 
we  believe  that  all  these  threats  of  the  Spaniards  .  .  .  will  disappear  in 
smoke.  B.  C,  IV,  44. 

The  Spaniards  .  .  .  openly  maintain  that  Powaron  belong:s  to  them 
as  far  as  the  bank  of  Oene,  this  being  quite  in  our  river,  several  plantations 
lying  below  that  bank.  Same,  p.  45. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  BRITISH-IN  COLONIAL  RECORDS.  CORRESPOND- 
ENCE,   ETC. 

1797.     Captain-General  of  Caracas. 

The  Governor  of  Guayana,  .  .  .  reports,  .  .  .  that  he  has  been 
informed  that  the  English  have  apportioned  all  the  lands  which  stretch  from 
the  Colony  of  Essequibo  to  Barima,  ...  and  that  from  one  point  to  another 
they  have  planted  stakes,  on  the  top  of  which  they  have  affixed  Notices, 
explaining  to  whom  that  portion  is  allotted,  with  the  name  of  the  owner. 

B.  C,  V,  164. 


*  Note  by  editor  of  British  Case.    There  is  some  reason  to  doubt  the  authenticity  of  this  extract. 


126  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE   BRITISH-IN  COLONIAL  RECORDS,  CORRESPOND- 
ENCE, ETC.-(Continued). 

1797.  Captain-General  of  Caracas. 

Although  this  news  is  not  as  clear  as  an  affair  of  so  much  importance 
demands,  ...  I  have  dispatched  Captain  Don  Manuel  Astor,  ...  to 
proceed  at  once  to  Point  Barima,  reconnoitre  it,  and  make  a  scrupulous  investiga- 
tion into  the  truth  of  this  matter,  or  obtain  proof  that  it  is  unfounded. 

B.  C,  V,  164-165. 

1798.  King  of  Spain. 

The  King  has  learned  the  news,  sent  to  you  by  the  Governor  of  Guayana,  of 
the  distribution  of  the  lands  wliich  they  occupy  between  the  mouth  of  the 
Essequibo  and  that  of  the  Orinoco  that  has  been  made  by  the  English,  and 
of  the  other  matters  to  which  your  Excellency  refers  in  the  said  communication, 
and  the  receipt  of  which  I  am  commanded  by  His  Majesty  to  acknowledge. 

Same,  p.  i6g. 
1827.     Lieutenant-Governor  D'Urban. 

The  Boundaries  of  the  Colony  [of  Demerary]     .     .    .    are— 

On  the  north,  the  seacoast,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Abary  to  Cape  Barima, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco. 

On  the  west,  a  line  running  north  and  south  from  Cape  Barima  into  the  in- 
terior. 

On  the  south,  the  Portuguese  frontier,  .  .  .  generally  defined  by  a  line 
running  east  and  west  along  the  ridge  which  Humboldt  calls  the  Cordillera  of 
Parima,  separating  the  two  systems  of  rivers  flowing  respectively  northward  into 
the  valleys  of  the  Orinoco  and  Essequibo,  and  southward  into  that  of  the 
Amazons.  B.  C,  VI,  jg. 

1834.     Wm.  Hilhouse. 

A  Post  deflnitory  of  tlie  jurisdiction  westward  is  indispensable,  and 
.  .  .  the  Post  of  Pomeroon  oug-ht  to  be  maintained  on  a  most  respectable 
footing  ...  all  the  other  posts  are  decided  public  nuisances ;  .  .  .  I 
would  recommend  their  immediate  abolition,  the  nearest  burgher  Captain  being 
substituted  in  their  charge  as  Protector.  Same,  p.  jj. 

1836.     John  Wadley. 

The  extreme  western  boundary,  had  been  settled  at  home  to  be  at  Point 

Barima  (east  point  of  Orinoco).  Same,  p.  60. 

1839.     Rev.  Thomas  Youd. 

I  have  visited  the  Indians  who  lie  still  farther  south  of  Pirara,  .  .  .  and 
between  the  Riyers  Essequibo  and  Rupununy,  in  the  undoubted  English  ter- 
ritory. Same,  p.  64. 

1839.  Governor  Light. 

The  Columbian  Government  is  desirous  of  ascertaining  their  [boundary] 
.  .  .  claiming-  more  than  it  will  be  advantageous  for  Great  Britain  to 
allow.  B.  C,  VII,  I. 

1840.  R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  [Venezuelan]  gun-boat  is  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Barima  River,  and 
which  river  is  our  boundary. 

Some  time  ago  the  gun-boat  did  seize  some  corials,  but  these  belonged  to 
persons  from  the  Orinoque,  and  were  taken  in  the  Barima,  therefore  I  did  not 
report  the  circumstance,  it  being  beyond  my  jurisdiction.  B.  C,  VI,  gg. 


BOUNDARIES. 


127 


CLAIMS  BY  THE  BRITISH-IN  COLONIAL  RECORDS,  CORRESPOND- 
ENCE, ETC.-(Continued.) 

1841.     R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

May  12. — Accompanied  Mr.  Scliomburgk  and  party  to  the  entrance  of  the 
Barima  and  Amacura  Rivers,  where  Mr.  Scliombiirgk  planted  l)ouii(lary  posts  ; 
the  one  at  Barima,  in  token  of  Her  Majesty's  right  of  possession,  aud  the  one 
at  Amacura  as  claimed  by  Her  Majesty  as  the  boundary  of  British  Guiana.  Re- 
mained with  the  expedition  at  Barima  Mouth. 

Captain  Cabborally  .  .  .  informed  [me]  ...  of  a  murder  .  .  . 
Although  this  murder  was  committed  beyond  what  [I]  always  considered  to 
be  the  limits  of  British  Guiana,  but  within  the  assumed  limits  of  Her 
Majesty's  Commissioner  of  Surrey  [SchomTaurgk],  .  .  .  felt  it  [my]  duty  to 
have  the  body  exhumed,  and  accordingly  held  an  inquest  thereon. 

B.  C,  VI,  112. 

1841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

It  has  been  my  aim,  with  the  limited  resources  which  I  have  at  my  command, 
to  prove  that  the  Orinoco  was,  at  the  17th  century,  politically  recognized  as  the 
boundary  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company.  B.  C,  VII,  js- 

Her  3Iajesty's  Government  constituted  an  expedition  to  survey  .  .  . 
the  boundaries  of  British  Guiana,  based  upon  the  right  of  primary  possession, 
either  of  the  English  or  their  predecessors  the  Dutch. 

That  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  had  always  been  considered  to  form  the 
western  boundary  of  the  former  Dutch  possessions.  Same,  p.  37. 

1843.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

I  consider  that  Her  Majesty  has  undoubted  right  to  any  territory  through 
which  flow  rivers  that  fall  directly,  or  through  others,  into  the  River  Esse- 
quibo.  '5'awd',  p.  50. 

1845.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Indians  of  the  more  remote  parts  of  this  extensive  district  .  .  .  resid- 
ing in  the  Rivers  Winey,  Bareema,  and  Amacoora.  B.  C,  VI,  138. 

1848.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Begs  leave  to  suggest  now,  as  the  boundary  of  British  Guiana  is  defined, 
and  no  likelihood  of  any  interference  by  the  Venezuelan  Government,  that  a  mis- 
sion forthwith  be  established  on  the  Bareema  for  the  convenience  of  the 
Worrow  Indians  of  that  river,  and  another  on  the  Winey  for  Accaways. 

Same,  p.  172. 

1849.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Having  .  .  .  represented  the  .  .  .  miserable  condition  of  the  Wor- 
row Indians— especially  those  who  inhabit  the  more  remote  parts  of  this  exten- 
sive district,  .  .  .  I  .  .  .  proposed  ...  the  immediate  establish- 
ment of  a  Mission  on  Barima,  for  the  Worrow  Indians.  Same,  pp.  ijo-171. 

1850.  Governor  Barkly. 

I  have  arrived  at  the  same  conclusion  as  Her  Majesty's  present  Charge 
d'Affaires  at  Caracas,  that  that  offer  [of  Lord  Aberdeen]  went  far  beyond  any 
concession  which  the  Venezuelans  were  entitled  to  expect,  and  I  would, 
with  the  utmost  deference,  submit  that  no  overtures  of  a  compromise  should  in 


128  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  BRITISH-IN  COLONIAL  RECORDS,  CORRESPOND- 
ENCE, ETC.-(Continued). 

future  meet  the  assent  of  the  British  Government,  which  iiiTolve  the  surrender 
of  Point  IJarima. 

I  need  add  Httle  to  what  .  .  .  Schomburgk  so  forcibly  stated  .  .  . 
of  the  prospective  importance,  both  in  a  miHtary  and  a  commercial  point  of  view, 
of  a  site  which  effectually  commands  the  entrance  of  one  of  the  mightiest 
rivers  in  the  world.  B.  C,  VI,  iSj. 

1875.     Governor  Longden. 

The  arrest  of  a  criminal  on  the  north-western  frontier  of  this  Colony,  in  ter- 
ritory   .     .     .     always    .    .    .    claimed  by  Great  Britain. 

Garrett  was  arrested  on  the  banks  of  the  Amacura  river.  .  .  .  The 
boundary  claimed  by  the  old  Dutch  Colony,  namely,  a  line  from  Point 
Barima,  where  an  old  Dutch  post  subsisted,  to  the  Dutch  post  on  the  Cuyuni 
(opposite  to  the  ancient  fort  marked  on  the  map  as  the  "  most  easterly  Spanish 
post — Humboldt "),  is  the  boundary  which  I  understand  to  have  been  always 
claimed  by  Great  Britain.  This  boundary  is  indicated  ...  on  the  large 
map  of  .  .  .  Schomburgk's  Surveys  .  .  .  corrected  ...  by 
.  .  .  Chalmers  and  Sawkins  ...  in  1872.  .  .  .  This  line  .  .  . 
includes  both  banks  of  the  Amacura  River.  Same,  p.  212. 

1884.     Governor  Irving,  Demerara. 

The  boHudary  between  Venezuela  and  British  Guiana  being  unsettled,  the 
Colonial  GrOTernment  has  had  to  determine  for  itself  the  limits  of  its  jurisdic- 
tion. .  .  .  and  it  has  taken  for  the  purpose  the  line  of  compromise  sug- 
gested by  .  .  .  Schomburgk  which  ...  is  considerably  within  the 
territorial  claim  of  Great  Britain.  Although  that  line  has  never  been  officially 
recognized  by  both  Governments,  it  has  for  a  long  series  of  years  been  taken 
for  all  practical  purposes  as  the  settled  boundary  of  the  Colony.  ...  In 
criminal  cases  jurisdiction  has  been  from  time  to  time  proved  by  showing 
that  the  crime  occurred  at  a  place  on  the  British  Guiana  side  of  that  boundary- 
line.  Same,  p.  22^. 

1884.     Government  Secretary,  Demerara. 

The  boundary  line  at  Amacura  River  .  .  .  No  rights  can  be  acquired 
within  this  territory  except  under  the  authority  of  the  Colonial  Government,  and 
.  .  .  all  persons  coming  within  this  territory  will  be  amenable  to,  and  will  be 
dealt  with  according  to,  the  laws  of  the  Colony.  Same,  p.  226. 

The  whole  of  the  territory  .  .  .  between  the  Amacura  and  Monica 
Rivers,  is  part  of  the  (Colony  of  British  (juiana,  and  the  Colonial  Government 
will  maintain  jurisdiction  over  this  territory.  Sa/Jie,  p.  22g. 

1887.     Charles  Bruce. 

I  .  .  .  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  5th  instant  reporting 
the  arrival  here  on  the  31st  ultimo  of  the  Venezuelan  gun-boat  "  Centenario," 
having  on  board  Senores  Dr.  Jesus  Munoz  Tebar  and  Santiago  Rodil. 

I  .  .  .  refer  you  to  the  notice  dated  the  21st  October,  ISSO,  published 
in  the  London  Gazette  by  authority  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  of  which  a 


BOUNDARIES.  121) 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  BRITISH-IN  COLONIAL  RECORDS,  CORRESPOND- 
ENCE,  ETC  .-(Continued). 

copy  is  herewith  enclosed,  and  to,  state  that  the  districts  referred  to  in  the  official 
note  enclosed  in  your  letter  are  included  within  the  limits  defined  by  the  terms  of 
that  Notice,  and  form  part  of  the  Colony  of  British  Guiana.  F.  C,  III,  2^4. 

1891.     Michael  McTurk. 

I  explained  to  him  (Gen.  Bastidas)  .  .  .  that  there  was  a  dispute 
.  between  her  Majesty's  Government  and  that  of  Venezuela  as  to  the 
right  to  the  land  on  the  left  bauk  of  the  Cuyimi  in  that  neighborhood  (near 
Ynriiari  mouth)  but  that  we  did  not  admit  that  there  was  auy  dispute  as  to 
the  laud  on  the  rig-lit  bauk,  and  which  formed  a  part  of  the  Colony  of  British 
Guiana,  and  over  which  the  Government  of  that  Colony  exercised  jurisdiction,  and 
would  enforce  it  if  necessary  ;  that  it  formed  part  of  the  district  over  which  I  was 
appointed  Magistrate.  B.  C,  VI,  24S. 

I  warned  all  the  Venezuelans  who  were  living  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Cnynni  that  they  were  residing  within  the  Colony  of  British  (iuiana. 

Same,  p.  2jj. 

By  order  of  .  .  .  the  Lieutenant-Governor  I  have  visited  this  part  of  my 
district  [vicinity  of  the  Ekereku  Creek]  for  the  purpose  of  warning  such  per- 
sons, of  whatsoever  nationality,  that  may  be  residing  or  prospecting  for  gold  on 
the  right  or  southern  bank  of  the  Cuyuui  River,  that  such  persons  are  resi- 
dent within  the  limits  of  the  Colony  of  British  Guiaua. 

It  is  admitted  that  there  is  a  dispute  as  to  the  right  to  a  part  of  the 
land  on  the  left  bauk  of  the  Cuyuni  River  between  her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment and  that  of  Venezuela,  but  there   is  no  dispute  as  to  the  right  bank. 

Same,  p.  2J4. 

1895.     Robert  Tennant. 

The  total  area  of  the  colony  [British  Guiana]  is  estimated  at  110,000  square 
miles.  V.  C,  III,  jjj. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  BRITISH-IN  DIPLOMATIC  CORRESPONDENCE. 

1850.     Belford  Hinton  Wilson  to  Vice-Consul  Mathison. 

The  Governor  has  spoken  of  raising  a  fort  at  Point  Barima,  which  is  situated 
within  the  territory  in  dispute  between  Venezuela  and  Great  Britain. 

The  .  .  .  debates  in  Congress  .  .  .  and  other  reports  .  .  . 
satisfy  me  of  the  desire  and  tendency  in  this  country  ...  to  secure,  by 
actual  occupation,  possession  of  Point  Barima,  the  mouth  of  the  Amacura,  and 
all  the  territory  in  dispute  between  England  and  Venezuela.       B.  C,  VI,  iSo. 

1880.     Lord  Salisbur}'. 

The  boundary  which  Her  Majesty's  Government  claim,  in  virtue  of  ancient 
Treaties  with  the  aboriginal  tribes  and  of  subsequent  cessions  from  Holland, 
commences  at  a  point    .     .     .    westward  of  Poiut  Barima. 

Venezuela  in  .  .  .  1877,  put  forward  a  claim  .  .  .  to  the  .  .  . 
Essequibo  ...  a  boundary  .  .  .  which  would  involve  the  surrender 
of  a  province  now  inhabited  by  10,000  British  subjects,  and  which  has  been 
in  the  uninterrupted  possession  of  Holland  and  of  Great  Britain  succes- 
sirely  for  two  centuries.  B.  C,  VII,  g6. 


130  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY  THE    BRITISH-IN    DIPLOMATIC    CORRESPONDENCE- 

(Continued). 

1 88 1.     Earl  Granville. 

Her  Majesty's  (irOTeriniieiit  .  .  .  are  disposed  ...  to  submit 
...  a  line.  .  .  .  The  initial  point  to  be  fixed  at  a  spot  on  the  sea- 
shore 29  miles  of  longitude  due  east  from  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Barima. 
This  boundary  will  surrender  to  Venezuela  what  has  been  called  the  Dar- 
danelles of  the  Orinoco  .  .  .  and  it  yields  about  one-half  of  the  disputed  ter- 
ritory ...  in  order  to  secure  to  Venezuela  the  undisturbed  possession  of 
the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  VII,  gg-ioo. 

i886.     British  Foreign  Office. 

I  submit     ...     a  notice  published  by  the  London  Gazette, 

Colonial  Office,  October  2i,  i886. 
Whereas  the  boundary  line  between  Her  Majesty's  Colony  of  British  Guiana 
and  the  Republic  of  Venezuela  is  in  dispute. 

And  whereas  it  has  come  to  the  knowledge  of  Her  Majesty's  Government  that 
grants  of  land  wiihin  the  territory  claimed  by  Her  Majesty's  Government  as 
part  of  the  said  Colony  have  been  made,  or  purport  to  have  been  made,  by 
,    .    .    Venezuela. 

Notice  is  hereby  given,  that  no  title  to  land,  or  to  any  right  in  .  .  .  any 
land  within  the  territory  claimed  ...  as  forming  part  of  the  Colony  of  Brit- 
ish Guiana  .  .  .  will  be  admitted  or  recognized  by  Her  Majesty  .  .  . 
and  that  any  person  taking  possession  of  .  .  .  such  land  .  .  .  will  be 
liable  to  be  treated  as  a  trespasser  under  the  laws  of  the  Colony.     V.  C,  III,  i6i. 

1887.     F.  R.  St.  John. 

I  am  ,  .  .  instructed  ...  to  state  .  .  .  that  the  request  by  the 
British  Consul  for  the  erection  of  such  a  lighthouse  in  1836  was  unknown 
to  and  unauthorized  by  the  British  Gov  ernment  of  the  day. 

B.  C,  VII,  124-123. 

1890.     Foreign  Office  to  Senor  Urbaneja. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  could  not  accept  .  .  .  any  arrangement  which 
did  not  admit  the  British  title  to  the  territory  comprised  within  the  line  laid 
down  by  .  .  .  Schomburgk  in  1841.  They  would  .  .  .  refer  to  arbitra- 
tion    .     .     .     certain  territories  to  the  west  of  that  line.  Same,  p.  /jj. 

1890,     Foreign  Office. 

The  claim  of  Great  Britain  .  .  .  to  the  whole  basin  of  the  Cuyuni 
and  Yuruari  is  .  .  .  solidly  founded,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  district 
has  been  for  three  centuries  under  continuous  settlement  by  the  Dutch,  and 

by  the  British  as  their  successors. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  .  .  .  cannot  admit  any  question  as  to 
their  title  to  territory  within  tlie  line  surveyed  by  .  .  .  Schomburgk  in 
1841,  and  laid  down  on  Hebert's  map.  ...  On  the  other  hand.  Her 
Majesty's  Government  do  not  wish  to  insist  on  the  extreme  limit  of  their  claim, 
.  .  .  and  as  an  indication  of  good-will  towards  Venezuela  they  would  be  ready 
to  abandon  a  portion  of  that  claim  .  .  .  between  the  Schomburgk  line  and 
their  extreme  claim  .  .  .  and  ...  to  submit  their  claims  to  the  arbitra- 
tion of  a  third  party.  Same,  p.  137. 


BOUNDARIES.  131 

CLAIMS    BY  THE    BRITISH-IN    DIPLOMATIC   CORRESPONDENCE- 

(Continued). 

(Jreat  Britain  .  .  .  [by]  a  .  .  .  reco^iiiiioii  of  the  ri^ht  of  Yene- 
zuela  to  the  main  stream  of  the  Orinoco  .  .  .  including-  Point  Hariina 
and  the  adjacent  district  .  .  .  "would  at  once  and  unconditionally  abandon 
a  considerable  portion  of  territory  of  which  she  is  in  actual  occupation. 

That  territory  .  .  .  accrued  to  the  Netherlands  under  the  Treaty  of 
Munster  of  1648  by  right  of  previous  occupation.  It  was  constantly  held  and 
claimed  by  the  States-General  in  succeeding  years.  It  was  publicly  and  effect- 
ively occupied  by  direat  Britain  during  the  wars  at  the  close  of  the  last  cen- 
tury, and  the  formal  transfer  of  the  country  so  occupied  was  effected  by  the 
Treaty  of    .     .     .     1S14.  B.  C,  VII,  140. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  .  .  .  cannot  consent  to  snbmit  to  arbitra- 
tion what  they  regard  as  their  indisputable  title  to  districts  in  the  possession  of 
the  British  Colony. 

Every  fresh  investigation  tends  only  to  enforce  and  enlarge  that  title. 

Same,  p.  141. 

1893.     Earl  of  Rosebery. 

Her  Majesty's  Ciovernnient  consider  that  it  is  quite  impossible  that  they 
should  consent  to  revert  to  the  status  quo  of  1850,  and  evacuate  what  has 
for  some  years  constituted  an  integral  portion  of  British  Guiana. 

Same,  p.  14J, 

1895,     Earl  of  Kimberley. 

I  reminded  his  Excellency  [Mr.  Bayard]  that,  although  Her  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment were  ready  to  go  to  arbitration  as  to  a  certain  portion  of  the  territory, 
which  I  had  pointed  out  on  the  map,  they  could  not  consent  to  any  departure 
from  the  Schomburgk  line.  V.  C.-C,  III,  2^g. 

Great  Britain  has  throughout  been  prepared  to  make  large  abatements 
from  her  extreme  claim,  although  Her  Majesty's  Government  have  been  con- 
tinually accumulating  stronger  documentary  proofs  of  the  correctness  of 
that  extreme  claim  as  being  their  inheritance  from  their  Dutch  predecessors. 

Same,  p.  260. 

1895.     Lord  Salisbury. 

The  title  of  Great  Britain  to  the  territory  in  question  is  derived,  in  the  first 
place,  from  conquest  and  military  occupation  of  the  Dutch  settlements  in  1796. 
Both  on  this  occasion,  and  at  the  time  of  a  previous  occupation  of  those  settle- 
ments in  1 78 1,  the  British  authorities  marked  the  western  boundary  of  their  pos- 
sessions as  beginning  some  distance  np  the  Orinoco  beyond  Point  Barima,  in 
accordance  with  the  limits  claimed  and  actually  held  by  the  Dutch,  and  this  has 
always  since  remained  the  frontier  claimed  by  Great  Britain.     Same,  p.  27 j. 

The  claim  which  had  been  put  forward  on  behalf  of  Venezuela  by  General 
Guzman  Blanco  in  .  .  .  1877,  would  involve  the  surrender  of  a  province 
now  inhabited  by  40,000  British  subjects,  and  which  had  been  in  the  unin- 
terrupted possession  of  Holland  and  of  Great  Britain  successively  for  two 
centuries.  Same,  p.  280. 


132  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY  THE    BRITISH-IN    DIPLOMATIC    CORRESPONDENCE- 

(Continued). 

1895.     Lord  Salisbury. 

The  Government  of  Great  Britain  have  from  the  first  held  the  same  view 
as  to  the  extent  of  territory  which  they  are  entitled  to  claim  as  a  matter  of 
right.  It  comprised  the  coast-line  up  to  the  River  Amacura,  and  the  whole 
basin  of  the  Essequibo  River  and  its  tribntaries. 

As  regards  the  rest,  that  which  lies  within  the  so-called  Sehoniburgk 
line,  they  do  not  consider  tliat  the  rights  of  Great  Britain  are  open 
to  qnestion.  Even  within  that  line  they  have,  on  various  occasions,  oflered 
to  Venezuela  considerable  concessions  as  a  matter  of  friendship  and  concilia- 
tion, and  for  the  purpose  of  securing  an  amicable  settlement  of  the  dispute. 
If  as  time  has  gone  on  the  concessions  thus  offered  diminished  in  extent,  and  have 
now  been  withdrawn,  this  has  been  the  necessary  consequence  of  the  gradual 
spread  over  the  country  of  British  settlements,  which  Her  Majesty's  Government 
cannot  in  justice  to  the  inhabitants  offer  to  surrender  to  foreign  rule,  and  the 
justice  of  such  withdrawal  is  amply  borne  out  by  the  researches  in  the  national 
archives  of  Holland  and  Spain,  which  have  further  and  more  convincing  evi- 
dence in  support  of  the  British  claims.  V.  C.-C,  III,  28J. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE   BRITISH-IN  OFFICIAL  OR   SEMI-OFFICIAL  MAPS. 

1 78 1.     British  Case. 

In  1 78 1  the  British  captured  the  Dutch  Colony,  and  .  .  .  surveyed  .  .  . 
the  coast  to  a  point  beyond  the  Barima,  ...  A  map  was  drafted  by  the  ofifi- 
cer  in  charge  of  this  expedition  and  published  in  London  in  1783.  I'pon  this 
map,  \atlas,  p.  jo\  there  is  a  note  which  makes  the  western  boundary  of  the 
Colony  commence  at  the  Barima,  show  n  in  the  position  really  occupied  by 
the  Amakuru.  B.  C,  jy-jS. 

1783.     L.  S.  de  la  Rochette. 

C.  Barima,  Cape  Breme  of  the  Dutch.  Western  boundary  of  the  Dutch 
according-  to  their  Claim.  B.  C.  atlas,  map  jo. 

1798.     Thomas  Walker. 

The  boundary  between  the  Spanish  Grovernment  [and  British  Gniaua]  is 

a  line  running  N.  &  S.  from  Cape  Breme ;  which  forms  one  of  the  mouths  of  the 
River  Oronocco,  &  is  about  60  or  70  miles  to  the  N.  W.  of  Morocco. 

Sa7)ie,  map  j^. 
1798.     Friedrich  von  Bouchenroeder. 

Ancien  poste  HoUandaise  Sur  les  Limites  des  possessions  Espagnoles.  [on 
east  or  right  bank  of  the  Barima  River].  Same,  map  jj. 

1 801.     British  Case. 

In  1  SOI,  the  British  Commandant  was  ordered  to  report  on  the  extent 
of  the  Colony.  His  report  was  illustrated  by  a  chart  {atlas,  p.  jy]  which  shows 
the  boundary  commencing'  at  Barima  and  includes  the  territories  claimed  by 
the  Dutch  in  their  Remonstrances.  B.  C.,p.  62. 

1839.     Governor  Light. 

Mr.  Schomburgk  .  .  .  having  furnished  me  with  the  annexed  memoir 
and  map.     [  V.  C.  atlas,  f/iap  S2\.  B.  C,  VII,  J. 


BOUNDARIES.  183 

CLAIMS  BY  THE   BRITISH-IN  OFFICIAL  OR  SEMI-OFFICIAL  MAPS- 

(Continued). 

1839.     Governor  Light. 

The  views  of  Mr.  Schomburgk  can  be  traced  with  accomp.inyin§:  map.  [  V. 

C.  atlas,  map  82?^  B.  C,  VII,  2. 

1839.  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

[Map  of]  British  Guiana  to  explain  a  memoir  on  its  boundaries. 

Shows  the  North-South  boundary  and  also  boundaries  claimed  by  Venezu- 
ela and  by  Brazil  "  by  which,  if  acceded  to,  British  Guiana  would  lose  more 
than  half  its  Territory."  B.  C.  atlas,  map  4J. 

1840.  Lord  Russell  to  Governor  Light. 

But  you  will  be  pleased  to  adopt  the  spirit  of  those  views  in  respect  of  any 
militarj'  occupation  or  any  aggression  upon  the  Indians  within  the  line  which  is 
assumed  in  Mr.  Schomburg:k's  map  as  bounding  the  Colony  under  your 
government.  Blue  Book,  Venezuela,  No.  i,  {iSg6)  p.  i8g. 

1 841.  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Map's  of  the  limits  of  British  Guiana  surveyed  under  Her  Majesty's  Commis- 
sion by  Robert  H.  Schomburgk — ist  section. 

The  limits  between  British  Guiana  and  Venezuela.  Drawn  by  Robert  H. 
Schomburgk,  colored  by  Edward  Goodall. 

Shows  expanded  Schomburgk  line.  B.  C.  atlas,  map  44. 

1841.  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Map's  of  the  limits  of  British  Guiana  surveyed  under  Her  Majesty's  Commis- 
sion by  Robert  H.  Schomburgk. 

General  map  No.  i.  The  limits  between  British  Guiana  and  Venezuela 
Drawn  and  coloured  by  Robert  H.  Schombui^k. 

Shoius  expanded  Schomburgk  line,  with  the  note  "  Western  limit  of  British 
Guiana  as  claimed  under  Her  Majesty's  Commission."  Same,  map  46. 

1842.  [1898]  L.J.  Hebert. 

Map  of  British  Guiana  constructed  from  the  surreys  and  routes  of  Captn. 
Schomburgk,  and  other  documents  in  the  possession  of  the  Colonial  Depart- 
ment. Drawn  at  the  Military  Depot,  Quarter  Master  Generals  Office,  Horse 
Guards,  by  L.  J.  Hebert,  April,  1842. 

Shows  expanded  Schomburgk  line.  Same,  map  jS. 

"  The  Western  Boundary  of  British  Guiana  on  this  Map  from  the  Source  of 
the  Essequibo  to  the  Boundary  Post  on  the  Cuyuni  at  the  mouth  of  the  Acarabisi 
is  the  line  proposed  by  Mr.  Schomburgk  to  be  determined  by  Survey.*' 

Same,  map  jg. 
1842.     Senor  Fortique. 

It  ought  to  be  observed  that  the  line  which  has  been  traced  is  not  that 
deemed  by  her  Majesty's  Government  to  be  the  fi'ontier  of  English  Guiana, 
but  that  which  Commissioner  Schomburgk  thought  proper  to  lay  down. 

B.  C,  VII,  So. 
1846.     H.  Mahlmann. 

Karte  von  Britisch-Gnyana  .  .  .  vornehmlich  nach  den  in  den  Jahren 
1835-44  veranstalteten,  im  Colonial  Office  zu  London  befindhchen  Aufnahmen  des 
Sir  Robert  H.  Schomburgk,  1846. 

Shows  north-south  boundary.  Same,  map  40. 


134  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  BRITISH-IN  OFFICIAL  OR  SEMI-OFFICIAL  MAPS- 

(Continued). 

1873.     Charles  Barrington  Brown. 

Geological  map  of  British  Guiana. 

The  attached  map  [t/iis  map],  containing  the  geological  work  of  this  survey, 
is  from  tracings  of  Sir  Robert  Schomhurgk's  large  map  (reduced  one-half), 
furnished  by  the  Colonial  Ollice. 

Fo?-  the  boundary,  see  V.  C.  atlas,  inap  4. 

Reports  on  Geology  of  British  Guiana,  Svo.,  London,  i8js^  P-  4- 

We  were  engaged  ...  in  copying  Sir  R.  Schomburgk's  large  map,  to 
serve  as  a  basis  for  our  geological  work  as  directed  by  the  Colonial  office. 

Same,  p.  ji. 

As  far  as  Otoniong  Riyer,  which  forms  the  boundary  line  between  the  Col- 
ony and  Venezuela.  Same,  p.  36. 

The  boundary  line  of  Venezuela  according  to  the  map  furnished  us. 

Same,  p.  44. 

1875.     Governor  Longden. 

The  boundary  claimed  by  the  old  Dutch  Colony,  namely,  a  line  from  Point 
Barima,  where  an  old  Dutch  post  subsisted,  to  the  Dutch  post  on  the  Cuyuni  (op- 
posite to  the  ancient  fort  marked  on  the  map  as  the  "  most  easterly  Spanish  post 
— Humboldt  "),  is  the  boundary  which  I  understand  to  have  been  always  claimed 
by  Great  Britain.  This  boundary  is  indicated  by  a  line  on  the  large  map  of 
British  Guiana  constructed  from  Sir  Robert  Schomburgk's  surveys,  and  cor- 
rected to  the  present  time  by  Messrs.  Chalmers  and  Sawkins,  and  published 
in  1872.  B.  C,  VI,  212. 

1875.     Great  Colonial  Map  by  Stanford.     First  Editio7i. 

Map  of  British  Guiana  compiled  from  the  surveys  executed  under  her 
Majesty's  Commission  from  1841  to  1844.  And  under  the  direction  of  the  Royal 
Geographical  Society  from  1835  to  1839.     By  Sir  Robert  Schomburgk,  K.  R. 

E.,  Ph.  D.  Revised  and  corrected  to  the  present  lime  by  Cathcart  Chalmers,  Esq., 
crown  surveyor  of  the  Colony,  and  James  J.  Sawkins,  Esq.,  Director  of  the  Geo- 
logical Survey  of  the  West  Indies  and  British  Guiana.  With  additions  by  Charles 
B.  Brown,  Esq.  Engraved  under  the  superintendence  of  William  Walker,  Esq., 
1875.     London. 

Note.  The  boundaries  indicated  in  this  map  are  those  laid  down  by  the 
late  Sir  Robert  Schomburgk,  who  was  engaged  in  exploring  the  Colony  during 
the  years  1835  to  1839,  under  the  direction  of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society. 
But  the  boundaries  thus  laid  down  between  Brazil  on  the  one  side  and  Venezuela 
on  the  other  and  the  Colony  of  British  Guiana  must  not  be  taken  as  authoritative  ; 
as  they  have  never  been  adjusted  by  the  respective  governments ;  and  an  engage- 
ment subsists  between  the  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela  by 
which  neither  is  at  liberty  to  encroach  upon  or  occupy  territory  claimed  by  both. 

B.  C.  atlas,  map,  41. 

[1886.]     Same.     Second  Edition. 

Above  note  omitted  :  shows  expanded  Schomburgk  line. 

Same,  tnap,  42. 


BOUNDARIES.  135 

CLAIMS  BY  THE  BRITISH-IN  OFFICIAL  OR  SEMI-OFFICIAL  MAPS- 

(Continued). 

1879.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Scliomburgk  marked  the  boundary  as  conceived  by  liiin  in  a  map,  which, 

after  lying  unpublished  for  some  30  years,  formed  the  basis  of  the  geological 
map  published  in  1873  by  Charles  Barrington  Brown,  and  whicli  was  itself 
published  in  1877  (though  dated  in  1875)  under  theauspices  of  the  Government 
of  British  Guiana.  Either  this  last  published  map  or  Brown's  geological  map 
may  be  consulted  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the  boundaries  which  seemed  most 
suitable  to  Scliomburgk.  U.  S.  Com.,  II,  7/j, 

1897.     George  L.  Burr. 

I  have  again  this  morning  studied  most  carefully,  with  glass  and  with  naked 
eye,  the  final  map — the  so-called  "  Physical  Map  " —  ...  of  Schombui'gk, 
of  1844.    There  is  surely  on  it  no  suggestion  of  boundary  anywhere  and  I 

cannot  believe  there  ever  has  been.  V.  C.-C,  III,joj. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    BRITISH-IN    CASES   AND   COUNTER   CASES. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

At  the  time  of  the  acquisition  by  Great  Britain  of  the  colony  now  known  as 
British  Guiana,  the  territories  belonging  to  or  that  might  lawfully  be 
claimed  by  the  United  Netherlands  were  all  located  east  of  the  Essequibo 
rlTer.  V.  C,  2J4-2JJ. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  not  true  that  at  the  time  of  the  acquisition  by  Great  Britain  of  the 
Colony  now  known  as  British  Guiana,  the  territories  belonging  to,  or  that 
might  lawfully  be  claimed  by  the  United  Netherlands,  were  all  located  east 
of  the  Essequibo  River ;  on  the  contrary,  they  extended  as  far  as  the  Amakuru, 
and  embraced  all  the  territory  eastward  of  the  Schomburgk  line,  and  a  very  con- 
siderable tract  of  territory  to  the  westward  and  outside  the  Schomburgk  line. 

B.  C.-C,  141. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  boundary  line  between  the  United  States  of  Venezuela  and  the  Colony 
of  British  Guiana,  begins  at  the  mouth  of  the  Essequibo  river;  runs  thence 
southward  along  the  mid  channel  of  said  river  to  its  junction  with  the  Cuyuni 
and  Mazaruni  rivers  ;  thence  around  the  island  of  Kykoveral,  leaving  said  island 
to  the  east ;  thence  along  the  mid  channel  of  said  Essequibo  river  to  the 
boundary  line  separating  the  territory  of  the  United  States  of  Venezuela  from  the 
territory  of  the  United  States  of  Brazil.  V.  C,  sj^-sjd. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  boundary  to  which  Great  Britain  is  entitled  includes  a  considerable 
tract  of  territory  to  the  westward,  and  outside  of  the  Schomburgk  line,  and 

Great  Britain  is  in  any  event  entitled  to  all  the  territory  up  to  the  line  drawn  by 
Sir  R.  Schomburgk  in  1841.  B.  C.-C,  142. 

Recognizing,  however,  the  fact  of  the  establishment  of  Spanish  Missions 

during  the  eighteenth  century  on  territory  south  of  the  Orinoco,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  river  Yuruari,  which  Missions  continued  to  exist  up  to  the  year  1817, 
the  Government  of  Great  Britain  has  never  actively  sought  to  press  its  claim 
to  that  portion  of  the  district  north-west  of  the  Cuyuni.  in  which  Missions  were 
actually  situated.  Same,  p.  6. 


13C  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS     BY     THE     BRITISH-IN     CASES    AND    COUNTER     CASES- 

(Continued). 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

[The  Colony]  of  Essequibo  was  for  a  long  period  the  chief  settlement,  and 
besides  the  district  of  the  Essequibo  and  its  tributaries  iiieluded  the  rivers  and 
districts  of  Pomerooii,  Waiiii,  and  Barima  on  the  west.  Subsequently,  Deme- 
rara  became  the  leading  settlement  and  the  seat  of  the  Colonial  Government  has 
been  at  Georgetown  in  Demerara,  Essequibo  becoming  the  name  of  a  county 
which  included  all  the  territory  [in  British  Guiana]  to  the  West  of  the  Boerasirie 
Creek.  B.  C.-C,  7. 

In  1840      .  .      Seliomburgk     .     .     .      laid  down  a  line  ivliich  com- 

nicnced  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amakuru,  followed  that  river  to  its  source  in  the 
Imataka  mountains,  thence  followed  the  crest  of  that  ridge  to  the  sources  of  the 
Acarabisi  Creek,  and  descended  that  creek  to  the  Cuyuni,  ivliicll  it  followed  to 
its  source  in  Mount  Roraima. 

This  line  .  .  .  would  have  given  to  Venezuela  a  larg'e  tract  of  terri- 
tory north  and  west  of  the  Cuyuni  which  was  never  occupied  by  the  Spanish 
Missions,  which  was,  on  the  other  hand,  formally  claimed  by  the  Dutch. 

Same,  p.  iS. 

Prior  to  179(>  the  Dutch,  and,  since  that  date,  tlie  British,  have  been  in 
possession  of  all  the  territory  now  in  dispute.  Same,  pp.  iS-ig. 

From  early  in  the  eighteenth  century  down  to  the  present  time,  the  Dutch 
and  their  successors,  the  British,  have  had  political  control  over  all  the  ter- 
ritory now  in  dispute. 

Neither  the  Spaniards  nor  the  Venezuelans  ever  had  possession  of  any  of  the 
territory  in  dispute. 

Neither  the  Spaniards  nor  the  Venezuelans  ever  exercised  any  political  control 
over  the  territory  now  in  dispute. 

By  the  recognized  principles  of  international  law,  Great  Britain  is  entitled 
to  a  territory  far  more  extensive  than  that  which  she  is  at  present  claiming. 

Same,  p.  ig. 

In  1665  the  English  captured  the  [Pomeroon]  colony,  storming  the  Dutch 
fort  of  Moruka.  The  extent  and  importance  of  the  settlement  was  such  that 
possession  of  it  was  regarded  as  carrying  with  it  the  country  right  up  to  the 
Orinoco.  Same,  p.  28. 

For  the  purposes  of  militia  organization  and  parochial  division,  no  account 
was  taken  of  territory  beyond  the  Pomeroon  .  .  .  [but]  British  officers 
never  regarded  the  Colony  as  so  limited.  Sajue,  p.  loS. 

The  Barinia  district  .  .  .  was  treated  by  both  the  Dutch  and  British 
Governments  successively  as  within  their  territorial  jurisdiction. 

Same,  p.  iiS. 

Schomburgk  did  not  discover  or  invent  any  new  boundaries.  .  .  . 
He  .  .  .  ascertained  tlie  limits  of  Dutch  possession,  and  the  zone  from 
which  all  trace  of  Spanish  influence  was  absent.  On  such  data  he  based  his 
reports.  Same,  p.  121. 

In  1 836  a  correspondence  had  passed  between  the  Venezuelan  authorities 
and  the  British  Consul  at  Caracas     .     .     .     [regarding]   a  beaicon  on    Cape 


BOUNDARIES.  137 

CLAIMS    BY    THE     BRITISH-IN     CASES    AND     COUNTER     CASES- 

(Continued). 

Bariina  .  .  .  This  correspondence  was  in  no  way  authorized  by  the 
British  Government,  and  they  had  no  knowledge  of  it  until  it  was  commu- 
nicated to  them  in  1842.  B.  C.-C,  122. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  submit  that,  putting  aside  for  the  moment  all 
question  of  a  title  derived  from  the  Dutch,  Great  Britain  has,  at  this  moment, 
and  had,  at  the  date  of  tlie  Treaty  of  Arbitration,full  and  complete  political 
possession  of  this  territory,  and  that  the  Venezuelan  Case  discloses  no  evi- 
dence of  any  facts  sufficient  to  displace  it.  Same,  p.  124. 

That  this  offer  [of  1844]  was  extremely  generous  cannot  be  denied,  and  it 
was  prompted  by  Lord  Aberdeen's  desire  to  come  to  a  speedy  and  amicable 
arrangement  with  a  weaker  Power  whom  Great  Britain  had  so  often  befriended 
in  the  past,  and  was  ready  to  help  again.  .  .  .  Lord  Aberdeen's  proposal, 
when  communicated  some  time  later  to  the  Government  of  British  Guiana,  was 
found  to  he  unnecessarily  unfavourable  to  tlie  Colony,  even  to  the  extent  of 
interfering*  with  settled  districts,  ...  In  fact,  it  was  generally  consid- 
ered to  have  been  made  in  a  spirit  of  undue  concession.  Satne,  pp.  124-12^. 

CLAIMS  BY  THE   BRITISH-ALLEGED   BASIS  FOR. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Dutch  and  the  British  have  for  centuries  been  in  full  possession  of  .  .  . 
both  sides  of  the  Essequibo  below  the  point  where  it  is  joined  by  the  Masaruni. 
.  .  .  This  carries  with  it  the  right  to  the  whole  basin  of  the  Essequibo 
and  its  tributaries,  except  in  so  far  as  any  portion  of  that  basin  may  have  been 
occupied  by  another  Power.  .  .  .  Such  right  can  only  be  rebutted  by  proof 
of  actual  occupation  by  another  Power.  There  is  not  even  a  pretence  of  such 
occupation  by  Spain  or  Venezuela  except  as  regards  ...  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Yuruari. 

The  title  of  the  British  to  the  basin  of  the  Essequibo  and  its  tributaries  is 
greatly  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  the  only  permanent  means  of  access 
to  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  upper  portion  of  this  basin  is  by  these  streams 
themselves.  B.  C,  161. 

The  occupation  and  control  of  the  coast  would  of  itself  carry  with  it,  in 

the  absence  of  any  competing  occupation,  the  right  to  the  basins  of  the  Rivers 
Pomeroon,  Moruka,  Waini,  and  Barima ;  bnt  the  evidence  also  establishes 
actual  possession  of  the  greater  part  of  tliese  rivers.  The  British  are  there- 
fore rightfully  in  possession  of  the  whole  coast,  ...  to  the  right  bank  of  the 
Amakuru.  ...  In  the  absence  of  actual  occupation  by  any  other  Power  tbey  are 
thus  entitled  to  the  whole  hinterland  of  this  range  of  coast,  extending  to  the 
watershed  constituted  by  the  Pacaraima  range,  of  which  Mount  Roraima,  where 
the  Cuyuni  rises,  forms  part,  and  further  east  by  the  Akarai  range,  in  which 
the  Essequibo  has  its  source.  Same, p.  i6j. 

Towards  the  coast  tlie  Amakuru  constitutes  tlie  natural  boundary  be- 
tween the  territory  occupied  and  controlled  by  the  British  and  that  occupied  and 
controlled  by  the  Venezuelans.     .     .     .     Tlie  Imataka  mountains  and  the  range 


138  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    BRITISH-ALLEGED    BASIS    FORMContinued). 

of  hills  constituting  tlie  water-shed  between  the  tributaries  of  the  Orinoco  and 
those  of  the  Cuyuni  and  Massaruni  form  the  boundary  of  the  river  basin  to 
which  Great  Britain  \?>  prima  facie  entitled.  B.  C,  i6j. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

There  is  no  pretence  that  any  new  title  has  been  acquired  by  Great 
Britain  since  1S40  ;  and  the  definition  of  the  present  boundary  must,  therefore, 
depend  upon  the  extent  of  Dutch  and  Spanish  rights  in  1803,     .     .     .     The 

Essequibo  settlement  was  always,  until  very  recent  years,  confined  to  the  mouth 
of  that  river ;  and  .  .  .  Great  Britain's  present  pretensions  to  territory  west 
of  that  stream  have  not,  in  fact,  as  they  could  not  have  in  law,  anything  in  the 
history  of  the  present  century  to  support  them.  V.  C,  162. 

The  occupation  by  British  subjects  or  by  persons  under  British  protection, 
of  the  territory  above  described,  .  .  .  was  undertalien  after  due  warning 
from  the  Venezuelan  Government  that  titles  thus  sought  to  be  acquired  would 
not  be  recognized,  and  after  due  notice  from  the  British  Government  that  persons 
so  entering  into  said  territory  must  do  so  at  their  own  peril.  Same,  p.  237. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  inaccurate.  The  occupation  by  British  subjects,  or  by 
Indians  under  British  protection,  of  the  territory  referred  to,  existed  for  many 
years  before  1880.  B.  C.-C,  /jj. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

A  nation  is  bound  to  faithfully  observe  its  treaty  engagements ;  and  no  acts 
committed  by  it  in  violation  of  such  engagements  can  be  made  the  basis  of  title, 
especially  as  against  the  nation  with  whom  such  treaty  was  concluded. 

V.  C,  22g. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

A  nation  is  bound  to  faithfully  observe  its  Treaty  engagements,  but  it  is  not 
true  that  no  acts  committed  by  it,  though  in  violation  of  such  engagements,  can 
be  made  the  basis  of  title.  In  some  cases  title  can  be  acquired  by  the  exercise  of 
hostile  or  adverse  acts.  B.  C.-C,  ijo. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Neither  the  early  relations  of  the  Dutch  with  Guiana  prior  to  1648,  nor  the  es- 
tablishment by  them,  prior  to  said  date,  of  a  trading  post  in  the  Essequibo  river, 
gave  them  a  right  to  the  soil,  nor  sovereignty  over  the  territory  occupied. 

V.  C,  230-231. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  relations  of  the  Dutch  in  Guiana  prior  to  1648,  and  the  establishment  by 
them,  prior  to  that  date,  of  their  settlements  and  Posts  on  the  Essequibo  and 
elsewhere,  gave  them,  and  were  recognized  by  Spain  as  giving  them,  a  right  to 
the  soil  and  sovereignty  over  the  territory  occupied. 

The  Dutch,  from  the  time  of  the  establishment  of  their  Posts  upon  the  Esse- 
quibo and  elsewhere,  weie  entitled  to  extend  their  Colonies  and  possessions. 

B.  C.-C,  138. 
1814.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

[Tiic  British  Case  admits]  that  the  sole  title  of  Great  Britain  to  British 
Guiana  is  the  title  conveyed  to  licr  by  the  Dutch  in  1811.  V.  C.-C,  13. 


BOUNDARIES.  139 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    BRITISH-ALLEGED    BASIS    FOR-(Continued). 

i84[.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  fall  Mecoro-Vussu.  .  .  .  It  is  not  known  to  the  Indians  inhabiting 
these  regions  that  white  men  had  ever  penetrated  so  far  before  ...  I 
considered  it  of  importance  to  trace  it  [Barinia  River]  hi^lier  up,  as,  by 
its  western  course  on  its  ascent  every  mile  would  add  to  the  British  terri- 
tory. B.  C,  VII,  23. 

Great  Britain  has  not  undertaken  the  question  of  determinating  the  bounda- 
ries of  British  Guiana  upon  the  principles  of  aggrandizement.  She  does  not 
wish  more  than  belongs  to  her  by  justness,  ...  she  is  naturally  anxious 
to  settle  the  boundaries  .  .  .  (as  well  out  of  political  as  philanthropical 
motives).  Same,p.j8. 

1842.     Earl  of  Aberdeen. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  will  send  instructions  ...  to  remove  the 
posts  .  .  .  placed  by  Mr.  Schomburgk  near  the  Orinoco.  But  .  .  .  Her 
Majesty's  Government  must  not  be  understood  to  abandon  any  portion  of  the 
rights  of  Great  Britain  over  the  territory  which  was  formerly  held  by  the 
Dutch  in  Guiana.  Same,  p.  80. 

1844.     Combined  Court  of  British  Guiana. 

Mr.  Macrae  :  .  .  .  They  are  the  aborigines  of  the  country,  and  we  in- 
herited from  them  our  possessions  in  this  colony.  (Mr.  Arrindell  laughed 
aloud.)  It  appears  to  have  excited  the  risible  faculties  of  the  honorable  member, 
but  I  repeat  that  we  do  hold  our  title  from  them  orginally.         V.  C.-C,  III,  181. 

Mr.  Arrindell :  .  .  .  The  small  portion  of  land  which  we  occupy  was 
obtained  first  by  conquest,  and  then  by  treaty,  and  we  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  treaty.  Same,  p.  184. 

1850.     Belford  Hinton  Wilson. 

The  Ladronera  party  .  .  .  have  had  recourse  to  the  old  political  artifice 
of  imputing  to  England  a  design  ...  to  seize  upon  the  Province  of  Vene- 
zuelan Guayana. 

I  have  considered  it  right  and  expedient  to  give  at  once  a  flat  denial  to 
this  statement,  and  to  show     .     .     .     that  it  is     .     .     .     the  very  reverse  of  the 
truth. 

I  have  explained  fully  both  to  President-General  Monagas  and  to  the  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  .  .  .  that  these  declarations  .  .  .  must  not  be  under- 
stood as  indicating  in  the  slightest  degree  an  intention  on  the  part  of  the  British 
Government  to  abandon  any  portion  of  the  rights  of  Great  Britain  over  the 
territory  which  was  formerly  held  by  the  Dutcli  in  Guayana.       B.  C,  VI,  178. 

1850.     Governor  Barkly. 

Of  the  validity  of  that  claim  [Schomburgk  line]  as  derived  by  conquest  and 
cession  from  the  Dutch,  I  entertain  not  the  slightest  doubt.  For  were  the 
historical  evidence  as  to  the  fortification  of  Point  Barima  by  that  people  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  their  formation  of  settlements  high  up  the  river  altogether 
wanting,  no  one  travelling  through  the  country,  as  I  did,  and  tracing  the 
still  remaining  effects  of  their  influence  over  the  Indian  population,  could 
resist  coming  to  this  conclusion.     Their  Chiefs  to  this  day  bear  the  names  of 


140  BOUNDARIES. 

CLAIMS    BY   THE    BRITISH-ALLEGED    BASIS    FOR-(Continued). 

Jan,  Hendrick,  or  the  like  ;  their  intercourse  with  Europeans  is  still  carried 
on  mainly  in  the  Creole  Dutch  ;  .  .  .  even  in  their  own  dialects  the  Dutch 
names  for  things  derived  from  abroad  (rum,  gunpowder,  &c.,)  are  incorporated  ; 
whilst  the  enormous  mango,  orange,  and  other  fruit  trees,  which  crown  each 
rising  ground,  are  all  associated  with  traditions  of  the  same  people. 

In  the  State  Atlas  of  Colonel  Codazzi  .  .  .  the  Venezuelan  boundary-line 
is  .  .  .  visionary  .  .  .  not  merely  severing  from  this  Colony  Protestant 
Missions,  for  years  supported  by  British  liberality,  and  lands  occupied  by  British 
subjects  for  half-a-century  past,  but  still  more  strangely  including  Cartabo  Point, 
of  which  the  Dutch  held  uninterrupted  possession  from  the  sixteenth  century  to 
the  capture  by  Great  Britain,  together  with  thousands  of  acres  in  the  vicinity, 
long  ago  granted  away,  as  recorded  in  the  archives  of  this  Colony,  to  Dutch 
settlers.  B.  C,  VI,  1S4. 

1 85 1.     Governor  Barkly. 

A  very  erroneous  impression  has  existed,  that  prior  to  .  .  .  Schom- 
burg:li's  survey,  no  jurisdiction  whatever,  beyond  the  Morucca  Creek,  >vas 
claimed  by  the  British  .  .  .  but  I  found  abundant  evidence  to  the  con- 
trary in  every  step  of  my  journey,  .  .  .  even  the  few  Indians  ...  on 
...  the  Barima  itself  .  .  .  having,  till  quite  lately,  been  governed  by  a 
Chief  holding  his  commission  from  Sir  James  Carmichael  Smyth,  who  died  .  .  . 
several  years  before  that  survey  was  dreamt  of.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  jco. 

1887.     Lord  Salisbury. 

The  British  claim  to  the  .  .  .  southern  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  (includ- 
ing Barima)  ...  is  derived,  .  .  .  from  ancieiit  Treaties  witli  tlie 
aboriginal  tribes,  and  the  subsequent  cessions  from  Holland.  B.  C,  VII,  ij2. 

1893.     Earl  of  Rosebery. 

Great  Britain  claims  certain  territory  in  Guayana  as  successor  in  title  of  the 
Netherlands,  and  (by  right  of  conquest  as  against  Spain).  Same,  p.  143. 

ADMISSIONS-BY  THE  SPANISH. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Spaniards  recognized  the  Amakuru  or  the  Barima  as  being  tlic 
effective  frontier  of  their  possessions. 

The  Spanisli  authorities  recognized  tlie  junctions  of  the  Rivers  Uruan 
and  Curumo  with  the  Cuyuni  as  being  on  tlie  frontiers  of  their  possessions. 

B.  C,  7S. 

The  area  over  wliicli  Dutch  trade  in  Guiana  extended  ...  it  can  be 
shown  from  Spanish  documents  .  .  .  was  regarded  by  the  Spaniards  as 
impressed  de facto  with  a  Dutch  political  character.  Same,  p.  S2. 

1614.     Antonio  de  Muxica  Buitron. 

Tliey  [Dutch  ]  liave  possessed  themselves  of  the  mouths  of  these  two  rivers 
[Amazon  and  Orinoco],  and  are  making  themselves  masters  of  the  produce  and 
possessions  of  the  natives,  which  is  a  serious  matter.  B.  C,  I,j6. 


BOUNDARIES.  1J:1 

ADMISSIONS-BY  THE    SPANISH-(Continued). 

1637.  Don  Juan  Desologuren. 

Help  sent  from  hereto  this  end  will  be  more  useful  under  the  command  of  the 
said  Don  Diego  Lopez  de  Escobar  than  a  much  larger  number  sent  from  Spain, 
for  the  ends  to  be  accomplished  are  only  to  be  effected  by  strategem  in  the  settle- 
iiieuts  and  retreats  which  the  enemy  possess  by  right  of  niig:ht. 

B.  C,  I,  79. 

1638.  Governor  of  Caracas. 

With  many  gifts  of  articles  of  barter  and  clothing,  which  they  give  to  the 
Indians,  they  hold  all  the  country  on  their  side,  and  being-  thus  united  and  in 
particular  to  the  Caribs,  who  are  in  great  numbers.  Same,  p.  loi. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Settlement  of  Ponieroon  .  .  .  was  settled  without  any  opposition 
on  the  part  of  Spain.  B.  C.-C,  55. 

The  Dutch,  in  1664,  openly  stated  with  regard  to  the  West  India  Company, 
that  it  had  been  empowered,  and  still  was  empowered,  to  establish  Colonies 
and  Settlements  of  people  on  lands  which  were  not  occupied  by  others.  This 
position  was  never  questioned  by  Spain,  though  the  establishment  of  the 
Colony  at  Pomeroon  was  .  .  .  clearly  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
King.  Sa7)ie,  pp.  56-57. 

In  1676  the  Spaniards  admitted  that  the  Dutch  held  the  chief  portion  ot 
the  coast  from  Trinidad  to  the  Amazon.  Same,  p.  58. 

No  objection  to  the  [second]  Settlement  at  Pomeroon  was  suggested  by 
the  Spanish  Government.  Sat/te,p.  60. 

1676.     Council  of  War. 

Holland  .  .  .  resolved  to  establish  a  Colony  on  the  coast  of  the  mainland 
at  Cape  Orange,  between  Surinam  and  the  River  Amazon,  where  they  [Dutch] 
hold  the  chief  portion  of  the  coast  from  Trinidad  up  to  this  river,  with  settle- 
ments in  Barbiche,  Sequiebes  and  Surinamte.  B.  C,  I,  176-177. 

174.7.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

By  these  channels,  without  entering  the  sea,  one  can  navigate  with  small  ves- 
sels to  the  blockhouse  called  the  Post,  which  the  Dutch  of  Essequibo  maintain 
with  three  men  and  two  small  cannon,  16  leagues  from  the  Colony  towards  the 
Great  Ships'  Mouth.  And  it  is  by  this  way  that  the  Dutch  make  their  voyages 
when  they  are  returning  from  the  Orinoco  in  small  vessels.  B.  C,  II,  53. 

1755.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

I  consider  that  in  these  Missions  [Miamo  and  others]  which  are  more  in  the 
hands  of  the  Dutch  than  those  of  their  owner,  there  exist  [etc.].    Same, p.  107. 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

I  answer  what  is  known  to  all  the  religious  of  our  Missions,  but  particularly  to 
the  Fathers  President  of  3Iiamo,  Carapo,  and  Yuruary,  on  account  of  their  im- 
mediate proximity  to  the  frontiers.  Same,  p.  146. 


142  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS-BY   THE    SPAN ISH-(Continued). 

1764.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  remonstrance  at  this  time  [1764]  addressed  by  the  Essequibo  Governor 
to  the  Governor  of  Surinam  against  mentioning  in  .  .  .  passes  the  name  of 
the  Barinia  lest  umbrage  be  given  to  the  Spaniards,  suggests  by  its  silence  that 
no  sH<'Ii  umbrage  was  caused  by  the  name  of  tlie  Waini.  V.  C.-C,  IT,  iij. 

1769.  British  Case. 

From  time  almost  immemorial  the  Dutch  had  been  in  possession  ...  of 
the  .  .  .  Essequibo  ...  of  several  rivers  and  creeks  ...  all 
branches  and  streams  which  fall  into  Essequibo,  and  .  .  .  of  .  .  .  the 
Cuyuni.  This  claim  tlie  Spanish  Government  never  denied  and  never  re- 
butted. J3.  C,  54. 

1770.  Commandant  of  Guayana. 

In  the  vast  Province  of  Guayana,  so  fertile  and  so  advantageously  situated, 
all  the  coast  is  occupied  by  foreigners,  and  there  only  remains  to  us 
Spaniards,  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  in  one  corner  as  an  outlet  to  the  sea.  The 
Dutch  possess  the  best  and  most  useful  parts  of  the  coasts  of  this  extensive  terti- 
tory  for  there  many  navigable  rivers  which  traverse  the  most  fruitful  part  of  the 
far  interior  of  Guayana  flow  into  the  sea.  B.  C,  IV,  yj. 

1773.     British  Case. 

Centurion,  Commandant  at  Guayana  .  .  .  stated  .  .  .  that  the 
French  and  Dutcli  had  occupied  the  whole  sea-coast  of  Guiana. 

B.  C.,57. 
1773.     Commandant  of  Guiana. 

On  the  confines  or  limits  of  the  vast  region  of  this  province  [of  Guiana] 
tlie  Frencli  and  Dutcli  have  occupied  tlie  whole  sea-coast  with  their  Colonies 
— the  French  in  Cayenne,  round  the  mouth  of  the  Amazon,  and  the  Dutch  in 
Surinam,  Berbiz,  and  Essequibo,  55  or  60  leagues  from  the  Great  Mouth  of  the 
Orinoco.  B.  C,  IV,  jji. 

Our  actual  possessions  are  limited  to  a  part  of  the  Rio  Negro,  the  whole  of 
the  Casquiari,  Upper  and  Lower  Oi'inoco,  and  the  new  settlements  which  we  are 
founding  in  the  interior  of  the  country,  along  the  rivers  Caroni,  Paragua,  Aroy, 
Caura,  Erevato,  Padamo,  Ventuari,  and  others  running  from  the  unexplored  heart 
of  Guaiana  to  the  Orinoco.  Same,  pp.  111-112, 

,     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Spaniards  did  not  dispute  the  Dutch  right  in  the  Essequibo. 

B.  C.-C,  S7. 

1803.     Francis  McMahon. 

He  [Governor  of  Guiana]  wished  that  our  Government  would  let  two  small 

vessels  cruise  off  Moroqna  Tost  and  Wynali  River,  as  the  knowledge  of  their 

being  there  would  perhaps  deter  the  negroes  from  further  attempts. 

B.  C,  V,  1S4. 

18 1 4.     British  Case. 

In  .  .  .  1814  .  .  .  the  Colonies  of  Essequibo  .  .  .  and  Berbice 
were  finally  ceded  to  the  British,  who  had  been  in  possession  of  them  since  1803. 
No  question  of  boundary  was  raised  by  Spain,  although  it  had  been  reported 
to  the  Spanish  Government  that  the  English  had  apportioned  the  lands  taken 
from  the  Dutch  as  far  as  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  64. 


BOUNDARIES.  143 

ADMISSIONS-BY   THE    SPANISH-(Continued). 

1897.     George  L.  Burr. 

Though  more  than  once  visited  by  bodies  of  armed  Spaniards,  who  forcibly 
abducted  the  Indians  settled  about  it,  no  Spanish  attempt  to  take  it  [MornkaJ 
into  possession  is  known  to  Dutch  records.  V.  C.-C,  II,  log. 

ADMISSIONS   BY   THE    DUTCH-DIRECT,   IN    GENERAL. 

1599.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

Cabeliau  .  .  .  makes  affidavit.  It  was  the  certificate  demanded  by  the 
States-General,  and  its  validity  was  conceded,  for  on  October  19,  1599,  the  free- 
dom of  convoy  conditioned  upon  it  was     .     .     .     awarded  by  the  States- General. 

By  these  acts  the  supreme  political  authority  of  the  Netherlands  becomes  a 
witness  that  the  coast  of  (iniana  was  theretofore  unvisited  l)y  the  Butch.  An 
investigator  of  political  titles  may  well  be  content  with  such  evidence.  Nor  is 
there,  so  far  as  I  can  find,  the  slightest  reason  to  question  its  truth. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  44. 
1683.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

Beekman,  in  1683-4,  iir^e[d]  the  .  .  .  occupation  of  the  Bariina.  .  .  . 
It  is  clear,  then,  that  in  the  eyes  of  .  .  .  Beekman,  the  Barima  is  not  yet  an 
actual  possession  of  the  Company.  Yet  it  cannot  be  questioned  that  his  prohibition 
of  trade  there  is  a  distinct  assertion  of  claim,  as  his  statement  that  such  trade  is 
"to  the  prejudice  of  the  Company  "  is  the  distinct  assumption  of  a  right— the 
claim  and  right,  not  of  Holland  in  general,  but  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Com- 
pany. 

After  all,  these  were  but  the  provisional  acts  of  a  subordinate.  What  did  the 
Company  answer?  Directly,  nothing.  Neither  the  proceedings  of  the  Zeeland 
Chamber  nor  those  of  the  supreme  board— the  Ten— show  any  discussion  of  the 
matter.  ...  In  their  long  reply  to  Beekman's  letter,  there  is  from  begin- 
ning to  end  no  mention  of  Barima.  Satne,  p.  122. 

Whatever  their  reason,  it  is  certain  that  the  West  India  Company  never 
answered  the  suggestion  as  to  a  Barima  Post ;  and  Beekman  himself  never 
mentioned  it  again.  Same,  p.  j2j. 

Toward  the  end  of  1683  the  Dutch  Commandeur  in  Essequibo  provisionally 
took  possession  of  that  river  [Barima]  for  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  by 
stationing  there  an  employe  to  buy  up  Indian  wares  and  by  warning  off  other 
traders  ;  and  early  in  1684  he  had  a  shelter  built  there  for  occasional  visits  from 
the  Pomeroon  Postholder,  at  the  same  time  suggesting  to  the  Company  that  it 
take  the  Barima  into  its  possession  and  establish  there  a  permanent  outlier's 
post. 

The  West  India  Company  wholly  ignored  these  suggestions. 

Same,  p.  137. 

•     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

But  while  there  is  .  .  .  abundant  evidence  of  a  claim  of  the  Dutch  to 
plant  colonies  freely  on  the  coast  of  Guiana  from  the  Amazon  to  the  Orinoco,  I 
have  found  in  Dutch  records  no  claim,  as  against  other  European  States, 
of  an  exclusive  right  thus  to  colonize  Guiana ;  and  no  protest  at  any  time 
against  the  similar  attempts  which,  throughout  the  greater  part  of  this  [17th] 
century,  the  English  and  the  French  were  likewise  making  to  plant  colonies  on 
this  coast.  Same,  p.  j8o. 


144  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS    BY    THE    DUTCH-DIRECT,    IN    GEN  ERAL-(Continued). 

1694.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Most  of  the  red  slaves  [Indians]  come  from  the  Rivers  Bariiua  and  Orinoco, 
i^liich  lies  nnder  the  dominion  of  the  Spaniard.  D.  C,  /,  2/j. 

1701.  Court  of  PoHcy  in  Essequibo. 

All  the  lands  wliere  >ve  carry  on  onr  liorse-trade,  are  nnder  the  Kin^  of 
Spain,  as  we  know  by  experience  from  the  prohibitions  we  have  already  met  in 
the  trade  to  Orinoco.  V.  C,  II,  68. 

1702.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Great  mortality  of  horses  in  this  Colony,  there  being  already  almost  100  head 
dead  through  mange  and  other  forms  of  sickness.  That  truly  is  a  great  loss  to  the 
Colony,  the  more  so  since  the  Spaniards  ivill  no  longer  permit  any  trafiickins: 
for  horses  on  their  territory.  Same,  pp.  6S-6g. 

1703.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Owing  to  the  present  war,  no  horses  are  to  be  had  above  here  as  formerly,  in- 
asmuch as  those  Indians  think  they  stand  under  the  crowns  of  Spain  and 
France,  and  this  trade  is  thereby  crippled.  Same,  p.  6g. 

171 3.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

[Order  prohibiting  trade]  causes  great  regret  among  the  free,  who  have  sev- 
eral times  complained  to  me  about  this,  urging  that  they  did  not  intend  to  trade 
ivithin  the  territory  of  the  Company,  bnt  only  asked  for  permission  to  do  so 

on  Spanish  gronnd,  such  as  Orinoco,  Trinidad,  &c they  claim  that 

.     .     .     they  were  promised  free  trade,     .      .      .     outside  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Company.  B.  C,  I,  2j6. 

For  a  considerable  time  it  has  not  been  possible  to  carry  it  [the  annatto 
and  balsam  trade]  on,  because  of  some  dislike  which  the  Spaniards  (on  whose 
territory  the  copaiba  is  pnrchased)  have  taken  to  our  nation.  They  have  also 
now  been  cruising  after  the  Dutch  boats  which  go  thither,  so  that  I  have  not 
dared  to  risk  so  greatly  the  Company's  wares  and  other  effects. 

Tliis  trade  [in  balsam]  was  permitted  to  the  free,  because  it  took  place  ont- 
side  of  the  Company's  district,  and  was  only  carried  on  upon  Spanish  territory 
in  the  River  Orinoco,  where  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Colonies  Berbice  and  Surinam 
likewise  trade.  Same,  p.  237. 

1 7 14.  West  India  Company. 

Althongii  Orinoco,  Trinidad,  A:c.,  is  [«V]  nnder  the  poAver  of  the  Span- 
iards, still  it  also  lies  within  the  Charter  of  the  Company,  where  nobody 
has  the  right  to  trade  except  the  Company,  and  those  to  whom  the  Com- 
pany gives  permission  to  do  so,  so  that  it  all  is  the  territory  of  the  Company, 
although  we  have  no  forts  there.  Same,  p.  24J. 

1 717.     Petition  of  Free  Settlers  in  Essequibo. 

We  [free  settlers  in  Essequibo]  are  restricted  in  a  river,  which  is  out- 
side the  territory  of  the  Noble  Company,  where  the  same  has  no  more  power 
than  a  private  merchant,  which  is  in  Spanish  possession. 

Y.  H.  are  also  aware  (or  at  present  we  suppose  so)  that  Orinoco  is  a  river 
which  is  actually  under  the  King-  or  Crown  of  Spain,  which  nation  is  con- 
sequently master  there.  Same,  p.  247. 


BOUNDARIES.  145 

ADMISSIONS     BY    THE    DUTCH-DIRECT,    IN    GEN  ERAL- (Continued). 

1732.     Venezuelan  Case. 

In  1732  the  Swedes  conceived  a  project  of  settling  in  the  Barima.  This 
being  reported  ...  to  Spain,  a  royal  order  enjoined  prompt  and  thorough 
resistence  .  .  .  and  a  force  of  soldiers  was  gathered  for  the  purpose  of 
expelling  the  intruders,  .  .  .  tlie  dlovernor  of  Essequibo,  .  .  .  not 
only  made  no  protest,  but  furnished  supplies  to  the  Spaniards;  and  the 
.  .  .  Company,  .  .  .  [upon]  a  request  for  instructions,  did  not  so  much 
as  deign  to  reply.  V.  C,  rjg. 

1735-     West  India  Company, 

We  have  decided  hereby  to  give  you  [Commandeur  in  Essequibo]  express 
orders  that,  .  .  .  you  .  .  .  forbid  each  and  every  one  ...  to  take 
any  hand-arms  or  material  of  war  from  the  river  to  Oriuoco,  or  to  any  other 
places  not  under  tlie  jurisdiction  of  the  States-General,  ...  if  any  one 
be  found  to  do  it  a  second  time,  that  he  be  banished  from  the  river  all  the  days  of 
his  life. 

We  order  that  you  henceforth  cause  to  be  examined  all  boats  leaving  the  river 
which  excite  the  least  suspicion. 

Considering  that,  perhaps,  a  way  might  be  found  for  exporting  arms  from  the 
Colony  without  using  the  river,  you  must  also  provide  against  this  as  much  as 
possible ;  .  .  ,  we  .  .  .  authorize  and  order  you  to  exercise  strict  super- 
vision over  all  the  ships  which  come  into  the  river. 

In  case     .     .     .     anybody  should  undertake  to  export  slaves  from  the  river  we 
order  you  to  forcibly  prevent  this.  B.  C,  II,  ig-20. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

A  nation  of  Indians  have  come  down  from  Orinoco  and  have  attacketl  the 
Caribs  subject  to  us  in  the  River  Wayui. 

I  have  expressly  forbidden  him  [the  "  Postholder  of  Wacquepo  and  Moruka  "] 
to  set  foot  upon  the  Spanish  territory — not  even  to  go  below  the  River  Wayni 
[Weijne].  Same,  p.  4^. 

1760.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Cuyuni  is  not  a  separate  river  like  Weyne  and  Pomeroou  (which  last  has 
been  occupied  by  us,  and  still  contains  the  foundations  of  your  Lordships'  fort- 
resses). Sa/ne,  p.  iSj. 

1766.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  shall  write  to  the  Governor  of  Orinoco  concerning  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Barima,  which  would  become  an  absolute  den  of  thieves,  a  ragtag-and-bobtail 
party  of  our  colonists  staying  there  under  pretence  of  salting,  trading,  &c. 

The  west  side  of  Barima  being-  certainly  Spanish  territory  (and  that  is 
where  they  are),  I  can  use  no  violent  measures  to  destroy  this  nest,  not  wishing  to 
give  any  grounds  for  complaint;  wherefore  I  think  of  proposing  to  the  Governor 
.  .  .  to  carry  this  out  hand-in-hand,  or  to  permit  me  to  do  so,  or  as  and  in 
what  manner  he  shall  consider  best.  B.  C,  III,  iji. 

1766.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

You  told  us  that  the  place  about  Barima,  where  some  scum  and  offscourings 
of  folk  were  staying  together  and  leading  a  scandalous  life,  was  Spanish  terri- 


146  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS     BY    THE    DUTCH-DIRECT,    IN    GENERAL-(Continued). 

tory,  and  that  you  intended  to  .  .  .  submit  some  propositions  to  the  Spanish 
Governor  for  the  extirpation  of  that  gang.  And  now  you  inform  us  of  your  hav- 
ing sent  thither  the  Postholder  of  Moruka  with  positive  orders,  probably /r^/r/a 
antIiorilatc  without  any  concurrence  of  the  aforesaid  Governor,  .  .  .  and  we 
cannot  quite  make  this  tally  with  the  other.  If  that  place  is  really  Spanish  terri- 
tory, then  you  have  acted  very  imprudently  and  irregularly ;  and,  on  the  con- 
trary, if  that  place  forms  part  of  the  Colony,  and  you  had  previously  been  in  error 
as  to  the  territory,  then  you  have  done  very  well,  and  we  must  fully  approve  of 
your  course,  as  also  of  the  Court's  Resolution  that  henceforth  no  one  shall  be  at 
liberty  to  stay  on  the  Barima.  But  if  the  Court  has  no  jurisdiction  in  that  place, 
we  see  little  result  from  that  Resolution  :  extra  territoritim  suuiit  Jus  dicenti 
etiivi  iinptme  non  paretur.  B.  C,  III,  ijy. 


1767,     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Concerning  the  matter  of  Barima  and  the  case  of  Rose,  I  shall  have  the 
honour  to  inform  your  Lordships  tliat  we,  as  well  as  the  Spaniards,  regard  the 
River  Barima  as  the  boiiudary  division  of  the  two  jurisdictions,  the  east 
bank  being  the  Company's  territory,  and  the  west  bank  Spanish. 

I  have  in  two  consecutive  letters  given  the  Governor  of  Guayana  a  circum- 
stantial account  of  the  matter,  and  asked  him  to  send  some  men  to  help  us  clear 
out  this  nest. 

His  Honour  did  not  answer  those  letters,  but  sent  me  a  verbal  message  by 
.  .  .  one  of  the  principal  colonists  of  Guayana,  that  it  was  impossible  for  him 
to  send  men  on  account  of  the  great  distance  and  the  lack  of  boats,  (Sec  ,  and  that 
the  best  thing  would  be  to  let  those  evil-doers  fight  it  out. 

Thereupon  I  sent  the  Postholder  of  Moruka  my  orders,  but  was  careful  to 
charge  him  to  avoid  the  Spanish  bank,  but  that  he  was  not  to  avoid  the  islands 
lying  in  the  river,  because  these  were  uncertain  territory.  He  followed  my  orders 
faithfully,  Rose  having  been  apprehended  on  our  shore.  Safne,p.  141, 


1769.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

And  in  the  remonstrance  to  Spain  in  1769  the  l>utch  Government  described 
its  territory  as  extending,  not  to  the  Barima,  but  only  "  to  beyond  the  river 
Waini."  V.  C.-C,  II,  136. 


1769,     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  hindrances  by  them  [Spaniards]  caused  to  those  of  Essequibo,  as  well  in 
the  fishery  on  the  territory  of  the  Republic  as  in  the  nioutli  of  the  River 
Orinoco.  B.  C,  IV,  26. 


This  and  the  other  enterprises  of  the  Spaniards,  together  with  their  hindering 
the  tisliery  on  onr  <»vn  coasts  and  their  preventing  tlie  fishery  in  Orinoco. 

.     .     .     have  been  brought    ...     to  the  notice  of  the  States-General. 

Sa»t€,  p.  28. 


Hindering  of  the  fishery  for  those  of  the  aforesaid  Colony,  both  on  their 
own  coast  avnd  also  in  the  month  of  tlie River  Oronoque.  i>amt-,p.j6. 


BOUNDARIES.  147 

ADMISSIONS    BY    THE    DUTCH-DIRECT,    IN    GENERAL-(Continued). 

1775.     Postholder  in  Moruka. 

He  [Spanish  Captain]  .  .  .  said  that  his  lord  and  master  would  shortly  set 
a  guard  in  the  creek  of  Weena,  called  the  Barmani,  and  that  the  whole  of  iMa- 
roekka  also  belonged  to  the  Spaniards,  and  1  thereupon  answered  that  the  Kiver 
IJarima  beloiij^eil  to  the  Swede,  and  Weene,  as  well  as  Maroekka,  to  the  Dutch, 
and  they  said  that  it  was  not  so.  B.  C,  IV,  ij8. 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

One  first  finds  an  explicit  claim  to  the  Waini  by  a  division  of  the  West  India 
Company  itself.  The  Zeeland  shareholders,  .  .  .  describe  the  colony  as 
"crossed  .  .  .  by  the  .  .  .  Bariuia,  Waini,  Moruca,  &c."  But,  alas,  the  West 
India  Company  was  at  strife  within  itself,  and  a  counter-memorial,  ...  by 
.  .  .  the  Amsterdam  Chamber  .  .  .  scouted  such  claims  that  these  ad- 
joining rivers  were  a  part  of  the  colony  of  Essequibo.  It  is  even  urged  by  these 
hostile  critics  that  the  Zeeland  Chamber  is  not  at  harmony  with  itself  as  to  the 
limits.  V.  C.-C,  II,  114. 

The  claim  to  the  Barima  as  boundary,  though  its  mention  by  Hartsinck  in 
1770,  its  recognition  on  the  English  map  published  in  1783  from  the  observations 
of  Thompson,  and  its  adoption  in  1798  by  the  map  of  Bouchenroeder  must  have 
kept  it  familiar,  fluds  for  loug  no  further  mention  in  the  records.  In  1801, 
however,  the  confidential  envoy  sent  to  represent  the  Dutch  Council  of  the  Colo- 
nies at  the  elbow  of  the  Dutch  plenipotentiary  in  the  Congress  of  Amiens  was 
instructed  to  see  that  the  colonial  boundary  was  there  defined  at  the  Barima, 
if  it  could  not  be  fixed  at  the  Orinoco ;  but,  as  he  explained  to  the  Council  in  a 
most  suggestive  letter,  he  found  it  unwise  to  mention  the  question  there.  The 
negotiations  at  Madrid  suggested  by  him  were  never  undertaken ;  and  the  only 
further  mention  of  the  river  I  have  found  among  Dutch  papers  is  in  an  unused 
and  unpublished  charter  submitted  by  this  returned  envoy  to  his  colleagues  in 
1803,  wherein  it  is  proposed  that  under  certain  conditions  the  colonists  of  Esse- 
quibo and  Demerara  shall  be  allowed  to  cut  timber  in  the  Pomeroon,  the  Waini, 
and  the  Barima.  Same,  p.  ijy. 


ADMISSIONS    BY    THE    DUTCH -THAT  MORUCA    WAS   A  FRONTIER 

POST. 

1726.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

Knowing  that  the  said  Post  [Wacquepo]  lies  far  out  of  the  ordinary  course 
of  boats  which  come  hither  through  the  inland  waters,  it  was  his  [the  Com- 
mandeur's]  intention  to  choose  a  fit  place  in  the  River  of  Marocco  to  which  he 
might  transplant  the  house  and  Post,  since  all  vessels  which  come  through  the 
inland  waters  must  pass  that  way.  .  .  .  they  decided  that  the  fittest  place 
was  where  the  horse-dealers  from  Orinoco  generally  moor  their  boats  in  the 
Riyer  of  Moruka,  called  in  the  Indian  language  Accouiere,  .  .  .  The  unfor- 
tunate state  of  affairs  in  Europe  having  been  taken  into  consideration,  it  was 
resolved  to  establish  the  house  and  Post  of  Wac(£uepo  upon  the  aforemen- 
tioned site  as  soon  as  possible,  and  thus  have  an  opportunity  of  being  kept  well 
informed  of  the  hostile  boats  that  had  any  intention  of  coming  to  disturb  this 
river.  B.  C,  II,  j-d. 


MS  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS    BY   THE    DUTCH-THAT    MORUCA  WAS  A    FRONTIER 

POST-(Continued). 

1728.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

Resolved  to  reinforce  the  aforesaid  Post  of  Wacqnepo  with  two  soldiers, 
and  to  direct  Jan  Batiste  to  have  the  necessary  coast-guards  posted,  so  that  we 
may  receive  the  earliest  information  in  case  the  Spaniards  shonld  send  any 
armed  vessels  to  this  Colony  in  accordance  with  the  rumours  afloat. 

B.  C,  II,  7. 

1728.     Secretary  Gelskerke  to  Postholder  at  Wacquepo. 

You  are  ordered  to  have  proper  coast-guards  posted,  where  such  are  neces- 
sary, so  that  we  may  be  informed  luetimes  slionld  the  Spaniards  wish  to  send 
any  vessels  to  this  Colony  to  molest  the  same.  Same,  p.  S. 

1730.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Commandant  of  the  Post  which  I  have  between  the  OriiKK'o  and  this 
river  [Essequiboj.  Same,  p.  11. 

1735-     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

[In  1735]  the  French  still  traded  in  the  Barima ;  nor  is  there  in  the  pro- 
ceedings, as  reported,  or  in  the  contemporary  correspondence  with  the  Com- 
pany, any  questioning-  of  their  rig-ht  to  do  so.  V.  C.-C,  II,  127. 

1744.     Court  of  Justice  of  Essequibo. 

Two  Spaniards  on  their  way  hither  from  Orinoco  had  been  arrested  at  the 

Company's  Post  in  "VVacyuepo,  and  [the  Commandeur]  asked  if  they  would  be 
allowed  to  arrive  in  the  Colony  or  be  sent  back. 

It  was  resolved  to  allow  them  to  come  here  this  time,  but  that  this  must  not 
be  taken  as  a  precedent.  B.  C,  II,  4J. 

I'/^'b.     West  India  Company. 

You  will  do  well  by  driving- away  again  out  of  the  Wacquepo  and  Moruka 
the  Indian  nation  which  came  down  from  far  up  in  the  Orinoco  and  tear  down 
what  you  find  they  have  made  there,  and  thus  maintain  the  Company's 
territory.  Same,  p.  46. 

1747.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

In  Wacquepo  and  Moruka  all  is  again  still,  as  the  nation  v/hich  arrived 
there  with  the  intention  of  killing  the  Caribs  dwelling  there  was  received  by  them 
reasonably,  and  thereupon  they  again  retired  back  up  the  Orinoco.  But  the  un- 
dertakings of  the  Spaniards  go  so  far  that,  if  proper  measures  be  not  taken 
against  them,  they  may,  in  the  course  of  time,  lead  to  the  total  ruin  of  the  Colony. 

Saf/ie,  p.  4S. 

1749.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

This  ship  had  been  stranded  at  Peehy,  and  therefore  on  the  territory  of 
Spain,  and  I  had  no  right  to  touch  it. 

Note  by  Prof.  Burr. 
In  reporting  the  affair  to  the  West  India  Company  Storm  van  's  Gravesande 
had  described  the  location  of  the  wreck  as  "  between  Camoeni  and  Peche,  about 
1.5  [Dutch]  miles  below  [/.  e.  west  of]  the  Post  in  Mornca."  .  .  .  The  bay 
of  Peche,  according  to  the  Bouchenroeder  map,  (  V.  C.  a//as,  map  46)  is  a  little 
east  of  the  mouth  of  the  Waini.  V.  C,  II,  103. 


BOUNDARIES.  149 

ADMISSIONS    BY   THE    DUTCH-THAT    MORUCA   WAS    A    FRONTIER 

POST-{Contlnued). 

1754.     Court  of  Justice  in  Essequibo. 

[Resolved]  2.  That  an  armed  boat  be  placed  at  Monika  to  keep  aruard, 
.  .  .  with  instructions,  at  the  first  signs  or  suspicion  of  the  approach  of  the 
enemy,  to  come  and  inform  the  Director-General  as  soon  as  possible. 

[Resolved]  3.  That  ...  a  safe  conduct  be  sent  to  one  .  .  .  Meyer, 
.  .  .  at  present  amongst  the  Indians  in  Barima,  for  him  to  arrive  safely 
here.  B.  C,  //,  pj. 

1754.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  also  sent  order  to  Moruka  to  cause  all  inland  waters  and  passages 
to  be  closed,  so  that  they  [Spaniards]  may  not  be  able  to  pass  with  small  vessels. 

Safne,  p.  g6. 

Two  small  vessels  are  being  made  ...  to  keep  watch  between 
Moruka  and  Pomeroou,  and  the  Arawaks  of  the  Post  are  spread  along  the  sea- 
coast  in  corrials  so  as  to  be  able  to  give  timely  warning.  Same,  p.  gj. 

1764.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

A  very  good  and  fit  barque  of  Mr.  Dudonjon  has  also  been  equipped  to  go 
and  lie  by  the  angle  of  the  Pomeroon.  Same,  p.  gS. 

1765.  Memorial  of  Shareholders  of  Zeeland  Chamber. 

Demerara  ...  is  situated  between  the  two  most  extreme  trading- 
places  or  posts  in  Essequibo — namely,  the  one,  to  the  north,  on  the  River 
Moruka,  and  the  other,  to  the  south,  on  the  River  Mahaicony,  both  of  w^hich 
rivers,  as  well  as  the  others  situate  between,  pertain  to  that  Colony — which  of 
course,  shows  undeniably  that  Demerara  is  one  and  the  same  Colony  with  Esse- 
quibo. B.  C. ,  ///,  I2J. 

1766.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Having  .  .  .  inform  [edj  your  Lordships  in  one  of  my  former  letters  of 
the  barbarous  mode  of  life  of  some  of  our  colonists  in  Barima,  and  hearing  that 
this  was  getting  gradually  worse,  I  charged  the  Postholder  of  Moruka,  .  .  . 
to  proceed  thither  in  order  to  prevent  all  further  mischief,  and  ...  to  order 
the  evil-doers  to  come  to  the  fort. 

[After  convicting  Rose]  the  Court  made  a  further  order  forbidding-  any 
one  to  stop  in  Barima,  and  charged  the  Postholder  of  Moruka  to  see  that 
this  was  carried  out,  because  in  time  this  would  become  a  den  of  thieves,  and 
expose  us  to  the  danger  of  getting  mixed  up  in  a  quarrel  with  our  neighbours  the 
Spaniards.  Same,  pp.  iji-ij2. 

1767.  West  India  Company  (Amsterdam  Chamber). 

The  natural  meaning  of  the  expression  "  Essequibo  and  adjoined  or  subordin- 
ate rivers "  is  not  that  which  the  Zeeland  Chief  Participants  attribute  to  it 
(namely,  that  all  the  places  which  are  situate  on  the  mainland  of  the  so-called 
Wild  Coast,  between  the  boundaries  which  the  Chief  Participants  themselves 
have  .  ,  .  defined  as  extending  from  Moruka  to  Mahaiconj',  or  from  Rio 
Berbice  as  far  as  the  Orinoco,  are  "  adjoined,  subordinate  to,  and  inseparable 
from  "  the  Colony  Essequibo),  but,  on  the  contrary,  only  this,  that  under  that 
description  are  comprehended  the  various  mouths  and  rivers,  originating  from 
Rio  Essequibo  or  emptying  into  it,  which  are  marked  on  the  map,  such  as,  for 
instance,  Cuyuni,  Massaruni,  Sepenouwy,  and  Magnouwe.  Same,  p.  147. 


150  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS    BY   THE    DUTCHTHAT    MORUCA  WAS   A    FRONTIER 

POST-(Continued). 

1777.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

There  lies  ...  on  the  frontier  and  in  the  direction  of  Oronocque,  a 
Post  in  the  creek  of  Morocco  and  Wacquepo.  B.  C,  IV,  184-183, 

1777.  Commandant  at  Fort  Zeelandia. 

The  objection  might  be  raised  here  that,  when  a  post  [in  Moruca]  of  soldiers 
is  stationed  so  near  to  those  Spanish  frontiers,  it  is  more  exposed  to  desertion 
of  those  soldiers ;  .  .  .  But  the  condition  and  life  of  the  Spanish  troops 
having  been  wafted  over  from  Rio  Orinoco  to  this  river,  by  the  testimony  of 
those  who  have  heretofore  deserted,  the  desire  to  desert  thither  seems  to  have 
greatly  diminished.  Same,  p.  186. 

1778.  Manager  of  Plantations. 

But  the  Post  lies  far  in  the  Maronca,  so  that  I,  in  a  fast  row  boat  with  an 
awning,  manned  by  twelve  oarsmen,  was  obliged  to  travel  full  six  hours  from 
the  mouth  before  I  could  reach  it.  Thus  almost  two  (lays  elapse  ere  tidings 
of  the  desertion  can  come  to  the  Postliolder  ...  so  that  the  runaways, 
who  presumably  made  all  speed,  could  be  long  in  the  Spanish  territorial 
jurisdiction  before  the  Postholder  Is  acquainted  thereof.  Same,  p.  IQ4. 

1779.  Venezuelan  Case. 

This  reconnoissance  ...  of  1779,  .  .  .  by  .  .  .  Inciarte  .  .  . 
examined  the  whole  coast  region  ...  far  into  the  Ponieroon ;  .  .  . 
Tlie  Dutcli  Governor  of  Essequibo  was  informed  of  the  presence  of  the  Span- 
iards in  the  Pomeroon,  and  even  of  his  intention  to  build  a  fort  there ;  but  he  not 
only  made  no  effort  to  arrest  him,  but  reported  the  matter  to  the  Company 
without  so  much  as  a  protest ;  and  no  protest  was  made  by  that  body  to  the 
Dutch  government,  or  through  it  to  that  of  Spain.  V.  C,  146. 

1784.     West  India  Company  (the  Ten). 

In  order  that  ...  no  occasion  be  giv-en  to  the  Spaniards  to  have  much 
communication  with  our  negroes  in  the  Colony,  it  would  be  well  to  make  the  rule 
that  when  such  Spaniards  have  any  negroes  as  aforesaid,  they  must  bring  them 
to  the  Post  at  Moruca,  and  there  hand  them  over,  in  return  for  payment  of  the 
established  price,  to  a  person  to  be  appointed  therefor.  B.  C,  V,  2j. 


1790.     Report  of  Commissioners  on  Condition  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara. 

It  behooves  us  to  say  a  word  here  of  the  so-called  Postholders.  These  are 
employes  of  the  Company  who  dwell  on  the  various  frontiers  in  order  to  foster 
the  good  understanding  with  the  Indians.  Same,  p.  Si. 


1794.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  went  on  as  far  as  the  Creek  of  Moruca,  which  up  to  now  lias  been  main- 
tained to  be  the  boundary  of  our  territory  witli  that  of  Spain,  upon  what 
basis  I  do  not  know.  It  will  be  of  the  utmost  necessity  to  define  that  boundary- 
line  once  for  all.  Same,  p.  14^. 


BOUNDARIES.  151 

ADMISSIONS    BY    THE    DUTCH-PASSES    REQUIRED    AT    MORUCA. 

1 701.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

April  18,  [1701].  .  .  .  there  arrived  .  .  .  Pieter  Faull,  and  Abraham 
Baudaart,  requesting  the  Commandeur  to  issue  a  pass  to  Orinoco  for  Mr. 
Aarnout  van  Groenewegen,  which  was  granted  and  delivered  to  them. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  131. 

1719.     West  India  Company. 

We  uuderstaiKl  it  to  be  necessary  and  just  that  satisfaction  be  8:iven  the 
CiJoveruor  of  Orinoco,  but  that,  one  free  planter  having  wronged  him,  the  trade 
to  Orinoco  should  therefore  be  forbidden  to  all  others,  cannot  receive  our  ap- 
proval ;  on  the  contrary,  we  charge  you  to  grant  passes  to  all  others,  withhold- 
ing them  from  the  offender  or  offenders  until  the  necessary  satisfaction  has  been 
given.  B.  C,  I,  2J2. 

1760.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have     .     .     .     sent  an  order  to  the  [Moruca]  Post  to  let  no  Spaniards 

pass  this  way  on  any  account  whatever,  except  a  single  one  who  might  be  the 
bearer  of  letters  from  the  Government.  B-  C,  II,  igy. 

1762.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

In  the  Commission  given  .  .  .  to  .  .  .  Lopez  I  have  seen  that  the 
corsair  had  alleged  that  the  boat  which  he  took  at  the  mouth  and  even  in  the 
River  Demerary  had  no  passport — a  very  frivolous  excuse  and  an  ungrounded 
one,  since  passports  are  never  giyen  to  boats  going  from  one  plantation  to  an- 
other, and  which  are  going  to  board  vessels  in  the  Colony  itself,  and  since  this 
is  only  done  for  boats  which  go  from  one  country  or  from  one  colony  to  another. 

On  the  other  hand,  .  .  .  the  Company's  boat  from  which  he  took  the 
salt  fish  at  the  month  of  the  Wayni,  and  which  he  afterwards  smashed,  and 
that  of  our  colonist,  Andries  Heyse,  which  he  pillaged,  were  both  provided  with 
passports  in  due  form.  Satnc,  p.  220. 

1764.     Director-General  in  Essequibo.* 

In  all  passes  issued  by  me,  I  only  grant  permission  to  pass  the  Posts  and  to 
trade  amongst  the  Indians,  without  mentioning  any  place.  B.  C,  III,  114. 

1766.  Provisional  Instruction  for  the  Post  of  Moruca. 

Every  white  who  shall  resort  to  \\\q  Orinoco  not  holding  a  licence  from 
the  Director-General,  shall  be  detained  in  the  said  post,  and  sent  to  Essequibo, 
as  well  as  all  slaves,  both  Indians  and  Dutch  negroes,  and  in  case  any  Spanish 
craft  should  arrive  there  laden  with  produce,  she  shall  be  detained,  and  the  said 
Deik  shall  embark  in  the  said  craft  so  detained,  and  shall  proceed  with  her,  not 
allowing  anything  to  be  sold  before  reaching  the  said  Essequibo. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  255. 

1767.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

He  [Moruka  Postliolder]  shall  allow  no  one  to  pass  the  Post  without  a 
passport.  B.  C,  III,  134. 

He  [Moi'uka  Postholder]  shall  bear  in  mind  that  the  passports  issued  shall 
be  valid  for  one  voyage  only,  as  they  are  put  to  misuse.  Same,  p.  /jj. 

*  Note  by  editor  of  British  Case.    There  is  some  reason  to  doubt  the  authenticity  of  this  extract. 


152  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS    BY  THE    DUTCH-PASSES    REQUIRED    AT    MORUCA- 

(Continued). 

1768.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  had  strictly  forbidden  Jan  la  Riviere  to  settle  between  Essequibo  and  Ori- 
noco, and  for  greater  security  I  had  this  inserted  in  his  pass  ;  he  was  also  forbidden 
by  the  Court  to  settle  in  Barima.  B.  C,  III,  176. 

1770.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Air.  Tullekin,  having  asked  for  a  permit  to  go  to  Maroco,  and  having  obtained 
the  same,  I  now  hear  that  he  went  farther  and  that  he  was  arrested,  and  is  now 
a  prisoner  in  Orinocque.  V-  C.,  II,  216, 

,     British  Case. 

Passports  .  .  .  often  contained  conditions  as  to  the  conduct  of  the 
holder  in  the  district  beyond  the  Post.  B.  C,  8j. 

1774.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Both  from  English  captains  leaving  the  Essequibo  (formerly  the  Colony)  in 
their  barques  or  vessels  and  from  private  individuals  the  Governor  receives  for  a 
pass  7  guilders  10  st.  and  5  guilders  for  a  permit  to  barter  or  trade  in  Indians 
outside  the  Post,  which  for  some  time  was  not  observed,  but  in  1774  I  again  in- 
troduced or  renewed  it  by  reason  of  the  necessity.  B.  C,  IV,  i2j. 

1775.  Government  Journal  in  Essequibo. 

Gave  to  the  Carib  Owl  named  Awamerie,  with  his  people,  a  passport  for 
Barima.  Same,  p.  189. 

1789.     Journal  kept  in  Essequibo. 

December  7.  A  passport  granted  to  the  Indian  Carwe  to  go  to  the  coast  of 
Essequibo,  and  to  pass  the  Post  of  Maroco.  B.  C,  V,  73. 

1793.     Journal  kept  in  Essequibo. 

Pass  g-ranted  to  the  free  Indian  Frederik  in  order  to  get,  in  Pomeroon  or 
beyond  the  Post  Marnca,  corials  for  "  den  Heraut"  in  exchange  for  other  wares. 

Same,  p.  14J. 

1796.     Governor  of  Essequibo. 

A  pass  is  applied  for  .  .  .  for  four  Spaniards  .  .  .  who  recently 
arrived  here  with  horned  cattle  from  Orinoco,  in  order  that  they  may  return 
thither ;     .     .     .     the  Governor  has  issued  the  desired  pass.  Same,  p.  i6j. 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE  DUTCH-TOLLS  AT  MORUCA. 

1707.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  likewise  thought  of  submitting  to  you  [W.  I.  Co.]  whether  it  were  not 
right  necessary  to  lay  a  toll  on  the  traders  from  Berbice,  who  traffic  on 
the  Orinoco  for  vessels,  balsam,  red  slaves,  and  cocoa,  in  the  Rivers  Marocco 
and  Pomeroon.  B.  C,  I,  22g-2jo. 

1708.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

As  regards  the  (proposed)  tolls  in  Marocco  and  Pomeroon  ...  I  will 
reply  .  .  .  that  such  could  not  be  properly  carried  out,  especially  the  ex- 
penses of  doing  it  could  not  be  repaid.  Same,  p.  2jo. 


BOUNDARIES.  153 

ADMISSIONS    BY   THE    DUTCH-TOLLS    AT    MORUCA-^Continued). 

1708.     West  India  Company. 

As  for  your  proposal  to  Lay  iu  the  Rivers  of  Monica  and  Poiueroon  a  toll 

for  the  traders  to  Orinoco  ...  we  can  as  yet  give  no  positive  answer ; 
.  .  .  you  would  first  have  to  inform  us  whether  this  can  just  now  be  prop- 
erly and  lawfully  done.  B.  C,  J,  2ji. 

[As  to]  laying-  a  toll,  in  the  Rivers  of  Mornca  and  Poiueroon,  (the  Com- 
mandeur  is  directed  to)  .  .  .  carefully  inquire  into  the  aforesaid  matter,  and 
inform  us  .  .  .  what  annual  profit  the  Company  might  derive  from  impos- 
ing said  tolls.  Same,  pp.  2j  1-232. 

As  .  .  .  to  the  laying:  of  a  toll  upon  the  boats,  copaiba,  &c.,  for  the 
dealers  from  Berbice  who  trade  to  Orinoco,  .  .  .  we,  .  .  .  hereby  in- 
struct you  to  .  .  .  collect  a  poll-tax  there,  .  .  .  from  every  white  person 
and  also  from  ever}'  slave  at  present  in  Essequibo,  and  who  shall  in  future  arrive 
in  that  Colony.  Same,  p.  2j2. 

1767.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

He  [Postholder  at  Moruka]  shall  demand  fi-om  the  Spaniards  coming 
there  with  tobacco,  &c.,  5  per  cent,  import  duty  and  forward  the  same  here. 

B.  C,  ///,  155- 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE  DUTCH-BOUNDARIES  ON  THE  CUYUNI. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

On  the  7th  of  this  month  [March  1746]  one  Ignatius  Courthial  made  an  ap- 
plication to  the  Court  for  permission  to  cut  a  road  through  the  wood  iu  the 
River  Cnyuni,  in  order  to  bring  mules  and  cows  into  the  river  overland  by  that 
road.  .  .  .  permission  was  granted  him  on  condition  that  there  shall  be 
paid  to  the  Company  3  guilders  recognition  money  for  every  mule,  and  2 
guilders  for  every  horse  or  cow,  .  .  .  it  is  my  intention  to  place  the  Post 
which  lies  in  Demerary     ...     on  this  road  instead.  B.  C,  II,  44. 

1746.     West  India  Company. 

We  can  approve  the  resolution  taken  by  you  and  the  Court  of  Policy  regard- 
ing the  request  made  by  Ignatius  Couthial  [Courthial],  and  the  further  measures 
taken  by  you  in  that  regard,  for  the  prevention  of  all  fraud  in  not  rightly  declar- 
ing the  animals  to  be  brought  from  the  River  Cuynni.  Same,  p.  44. 

1754.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  common  ramour  was  that  one  of  our  colonists  had  been  near  by  there 
[the  mission  destroyed  by  the  Caribs  and  Panacays]  and  ...  I  caused 
him  to  be  apprehended  and  brought  to  the  fort.  Because  such  a  matter  would 
be  of  consequence,  and  ivould  afford  the  Spaniards  real  and  well-founded 
reasons  for  complaint,  I  have  always  taken  punctilious  care  therefor. 

Same,  p.  g6. 

1759.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

If  the  Spaniards  remain  in  possession  of  Cuyuni  .  .  .  there  will  be  no 
safety  at  all  in  this  Colony.  .  .  .  The  Spaniards  continue  to  stay  where  they 
are,  and  to  entrap  and  drive  away  all  the  Caribs  living  there.  Same,  p.  ijj. 


154  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS     BY    THE    DUTCH-BOUNDARIES    ON    THE    CUYUNI- 

(Continued). 

1763.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  certain  .  .  .  that  this  is  not  the  time  to  tliink  of  the  re-establishment 
of  the  Post  ill  Cuynni.  That  matter  will  give  us  plenty  of  work  to  do  when 
.  .  .all  is  at  rest  and  in  peace,  because  the  Spaniards,  liayins?  driven  all  the 
Indians  ont  of  the  river,  it  will  be  no  small  matter  to  get  all  the  necessary 
buildings  in  readiness  there.  B.  C,  //,  228. 

1769.     Remonstrance  of  the  States-General. 

The  establishment  of  two  Spanish  Missions,  occupied  by  a  strong  force,  one 
not  far  above  the  Company's  said  Post  in  Cuyuni  (apparently,  however,  on 
Spanish  territory),  and  the  other  a  little  higher  up  on  a  creek  which  flows  into 
the  aforesaid  Cuyuni  River.  B.  C,  IV,  jo. 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE  BRITISH-BOUNDARIES  ON  THE  COAST. 

1802.     Commandant  of  Berbice,  Demerary  and  Essequibo. 

Essequibo  is  a  particular  district  of  the  Government  of  Demerary.  A  small 
creek,     ...     the  Borassirie,     .     .     .     forms  its  eastern  boundary. 

The  west  sea-coast,  called  the  "  Arabian  Coast,"  is  now  .  .  .  almost 
entirely  settled.  It  is  bounded  by  the  River  Pomaroon.  at  the  entrance  of 
vvhicli  is  the  furthest  military  post,  called  the  Post  of  Morrooco. 

The  foregoing  lines  are  descriptive  of  the  whole  extent  of  that  part  of  the 
coast  of  Guayana  situated  between  the  River  Corantyn  and  the  Pomaroon,  and 
within  which  are  included  the  Colonies  of  Berbice,  Demerary,  and  Esse- 
quibo. B.  C,  V,  172. 

1806.     George  Pinckard. 

It  is  suggested  that  we  may  obtain  a  supply  (of  provisions)  from  the  Span- 
iards, who  have  great  numbers  of  wild  cattle  .  .  .  upon  the  neigrhboring 
coast  of  Oronoko.  V.  C.-C,  III,  224-223. 

A  party  of  Spaniards  crossed  the  River  Oronoko  in  the  night  of  the  19th  inst. 
[February,  1797],  and  made  an  attack  upon  our  outpost  at  Moroko,  the  remotest 
point  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,     .      .      .      but     .     .     .     they  were  defeated. 

Same,  p.  227. 

1834.     T.  S.  St.  Clair. 

The  colony  of  Demerera  ...  is  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Albany 
creek.  .  .  .  The  western  limits  are  marked  by  the  small  creek  Bonnosique,  a 
distance  of  twenty  miles  up  the  great  river  Essequibo ;  formerly  the  Bossicay 
creek  was  the  western  boundary,  but  by  an  act  passed  by  Governor  Bentinck,  in 
1806,  it  was  extended  to  the  present  limits. 

The  colony  of  Essequibo  adjoins  to  Demerara,  being  under  the  same  governor, 
and  is  our  most  leeward  possession  in  this  country.  The  creek  or  river,  called 
Morocco,  is  the  boundary  line  between  this  colony  and  the  Spanish  Main, 
which  is  not  far  from  the  Pomeroon  creek.  Same,  pp.  2J4-2JJ. 

r838.     Venezuelan  Case. 

(lovernor  Li^ht  in   .    .     .     1838,  wrote  : 

The  Pomaroon  River,  at  the  western  extremity  of  Essequibo,  may  be  taken 
as  a  limit  lo  the  country.  V.  C,  167. 


BOUNDARIES.  155 

ADMISSIONS    BY    THE     BRITISH-BOUNDARIES    ON    THE    COAST- 

(Continued). 

1838.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Speaking  of  the  region  "  between  the  romeroou  au<l  the  Oriuoco  "  he  says 
of  it  that  it  is  a  "  coast  of  100  miles  .  .  .  unoccupied  by  any  person  or 
under  any  authority."  V-  C.,  16/. 

1838.  Governor  Light. 

The  Pomaroon  River,  at  the  western  extremity  of  Essequibo,  may  be  taken 
as  a  limit  to  the  country,  though  there  is  a  mission  supported  by  the  colony  on 
the  Maracca  river  or  creek,  a  short  distance  westward,  where  500  Spanish  Indians 
are  collected  in  a  settlement  under  a  Roman-catholic  priest,  recommended  from 
Trinidad  for  that  purpose.  V.  C.-C,  III,  177. 

1839.  Wm.  Crichton,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  left  bank  of  the  Barima,  where  the  GfOvernment  has  nerer 
claimed  jurisdiction.  B.  C,  VI,  71. 

The  district  in  question  [Barima-Waini  region]  contains  a  numerous  popula- 
tion of  Indians,  viz.,  Warrows,  Accaways,  Carribesee,  and  Arrawaks,  the  former 
the  most  numerous,  and  in  the  humble  opinion  of  your  reporter,  it  would  be 
good  policy  to  secure  the  absolute  possession  of  it  to  this  Colony. 

Same,  p.  76. 

The  .  .  .  case  of  the  Indian,  Pero  Mauvel,  .  .  .  point(s)  out  the 
necessity  of  concluding  an  arrangement  with  the  Republic  of  Columbia,  respect- 
ing the  western  boundary-line  of  this  Colony,  which  .  .  .  should  include  the 
mouth  of  the  Barima  River,  and  all  its  tributary  creeks  from  the  sea  to  the  Cayoni 
River. 

The  internal  communication  by  water  which  commences  with  the  Tapacooma 
is  entirely  cut  off  by  the  Barima  River,  and  commences  again  with  the  Amacoora 
Creek  to  the  Orinoco,  thus  marking  the  natural  boundary  of  the  province  between 
the  Barima  and  Amacoora. 

If  the  right  bank  of  the  Barima  River  were  taken  as  the  boundary,  and  all 
the  extensive  creeks  which  enter  that  stream  on  its  left  bank  remain  subject  to 
the  Columbian  State,  this  Colony  would  be  subjected  to  the  danger  of  having  all 
the  runaways  from  either  Government  congregating  on  that  fertile  region  without 
the  right  of  control,  and  it  is  too  distant  from  the  seat  of  the  Columbian  Govern- 
ment for  its  influence  to  be  otherwise  than  only  partially  felt,  especially  as  the 
aborigines  look  to  this  Colony  for  protection. 

If  tJie  Wyena  were  selected  as  the  boundary-line,  the  evil  would  be  greatly 
increased  by  leaving  a  wider  field  of  operation  unoccupied.  Same,  pp.  76-77. 

1839.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Takinar  .  .  .  the  mouth  of  the  River  Barima  as  the  place  of  departure, 
the  line  of  demarcation  ought  to  be  directed  to  the  moutli  of  the  River  Ama- 
cura,  in  order  to  be  able  to  insure  the  political  importance  which  always 
would  be  attached  to  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  ;  .  .  .  from  thence  to  the 
mouth  of  .  .  .  the  .  .  .  Cano  Cuyuni,  and  following  the  latter  to  its 
sources,  British  Guiana  secures  the  command  of  the  easy  water  communication. 

B.  C,  VII,  J. 


166  '  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS    BY    THE     BRITISH-BOUNDARIES    ON    THE    COAST- 

(Continued). 

1 841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

A  Warrau  Chieftain  .  .  .  came  with  part  of  his  men,  and  appeared  re- 
joiced that  at  last  it  sliould  be  decided  whether  the  Waini  was  in  the  British 
or  in  the  Yeiiezuelaii  territory.  B.  C,  VII,  11. 

I  thouglit  it  advisable  to  claim  the  eastern  or  right  bank  of  the  River 
Amaonra.  .  .  .  The  .  .  .  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Barima  was  planted. 
.  .  .  This  point  in  the  possession  of  Great  Britain  is  of  great  value  in  a  military 
respect.  Same,  p.  13. 

1841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk — confidential  letter  of. 

I  have  now  to  point  out  the  importauce  which  is  attached  to  this  position, 
ghould  the  British  Goyernment  establisli  the  Amacura  as  the  boundary  be- 
tween British  Guiana  and  Venezuela.  Same,  p.  33. 

1 841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  Barima,  a  point  of  more  importance  to  Great  Britain  than  I  have  ven- 
tured to  make  it  appear  in  my  memorial.  Same,  p.  34. 

1841.     Earl  of  Aberdeen. 

Mr.  Scliomburg-k  .  .  .  was  fully  aware  that  the  demarcation  so  made 
was  merely  a  preliminary  measure  open  to  future  discussion  between  the 
Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela.  Same,  p.  74. 

The  proceeding  of  Mr.  Scliomburgk    .     .     .      was  merely  a  preliminary 

measure  open  to  future  discussion  between  the  two  Governments,  .  .  .  and 
not  .  .  .  indications  of  dominion  and  empire  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  .  .  . 
And    .    .    .    tlie  British  authorities  have  not  occupied  Point  Barima. 

Same, p.  yg. 

1 841.  Governor  Light. 

Mr.  Schomburgk's  mission  was  one  purely  of  Survey.  V.  C,  III,  igy. 

I  trust  this  explanation  will  be  satisfactory  to  your  Excellency;  neither  the 
Government  of  Venezuela  nor  of  Great  Britain  having  hitherto  occupied  the 
Barima,  and  that  point  marking  the  boundary  claimed  by  tlie  British  (Jov- 
ernment,  it  will  be  prudent  not  to  attempt  an  occupation  which  would  complicate 
negotiation  and  might  lead  to  unpleasant  discussion. 

Since  the  occupation  of  the  Barima  by  the  Dutch  ...  the  territory  within 
that  river  has  been  inhabited  by  the  aborigines  alone.  Same,  p.  igS. 

1842.  British  Counter  Case. 

Lord  Aberdeen  consented  to  order  the  removal  of  the  posts  purely  as  an  act 
of  international  comity.  B.  C.-C,  12S. 

1844.     Earl  of  Aberdeen. 

As  a  most  valuable  concession  to  Venezuela,  Her  Majesty's  Government  are 
willinj;  to  waive  their  claim  to  the  Amacura  .  .  .  and  to  consider  the 
mouth  of  the  Moroco  lliver  as  tlie  limit  of  her  Majesty's  possessions  on  the 
sea-coast.  .  .  .  upon  the  condition  .  .  .  that  no  portion  of  it  shall  be 
alienated  at  any  time  to  a  foreign  Power,  and  that  the  Indian  tribes  now  residing 
within  it  shall  be  protected  against  all  injury  and  oppression.  B.  C,  VII,  go. 


BOUNDARIES.  157 

ADMISSIONS    BY    THE    BRITISH-BOUNDARIES    ON    THE    COAST- 

(Continued). 

1844.     Earl  of  Aberdeen. 

This  [Trinity]  parish  is  from  Capouie  Creek  to  Pomcrooii,  iiml  as  far  as  the 
British  settlements  extend.  V.  C,  III,  145. 

1862.     Sir  W.  H.  Holmes. 

Anthony  Trollope,  who  visited  the  Colony  in  i860,  [says].  .  .  .  And 
lastly  of  our  own  rivers,  the  Guiana  (or  Whynee),  though  I  doubt  whether, 
for  absolute  purposes  of  colonization,  we  have  ever  gone  so  far  as  this.  And  be- 
yond that  .  .  .  the  Orinoco.  On  its  shores  we  make  no  claim.  Though 
the  Delta  of  the  Orinoco  is  still  called  Guiana,  it  belongs  to  the  Republic  of 
Venezuela.  V.  C.-C,  111,246. 

1871.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Pomeroon. 

This  tract  of  land,  situated  on  the  left  bank  of  Marucca,  ...  is  nothing 
more  or  less  than  a  swampy  jungle,  .  .  .  with  only  from  fifty  to  sixty  per- 
sons living  in  it ;  these  persons  are  Spanish  Arowacks,  the  descendants  of  the 
Spaniards  who  .  .  .  in  1821-22  abandoned  .  .  .  the  Oronoko  to  seek  pro- 
tection under  British  rule,  .  .  .  the  high  lands  in  question  were  made  over  to 
the  Spaniards  with  a  promise  of  protection,  which  they  have  enjoyed  for  near 
fifty  years,  and  now  most  urgently  beseech  that  the  same  may  again  be  extended 
to  them,  as  since  British  jurisdiction  has  been  withdrawn  murders,  violent 
cases  of  assaults,  thefts,  &c.,  have  become  frequent.  B.  C,  VI,  211. 

The  left  bank  of  Morucca  being  a  swampy  jungle,  and  .  .  .  utterly 
valueless  ...  a  question  of  some  importance  is  .  .  .  that  in  the 
case  the  Venezuelans  prove  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  English  Government 
their  rights  to  the  left  bank  of  Marucca,  valueless  though  it  be,  would  it 
be  wise  to  let  them  have  it,  or  would  it  not  be  better  to  purchase  their  right. 
To  the  Venezuelan  Government  this  swampy  jungle  can  be  of  no  value,  whereas 
to  this  Colony  the  occupation  of  Marucca,     ...     is  paramount. 

In  case  the  Spanish  obtained  a  footing  in  Marucca  .  .  .  rum  and  other 
spirits  would  be  introduced  from  the  Oronoko  in  large  quantities.  Retail  spirit 
shops  would  be  established  at  the  mouth  of  Marucca  and  at  other  places,  which 
would  interfere  very  materially  with  the  revenue.  Sajne,  pp.  211-212. 

1875.      Governor  Longden. 

The  Amacura  River  .  .  .  was  .  .  .  proposed  by  Sir  Robert  Schom- 
burgk  for  adoption  as  the  boundary  line  .  .  .  but  .  .  .  never  ac- 
cepted, and  the  frontier  is  still  undetermined,  the  limit  of  the  ancient  Dutch 
Colony  being  claimed  by  Great  Britain  as  the  boundaries  of  the  present  Colony. 

Same,  p.  214. 

1879.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  territory  in  dispute  commences  on  the  western  bank  of  the  Essequibo 
River,  and  extends  to  an  undefined  distance  toward  the  Orinoco. 

V.  C,  III,  I  JO. 

This  post  on  the  Amacura.  ...  Its  very  existence  is  doubtful,  for  it  is 
not  shown  anywhere  but  in  Bouchenroeder's  chart.  .  .  .  But  there  is  yet 
stronger  evidence  .  .  .  that  the  Dutch  at  the  close  of  the  i8th  century  did 
not  consider  that  their  territory  extended  so  far  toward  the  Orinoco.  Pinckard, 
whose  writings  should  have  authority,     .     .     .     distinctly  says     .     .     .     that  the 


158  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS    BY  THE     BRITISH-BOUNDARIES    ON     THE    COAST- 

(Continued). 

most  northern  outpost  of  the  Dutch  Colonies  at  the  time  of  their  first  capture  by 
the  English  was  on  the  Morooca.  The  ancien  post  Hollandais,  marked  in 
Bouchenroeder's  map,  is  very  possibly  one  of  the  posts  established  by  the  first 
Dutch  who  came  to  Guiana  about  the  end  of  the  i6th  century,  when,  according 
to  tradition,  they  tried  to  settle  on  the  Orinoco  before  finally  taking  up  their  posi- 
tion on  the  Pomeroon  and  Essequibo.  .  .  .  Scliombur^k's  cljiiin,  based 
upon  the  supposed  existence  of  this  Dutch  Post,  to  make  the  Amacura  ser\'e  as 
part  of  the  western  boundary  of  British  Guiana,  seems  untenable.  At  any  rate. 
it  never  was  and  never  could  be  admitted  by  the  Venezuelans. 

A  boundary  treaty  based  on  the  survey  by  Schomburgk  was  promised  in  1841 
by  the  British  Government,  but,  as  was  to  be  expected,  it  was  not  accepted  by  the 
Venezuelan  authorities.  V.  C,  III,  132-153. 

1 88 1.     Lord  Granville. 

Her  Majesty's  Gfovernnient  are  unable  to  accept  the  mouth  of  the  Moroco 
as  the  boundary  on  the  coast ;  they  would  nevertheless  be  ready  to  consider 
any  conventional  boundary  which  the  Venezuelan  Government  may  propose  com- 
mencing at  a  more  northerly  point  on  the  coast.  Same,  p.  220. 

1886.  Earl  of  Rosebery. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  attach  especial  importance  to  the  possession 
by  British  Guiana  of  the  mouth  of  the  River  Waiui,  and  they  desire,  therefore, 
to  stipulate  that  the  line  should  start  from  the  sea-coast  westwards  of  that 
point,  due  compensation  being  found  in  some  other  portion  of  the  disputed  ter- 
ritory for  this  departure  from  the  basis  of  an  equal  division.  B.  C,   VII,  116. 

I  have  now  to  instruct  you  to  address  a  note  to  the  Venezuelan  Government  in- 
forming them  that  .  .  .  Her  Majesty's  Government  cannot  .  .  .  allow 
their  rights  in  the  territory    .     .    ,    to  remain  any  longer  in  suspense :  and 

that  it  is  their  intention,  ...  at  once  to  define  the  boundary  ...  as 
follows : 

The  initial  point  to  be  fixed  at  a  spot  on  the  sea-shore  20  miles  .  .  .  east 
from  the  right  bank  of  the  River  liarima  and  to  be  carried  thence  south  over 
.    .    .     Yarakita  Hill. 

This  line  is  identical  with  that  which  was  suggested  in  Lord  Granville's  note 
to  the  Seiior  de  Rojas  of  the  15th  September,  1881.  V.  C,  III,  160. 

1887.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

I  was  more  than  ever  convinced  of  the  desirability  .  .  .  of  maintaining' 
what  is  known  as  Schomburgk's  boundary-line,  at  least  as  far  as  the  Amacura 
is  concerned,  and  I  was  also  much  impressed  by  the  excellence  of  the  oppor- 
tunity now  offered  us  of  securing  permanent  recognition  of  that  line  by  a  little 
firm  but  quiet  demonstration.  B.  C,  VI,  2jg. 

ADMISSIONS  BY   THE  BRITISH-BOUNDARIES  IN    THE    INTERIOR. 

1781.     Capt.  Edward  Thompson,  R.  N. 

I  .  .  .  enclose  you  the  Capitulations  of  the  Dutch  subjects  of  the  Colonies 
on  the  Rivers  of  Berbice,  Demerara,  and  Essequibo.  .  .  .  Berbice  is  inhab- 
ited 100  miles  up,  and  hath  100  plantations,     .     .     .     Demerara  is  divided  into 


BOUNDARIES.  159 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE  BRITISH-BOUNDARIES    IN    THE    INTERIOR- 

(Continued). 

plantations  on  both  sides  the  river  1 60  miles  inland,  .  .  .  The  Bay  of  Esse- 
quibo,  which  receives  three  larg-e  rivers  that  penetrate  into  Spanish 
Aniorica  .  .  .  contains  seventy  plantations,  which  extend  from  Demerara  to 
Fort  Zelandia,  .  .  .  and  from  that  parallel  on  the  west  coast  as  low  as  the 
River  Pomeroon,  besides  the  Islands  Liguana,  Wackingham,  &c.        B.  C,  V,  i. 

1808.     Court  of  Policy. 

/.  Tostholder  AVahl  wishes  to  change  the  Post  and  bring  the  same  to  a 
certain  Iiill,  from  where  he  can  oversee  the  three  months  of  the  rivers  Esse- 
quibo,  Cajoeny,  and  Massaroeny. 

4.  He  thinks  it  necessary  that  all  persons,  white,  colored  people,  or  Indians, 
in  going  up  or  coming  down  the  river,  should  be  obliged  and  ordered  to  stop  at 
the  Post  and  present  their  passes. 

6.  That  he  also  requests  some  authority  be  given  him  over  the  colored 
people  and  over  the  Indians,  to  keep  them  in  good  order,  as  they  are  so  dis- 
tant from  the  seat  of  Government. 

The  Court  did  further  resolve  ; 

I.    That  leave  be  granted  to  the  Postholder  Wahl  to  change  the  Post. 

4.  That  all  persons,  whether  whites,  colored  people,  or  Indians,  or  others,  in 
going-  up  or  coming  down  the  river,  shall  stop  at  the  Post,  and  report  the  errand 
they  go  upon  ;  also  those  whom  this  concerns,  exliibit  their  passes  to  the 
Postholder.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  263. 

1 841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

I  had  understood  from  some  Indians  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
Cuyuni  that  there  had  once  been  a  Dutch  Post  at  an  island  called  Tokoro,  which 
was  much  farther  to  the  west  than  that  part  of  the  Cuyuni  where  ...  I 
had  .  .  .  previously  .  .  .  considered  the  boundary  line  ougrht  to 
cross  to  tlie  River  Cuyuni.  B.  C,  VII,  22. 

1857.     Lieutenant-Governor  Walker. 

The  boundary  claimed  by  Great  Britain,  however,  according  to  the 
same  authority  [Schomburgk],  crosses  the  River  Cayuui  in  longitude  00^  20', 
or  thereabouts,  [First  Schomburgk  Line].  B.  C,  VI,  20J. 

You  will  return  with  them  by  .  .  .  the  Cayuni  River,  and  you  will  take 
every  opportunity  of  examining  the  country  in  its  neighborhood,  especially  after 
you  pass  the  longitude  of  00°  15',  which  the  progress  of  the  expedition  will  per- 
mit, the  great  object  of  your  employment  being  to  ascertain  the  probability  of 
the  existence  of  gold  fields  within  the  British  possessions.  Same,  p.  20/. 

1879.     E-  F-  im  Thurn, 

In  1857  certain  English  expeditions  were,  indeed,  sent  to  Tupuquen,  but  their 
sole  result  was  a  tardy  acknowledgment  from  the  Englisli  that  the  mines  of 
that  place  were  not  in  British  territory. 

Tupuquen  undoubtedly  lies  very  far  on  the  Venezuelan  side  of  the  boun- 
dary as  claimed  by  the  English  and  as  laid  down  by  Sir  Robert  Schomburgk. 
Had  we,  therefore,  claimed  the  mines  at  that  place,  it  would  have  been  most 
unwise  and  unwarrantable.  V.  C,  III,  iji. 


IGO  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE  BRITISH-BOUNDARIES    IN    THE    INTERIOR- 

(Continued). 

1879.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Schomburgk  .  .  .  traces  the  western  limit  .  .  ,  along  certain 
natural  features,  which,  unsatisfactory-  as  they  are  for  the  purpose,  seemed  to  him 
the  best  available.  V.  C,  III,  152. 

The  old  Diitcli  outpost  on  the  Ciijuui  River  .  .  .  Up  to  this  point 
tliere  is  no  reason  wliy  the  British  Government  should  not  accept  Codazzi's 
line,  which  is  based  both  on  history  and  natural  features.  Same,  p.  ijj. 

Some  time  before  1863,  gold  was  discovered  on  the  Cuyuni  at  a  point  but  two 
days'  journey  from  the  mouth  of  that  river  .  .  .  the  British  Guiana  Gold 
Mining  Company  was  formed  to  work  these  fields.  Buildings  and  machinery 
were  erected  on  the  spot  and  some  gold  was  extracted.  .  .  .  The  Venezuelan 
Government  appealed  to  the  British  Government,  which  .  .  .  issued  a  proc- 
lamation to  the  English  gold  miners  that  they  were  working  as  adventurers  in 
disputed  territory  and  that  they  were  to  expect  no  protection  from  the  British 
Government.  .  .  .  The  mines  .  .  .  were  so  near  our  Penal  Settlement 
that  to  allow  the  uncertainty  of  the  English  claim  to  the  gold  field  was  virtually 
to  allow  the  uncertainty  of  our  claim  to  the  Penal  Settlement.    Same,  p.  1^4. 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE  BRITISH-CUSTOMS  COLLECTED  IN  MORUCA. 

1S41.     R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

A  Custom-house  officer  .  .  .  ought  to  be  sent  down  to  this  [Pomeroon] 
district,  as  these  traders  [Oronolio]  bring  many  articles  into  the  country  which 
are  liable  to  pay  duty,  but  which  they  dispose  of  readily  in  the  Pomeroon  and 
Essequibo  coast.  B.  C,  VJ,  114, 

1843.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

I  .  .  .  learned  that  it  was  likely  two  or  three  Oronoko  traders  would  be 
in  Morocco  ...  I  will  ...  lay  before  the  Collector  of  Customs  a  state- 
ment of  the  amount  of  duties  received  from  the  Spanish  traders,  part  of  which 
is  in  cigars. 

Another  Oronoko  trader  arrived  ;  cargo,  black-eye  peas  and  cigars,  duty 
paid  in  money.  .  .  .  Went  to  Morocco  Creek  to  overhaul  a  sloop  from  the 
Oronoko ;  cargo,  forty  1 50  lb.  bags  blackeye  peas,  ten  full-grown  hogs,  and  ten 
young  ditto.  The  owner  of  the  vessel,  who  was  on  board,  not  having  money  to 
pay  the  duties,  produced  documents  which  proved  that  he  was  regularly  cleared 
out  at  Angostura  for  Demerara,  consequently  allowed  him  to  pass. 

Same,  p.  127. 

Was  visited  by  Jose  Rodinze,  Postholder  of  Corioppo,  a  village  in  Rio  Oro- 
noko. .  .  .  After  paying:  duty  on  his  cargo,  which  consisted  of  salted 
fish,  cigars  and  dried  meat,  proceeded  on  his  way  to  town. 

Received  information  of  the  arrival  of  a  carg'o  of  salted  fish  in  Morocco 
from  the  Oronoko.  Proceeded  ...  to  where  the  fish  was  housed.  Found 
500  pounds.     The  duty  was  paid  in  money.  Same,p.  12S. 

1844.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

During  this  quarter  there  have  been  twenty-three  arrivals  from  the  Oro- 
noko. These  cargoes  consisted  principally  of  salted  fish.  There  were  also  a 
few  M.  cigars,  some  dried  meat,  and  three  head  of  cattle. 

The  amount  of  duty,  King's  and  Colonial,  is  1S7  dollars.  Same, p.  i2g. 


BOUNDARIES.  101 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE  BRITISH-CUSTOMS  COLLECTED  IN   MORUCA 

—(Continued). 

1844.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

During  this  quarter  only  four  Spanish  boats  have  ccme  from  the  Oronoko. 
The  dullness  of  the  trade  is  caused  by  the  great  scarcity  of  fish. 

The  amount  of  duty  received  from  tlie  Oronoko  traders  this  quarter  is 
trivial  on  account  of  the  scarcity  already  described.  B.  C,  VI,  iji. 

1845.  ^V.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Posthouse  has  been  undergoing  repairs,  .  .  .  which  prevented  the 
possibility  of  attending  as  strictly  as  was  necessary  to  the  numerous  Spanish 
traders  that  came  up  from  the  Oronoko  in  large  canoes  laden  with  fish  and  other 
articles,  on  which  there  is  duty  to  be  collected.  Formerly  .  .  .  the 
Oronoko  duties  amounted  in  one  year  to  a  sum  bordering  on  500  dollars ;  but 
since  that  period,  now  upwards  of  twelve  months,  the  collections  have  been  very 
inconsiderable.  Same,  p.  140, 

1847.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Received  information,  that  .  .  .  several  Spanish  traders  were  expected,  but 
.  .  .  could  not  remain  ...  in  the  creek ;  consequently,  all  those  who 
had  cigars  sold  almost  all  they  brought  up  to  the  inhabitants  of  3Iorocco.  To  try 
and  prevent  a  recurrence  of  this  kind  it  will  be  requisite  [to]  .  .  .  erect  a  house 
in  the  upper  part  of  Morocco  Creek,  .  .  .  on  a  spot  by  which  all  corials,  &c., 
would  be  compelled  to  pass.  Unless  a  precaution  similar  to  what  he  has  pro- 
posed be  established,  it  is  totally  out  of  his  power  ...  to  collect  duties 
from  the  Oronoko  traders.  Same,  p.  14Q. 

1849.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

All  Spaniards  who  trade  to  the  Colony  in  coreals,  canoes,  and  sometimes 
small  sloop  boats,  are  obliged  ...  to  pass  through  Morocco  Creek  .  .  . 
and  from  whom,  according  to  a  special  order  of  Sir  Henry  Light,  I  am  com- 
pelled to  receive  duties.  Same,  p.  1J4. 

ADMISSIONS    BY   THE    BR  ITISH-BARI  M  A     LIGHTHOUSE. 

1836.     Sir  Robert  Porter. 

It  becomes  my  official  duty  to  represent  .  .  .  the  .  .  .  necessity 
.    .    .    of  placing  a  conspicuous  beacon  on  Cape  Barima.  B.  C,  VII,  S2. 

I    .     .     .    request  you  will  inform  me  (for  the   information  of  my  own 

Cioyernment)  whether  anything  has  jet  been  actually  done  as  to  erecting  the 
lighthouse  or  beacon  which  I  pointed  out  to  the  Government  ...  as  abso- 
lutely necessary.  Same,  p.  S4. 

1836.     Senor  Gallegos. 

The  Department  of  Finance  will  give  suitable  orders  to  carry  out  this  under- 
taking [Barima  Light].  Same,  p.  S4. 

1836.     Vice-Consul  Hamilton  at  Angostura. 

The  loss  of  the  "  Coriolanus  "  is  another  proof  of  the  abandonment  to  which 
the  important  navigation  of  the  Orinoco  is  left,  and  of  the  inattention  of  Govern- 
ment to  a  matter  seriously  involving  the  interests  of  the  country. 

Same,  p.  S4. 

A  beacon  could  be  easily  erected  on  the  point  of  Cape  Barima. 

Same,  p.  83. 


162  BOUNDARIES. 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE   BRITISH-BARI  M  A   LIGHTHOUSE-(Continued). 

1842.     Daniel  F.  O'Leary,  British  consul  at  Caracas. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Sir  Robert  Porter  ever  informed  your  Department 
that  he  had  written  to  the  Venezuelan  Government  on  the  subject  [of  Barima 
Light].  B.  C,  VII,  84. 

I  forward  to  you  .  .  .  letters  of  Mr.  Hamilton  to  Sir  Robert  K.  Porter- 
Upon  these  letters  it  was  that  Sir  Robert  founded  the  request  he  made  to  the 
Venezuelan  Government  to  cause  a  lighthouse  to  be  constructed  at  Ilarima. 

Same,  p.  8§. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  request  .  .  .  made  by  Sir  Robert  Ker  Porter  [in  1836  for  Barima 
Light]  .  ,  .  was  made  without  the  authority  and  without  the  knowledge 
of  Her  Majesty's  rxOTerument.  It  was  not  acted  on  by  the  Venezuelan  Govern- 
ment, nor  was  the  fact  of  its  having  been  made  communicated  to  the  British 
Foreign  Office.  B.  C.-C,  i2y. 

1886.  F.  R.  St.  John. 

The  erection  of  a  lighthouse  [at  Barima]  would  still  constitute  a  violation 
of  disputed  grounds.  B.  C,  VII,  iij. 

1887.  Earl  of  Iddesleigh. 

An  attempt  to  erect  such  a  lighthouse  .  .  .  would  be  a  departure  from 
the  reciprocal  engagement  taken  by  the  Governments  of  Venezuela  and  Eng- 
land in  18.50  not  to  occupy  or  encroach  upon  the  territory  in  dispute  between  the 
two  countries.  Same,  p.  118. 

ADMISSIONS    BY    THE    VENEZUELANS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Government  of  Venezuela  has,  however,  on  occasion,  modified  its  pre- 
tensions as  regards  the  district  immediately  to  the  west  of  the  estuary  of  the 
Essequibo,  and  claimed  only  that  the  boundary  should  run  from  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  mouth  of  the  Moruka  southwards  to  the  Cuyuni,  near  its  junction 
with  the  Massaruni,  and  then  as  stated  above.  B.  C,  6-j. 

1833.     Quarterly  Return  of  Pomeroon  Post. 

A  colored  Spaniard  [Venezuelan]  called  on  his  way  up  the  [Pomeroon]  river. 
Exliibited  his  pass  from  Angostura.  B.  C,  VI,  ji. 

1840.     R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

September  24. — Started  from  Dunbarton  Castle  for  the  Morocco. 

September  25. — Proceeded  up  the  creek  and  stopped  at  the  Spanish  In- 
dian's, Calixtro,  .  .  .  and  then  went  as  far  as  tlie  Mission.  .  .  .  3Iet 
here  Francisca  Rodriques,  the  Postholder  of  the  Oronocco,  who  requested  a 
pass  to  proceed  to  (ieorgetowu.  Same,  p.  g6. 

1840.     Juan  Pirel. 

TJie  Commander  of  the  [Venezuelan]  gun-boat  is  of  opinion  that  Mora 
Creek  is  llie  line  between  the  Venezuelan  territoi^,  and  that  little  further  is  be- 
longing to  the  British.  Same,  p.  pp. 


BOUNDARIES.  163 

ADMISSIONS  BY  THE  VEN  EZUELANS-(Continued). 

1 841.     Instructions  to  Senor  Fortique. 

Althoiig-h  Venezuela's  rig-hts  in  Guayana  extended  to  the  banks  of  the  Essc- 
qulbo  .  .  .  this  Government  being  anxious  to  remove  all  obstacles  to  a 
speedy  adjustment,  is  not  disposed  to  insist  upon  its  rights  to  that  extent,  it  being 
manifest  that  England  will  not  agree  to  surrender  her  establishments  on  the 
Pumaron  and  Moroco  rivers.  You  may,  therefore,  direct  the  course  of  your 
ueg'otiations  accordingly,  making  gradual  concessions  until  an  agreement  can 
be  had  on  the  following  line  of  boundary  between  Venezuela  and  British  Guiana, 
viz.:  Tlie  Moroco  from  its  mouth  to  its  headwaters  in  the  Imataca  mountains  ; 
thence  southward  ...  to  Tupuro  creek ;  thence  ...  to  the  Cuyuni 
river ;  thence  ...  to  its  confluence  with  the  Essequibo ;  and  thence  south- 
ward along  the  left  bank  of  the  Essequibo  to  its  confluence  with  the  Rupuruni. 

V.  C,  III,  425. 

1 88 1.     Senor  de  Rojas. 

My  (irovernmeut  will  accept  the  point  of  departure  on  the  coast  at  a  mile  to 
the  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Moroco.  ...  A  meridian  of  latitude  \stc\  to 
be  drawn  at  that  point  westward  to  the  point  where  this  line  crosses  the  longi- 
tude of  60°  from  Greenwich  and  thence     .     .     .     southward.         B.  C,  VII,  g8. 

1884.     Michael  McTurk. 

Juan  Jose  Totasan,  a  Venezuelan  Magistrate,  .  .  .  had  come  for  the  pur- 
pose of  serving  notices  ...  to  the  residents  on  the  Waini,  Barima,  Mora  Guana, 
and  Amacura  Rivers,  and  to  fix  them  on  the  trees.  1  explained  to  him  .  .  . 
that  I  should  destroy  any  [such]  notices.  I  also  pointed  out  to  him  .  .  . 
Mr.  Fitzgerald's  words  .  .  .  that  "  about  ten  miles  to  the  south-west  of 
Barima  Point  is  the  entrance  to  the  Amacura  River,  which  in  ISOO  formed  the 
boundary  between  British  Guiana  and  Venezuela."  I  told  him  I  was  not  aware 
that  the  boundary  had  been  altered  since  1800,  and  asked  if  he  was  ;  he  said  he 
was  not.     He  then  told  me  he  did  not  intend  going-  any  further. 

B.  C,    VI,  2JO-2JI. 

1897.     Cyriac,  a  Warow  Indian. 

I  live  ...  in  Barima.  .  .  .  The  Venezuelans  bringing  morocot  fish 
from  above  the  Amacura,  in  the  Orinoco,  used  to  pay  duty  to  Mr.  McClintock. 

I  have  been  present  when  the  money  was  paid.  B.  C,  VII,  2ji , 

IGNORANCE  AS  TO   BOUNDARI ES-BY  THE  SPANISH. 

1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

These  circumstances  deserve  consideration,  chiefly  because  the  Dutch  on  the 
mainland  are  so  near  to  the  principal  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  in  three  colonies 
called  Surinam,  Bervice  and  Essequibo,  with  large  populations  and  fortifications, 
and  are  gradually  approaching  nearer ;  and  the  Governors  who  have  previously 
been  in  Guayana  have  not  prevented  it,  nor  is  there  any  knowledge  of  the 
boundaries  that  are  to  be  kept,  nor  orders,  nor  forces  to  hold  them  under  control 
which  will  in  time  cause  irreparable  damage.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  iSi. 

1758.     Military  Commandant  in  Essequibo, 

It  seems  to  him  [Director-General  in  Essequibo]  according  to  the  letter  in 
question,  that  in  Wuayana  and  at  Cumami  there  is  ignorance  of  the  boundaries 
of  the  territory  of  His  Catholic  Majesty,  and  those  of  the  States-General. 

B.  C,  II,  173. 


164  BOUNDARIES. 

IGNORANCE    AS    TO     BOUN  DARI ES-BY    THE    SPAN  ISH-(Continued). 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

Tlie  boundaries   of    the   Province   of  Gnayana      .     .     .      are  unknown 

.     .    .     in  respect  of  what  it  contains  in  its  centre.  B.  C,  III,  61. 

1779.     Don  Jose  de  Abalos. 

Tlie  want  of  the  Treaties  of  Peace  for  my  instruction  and  accurate  knowl- 
eilg'e  of  what  has  been  agreed  upon  with  the  States-General  respecting  the  settle- 
ments of  Surinam  and  Essequibo,  and  liow  far  their  frontiers  extend. 

B.  C,  IV,  210. 

Be  good  enough  to  inform  me  what  we  have  agreed  upon  with  the  Dutch 
and  French,  in  order  that  I  may  neither  overpass  the  boundaries  or  fail  in 
what  is  desirable.  Sa))ie,p.  211. 

1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

The  proper  knowledge  will  be  acquired  of  the  extent  and  character  of  these 
lands,  and  of  the  true  boundaries  which  separate  them  from  the  foreign  posses- 
sions. B.  C,  V,  66. 

IGNORANCE  AS  TO  BOUNDARIES-BY  THE  DUTCH. 

17 1 2.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  earliest  mention  I  have  anywhere  found  in  Dutch  records  of  a  boundary 
between  the  Dutch  and  the  Spanish  possessions  in  Guiana  is  that  in  1712  by  the 
Lord  of  Sommelsdijk,  head  of  the  great  Dutch  family  which  was  one-third 
owner  of  the  colony  of  Surinam,  .  .  .  where  Mr.  Tan  Sommelsdijk  and 
his  colleagues  would  have  wished  the  frontier  set  does  not  appear. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  1S1-1S2. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

1  feel  not  the  least  diffidence  as  to  dislodging  them  from  that  place  and  cap- 
turing those  forts,  but  such  a  step  being  one  of  great  consequence,  I  dare  not 
take  anything  upon  myself,  especially  as  the  proper  frontier-line  there  is  un- 
known to  me.  B.  C,  II,  4^. 

1746.     West  India  Company. 

Inasmuch  as  you  are  as  yet  in  uncertainty  about  this  matter  [of  boundaries] 

we  are  of  opinion  [etc.].  Same,  p.  46. 

1746.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  had  the  honour  to  inform  your  Honours  ...  of  a  Mission  erected 
with  a  little  fort  by  the  Spaniards  up  in  the  Cuyuni,  in  my  opinion  on  your 
Honours'  territory,  ...  to  make  fortifications  in  our  own  land  is  in  breach 
of  all  custom.  1  say  upon  our  own  land — 1  cannot  lay  this  clown,  however,  with 
full  certainty  because  the  limits  west  of  this  river  are  unknown  to  me. 

Same,  pp.  46-4"/, 

1747.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  should  already  long  ago  have  removed  and  demolished  the  first  fort  up  in 
Cuyuni  ...  if  1  were  but  rightly  conscious  liow  far  the  limits  of  your 
Honours'  territory  extend,  both  on  the  eastern  and  northern  sides,  as  well  as 
south  and  westwards,  for  the  decision  whereof  not  the  least  help  is  to  be  got  in 
this  office.  Same,  p.  4g. 


BOUNDARIES.  165 

IGNORANCE    AS    TO    BOUNDARIES-BY   THE    DUTCH-(Continued). 

1747.  West  India  Company  (the  Ten). 

We  have  requested  all  the  Chambers  to  inquire,  each  on  its  own  account, 
whether  it  is  possible  to  find  out  how  far  the  limits  of  the  Company  in  Rio 
Essequibo  do  extend.  B.  C,  II,  ji. 

1748.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  wish,  however,  that  if  it  were  possible,  1  might  know  the  proper  bound- 
aries. According  to  the  testimony  of  old  men  and  of  the  Indians,  this 
jurisdiction  should  begin  on  the  east  at  the  Creek  Abary,  and  extend  westwards 
as  far  as  the  River  Barima,  where  in  old  times  a  Post  existed ;  but  these  say- 
ings give  not  the  slightest  certainty.  Same,  p.  jS. 

1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  ncessary  that  the  limits  of  the  Company's  territory  should  be  known,  in 
order  successfully  to  oppose  the  continual  approach  of  the  neighbouring  Span- 
iards.    Because  the  limits  are  unknown,  we  dare  not  openly  oppose  them. 

Same,  p.  6j. 

1750.     Report  of  Committee  on  Commandeur's  Report. 

The  determining'  of  the  limits  being  an  object  of  His  Highness'  attention, 
to  whom  in  this  connection  a  certain  small  map,  mentioned  in  the  Commandeur's 
Memorial,  had  been  handed  by  him,  the  Committee  was  of  opinion  that  his  advice 
thereon  should  be  awaited.  Same,  p.  68. 

1750.     Acting  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  last  Mission  which  is  being  constructed  is  in  a  certain  little  river  called 
Imataca,  situated  far  off  in  Orinoco,  and  which  (in  my  opinion)  is  directly  far  out- 
side the  concern  of  this  Colony. 

And  concerning'  that  [Mission]  which  are  said  to  have  been  constructed  up 
in  the  River  Cuyuni,  I  am  instructed  that  they  are  very  much  nearer  to  the 
side  of  the  Spanish  than  to  our  territory.  Same,  p.  6g. 

1754.  Court  of  Policy. 

I  .  .  .  await  .  .  .  your  Honours'  orders  respecting-  the  so  long 
sought  definition  of  frontier  so  that  I  may  go  to  work  with  certainty. 

Same,  p.  gj. 

1755.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  would  we  were  able  to  give  you  an  exact  and  precise  definition 
of  the  real  limits  of  the  river  of  Essequibo,  such  as  you  have  several  times 
asked  of  us  ;  but  we  greatly  doubt  whetlier  any  precise  and  accurate  definition 
can  anywhere  be  found.  .  .  .  Neither  in  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  (con- 
cerning which  you  gave  us  your  own  opinions),  nor  in  any  other  is  there  to  our 
knowledge  anything  to  be  found  about  this  [limit  of  the  Colony]. 

For  which  .  .  .  reasons  .  .  .  one  ought  to  proceed  with  all  cir- 
cumspection in  defining  the  Company's  territory,  and  in  disputing  about  its 
jurisdiction. 

Still,  .  .  .  we  have  .  .  .  thought  it  our  duty  in  the  present  case,  and 
in  our  uncertainty     .     .     .     to  make  certain  needed  provisions.         Same,  p.  102, 


1G6  BOUNDARIES. 

IGNORANCE    AS  TO    BOUNDARIES-BY    THE    DUTCH-(Continued). 

1758.     Stephen  Hiz,  Postholder  in  Cuyuni. 

Asked  if  he  was  aware  whether  those  places  where  he  was  posted  [in 
Cnyuui]  belonged  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Essequibo,  and  what  length  of  time 
this  post  had  been  maintained,  he  answered  that  he  did  not  know  whether  it 

be  or  not  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Essequibo,  but  that  the  post  had  been  maintained 
in  that  place  for  many  years.  B.  C,  II,  166. 

1758.  Juan  Bautista  Brum. 

Asked  if  he  knew  that  place  [Dutch  Cujnni  Post]  to  be  in  the  jurisdiction 
of  Essequibo,  and  what  length  of  time  his  Governor  had  maintained  a  guard 
there,  he  answered  that  he  did  not  know,  but  that  the  guard  had  been  main- 
tained for  many  years.  Same,  pp.  167-16S. 

1759.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  should  like  ...  to  be  exactly  informed  where  the  aforesaid  Post 
on  the  River  of  Cuyuni,  was  situated  ;  for  in  the  latest  map  made  by  you  of  the 
Colony  we  have  found,  indeed,  that  river,  but  have  not  yet  succeeded  in  finding 
the  Post  itself.  Furthermore,  Avhat  g-rouuds  you  niig'Iit  be  able  to  give  us  to 
further  support  our  riglit  to  the  possession  of  the  aforesaid  Post.  .  .  .  We 
should  also  like  to  have  a  more  specific  description  of  the  Map  of  America  by  M. 
d'Anville,  to  which  you  appeal ;  for  that  gentleman  has  issued  many  maps  deal- 
ing with  that  continent,  and  in  none  of  these  which  have  come  to  our  notice  have 
we  been  able  to  discover  any  traces  of  what  you  mention.  Same,  p.  77^. 

1794.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  went  on  as  far  as  the  Creek  of  Monica,  which  up  to  now  has  been  main- 
tained to  be  the  boundary  of  our  territory  with  that  of  Spain,  upon  Avhat 
basis  I  do  not  know.  It  will  be  of  the  utmost  necessity  to  define  that  bound- 
ary-line once  for  all.  B.  C,  V,  147. 

IGNORANCE  AS  TO  BOUNDARIES-BY  THE  BRITISH. 

1836.     Instructions  given  Schomburgk  by  the  Royal  Geographical  Society. 

The  expedition  is  to  have  two  distinct  objects,  viz. — first,  thoroughly  to  inves- 
tigate the  physical  and  astronomical  geography  of  the  interior  of  British 
Guiana,  and,  secondly,  to  connect  the  positions  thus  ascertained  with  those  of 
Mr.  Humboldt  on  the  Upper  Orinoco.  V.  C.-C,  III,  242. 

1850.     Governor  Barkly. 

This  Colony,  where  rivers  of  equal  magnitude  yet  remain  to  be  explored. 

B.  C,  VI,  1S4. 

1857.     Lieutenant-Governor,  Demerara. 

As  .  .  .  Point  Barima  .  .  .  is  at  the  entrance  of  the  only  channel  of 
the  Orinoco  navigable  by  vessels  of  any  great  burthen,  it  is  obviously  desirable 
that  all  doubt  should  be  removed  as  to  its  rightful  possession. 

I  have  been  as  yet  unable  to  trace  any  memorandum  of  the  data  upon 
which  Sir  Robert  Schouiburgk  bused  his  survey,  but  no  doubt  such  exists  in 
the  archives  of  the  Colonial  Office.  In  Bouchenroeder's  Map  .  .  .  it  is  dis- 
tinctly laid  down  that  a  Dutch  Post  existed  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River 
Barima,  thus  indicating  that  stream  as  the  natural  and  actual  boundary  in  that 
locality.  Same,  p.  204. 


BOUNDARIES.  167 

IGNORANCE     AS    TO     BOUNDARI ES-BY    THE    BRITISH-(Continued). 

1896.     George  L.  Burr. 

I  have  this  morning  again  studied  most  carefully  with  glass  and  with  naked 
eye  the  final  map— the  so-called  "  Physical  Map  "...  of  Schomburgk,  of 
1844.  There  is  surely  on  it  no  su^^estiou  of  boundary  anywhere  and  I  can- 
not believe  there  ever  has  been.  V.  C.-C,  III,  joj. 

BOUNDARIES  AS  INFERRED  FROM   DESIGNATIONS  USED. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Venezuelan  contention  is  that  tlie  boundary  of  British  Guiana  must 
be  drawn  along-  the  west  bank  of  the  estuary  of  the  Essequibo  from  the  sea 
to  the  junction  of  the  Cuyuui  with  the  Essequibo,  thence  along-  the  east  bank 
of  the  Esseciuibo  to  a  point  in  the  neighborhood  of  its  confluence  with  the 
Rupuuuui,  thence  following  the  watershed,  between  the  Essequibo  and  the  Ber- 
bice  and  Corentin,  till  it  meets  the  frontier  of  Brazil.  B.  C,  6. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  dominions  of  the  Spaniards  ceased  above  the  Amakuru.    B.  C.-C,  6g. 

1637.     Jacques  Ousiel. 

The  Governor  set  forth  that  immediately  after  the  conquest  of  Tobago  he 
had  also  resolved  to  carry  his  victorious  arms  against  Essequibo.  a  fort  lying  in 
his  province  of  Guayaua.  B.  C,  I,  86. 

1656.     Conditions  for  colonists. 

The  Directors  of  the  Zeeland  Chamber  of  the  Chartered  West  India  Com- 
pany .  .  .  having  .  .  .  found  that  not  only  the  islands  lying  within 
their  province,  but  also  the  mainland  coasts,  and  especially  the  Wild  Coast 

...     are  of  such  situation  and  soil  that  ever)-thing  can  be  cultivated. 

Same,  p.  ijy. 

1734.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Five  [horses]  which  could  not  be  got  into  the  canoes,  had  remained  in  the 
Orinoco,  and  the  other  thirteen  he  had  been  compelled  to  leave  at  an  Indian 
Tillage  between  the  Orinoco  and  the  Post  of  Wacquepo.  B.  C,  II,  17. 

1735.  West  India  Company. 

We  have  decided  hereby  to  give  you  [Commandeur  in  Essequibo]  express  or- 
ders that,  .  .  .  you  .  .  .  forbid  each  and  every  one  ...  to  take 
any  hand-arms  or  material  of  war  from  the  river  to  Orinoco,  or  to  any  other 
places  not  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  States-General,  .  .  .  and,  if  any  one 
be  found  to  do  it  a  second  time,  that  he  be  banished  from  the  river  all  the  days 
of  his  life. 

We  order  that  you  henceforth  cause  to  be  examined  all  boats  leaving  the 
river  which  excite  the  least  suspicion. 

Considering  that,  perhaps,  a  way  might  be  found  for  exporting  arms  from  the 
Colony  without  using  the  river,  you  must  also  provide  against  this  as  much  as 
possible ;  .  .  .  we  hereby  authorize  and  order  you  to  exercise  strict  super- 
vision over  all  the  ships  which  come  into  the  river. 

In  case  .  .  .  anybody  should  undertake  to  export  slaves  from  the  river 
we  order  you  to  forcibly  prevent  this.  B.  C,  II,  jg-20. 


168  BOUNDARIES. 

BOUNDARIES   AS    INFERRED     FROM     DESIGNATIONS    USED-Con- 

tinued). 

1747.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Two  of  our  rovers,  .  .  .  have  been  murdered  in  the  Upper  Essequibo  by 
the  Indians.  .  .  .  The  loss  of  those  people  would  not  be  a  matter  of  very  great 
concern  were  it  not  that  ...  I  fear  that  those  tribes  between  the  Amazon  and 
this  river,  .  .  .  being  extremely  embittered,  and  fearing  that  vengeance 
will  be  taken  for  this  murder,  may  perhaps  raid  our  highest-lying  plantations, 
.  .  .  I  have  long  foretold  such  a  thing,  and  on  that  account  have  desired  to 
close  the  River  of  Essequibo,  but  have  met  with  much  opposition  on  account 
of  the  profit  which  some  draw  from  there  through  the  Slave  Trade.     B.  C,  11,52. 

1747.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

By  these  channels,  without  entering  the  sea,  one  can  navigate  with  small  ves- 
sels to  the  blockhouse  called  tlie  Post,  which  the  Dutch  of  Essequibo  maintain 
with  three  men  and  two  small  cannon,  10  leagues  from  tlie  Colouy  towards  the 
CIreat  Ships*  Mouth.  And  it  is  by  this  way  that  the  Dutch  make  their  voyages 
when  they  are  returning  from  the  Orinoco  in  small  vessels.  Same,  p.  jj". 

1753.     Instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

You  will  carefully  note  .  .  .  the  distance  to  the  territory  occupied  by  the 
foreigners  of  the  coast ;  ...  the  opportunities  and  facilities  the  foreigners 
possess  of  penetrating  to  the  interior.  Satne,  p.  c?j. 

To  dislodge  the  foreigners  outhe  coast  of  the  Province  of  Guayaua. 

Same,  p.  86. 

1755.     Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

The  forests  which  run  from  north  to  south,  and  separate  the  Province  of 
Guiana  from  the  Dutch  settlements.  Same,  p.  118. 

1755.     Christiaan  Finett  and  Adolph  von  Roosen. 

We,  .  .  .  did  in  the  year  1754  go  to  the  Rivers  Wiiini  and  Barima  which 
lie  at  a  latitude  of  8^  north,  and  did  inspect  the  same,  and  found  there  an  immense 
tract  of  good  and  fertile  land  which  could  be  used  for  sugar,  coffee,  cocoa,  rice 
and  other  plantations;  which  rivers  have  on  the  east  the  Hollanders  to  the 
River  Essequibo,  and  on  tlie  west  the  river  of  Orinoco  belonging  to  tlie 
Spanish  Crown.  B.  C,  III,  jjj. 

1757.     Minutes  of  letter  as  to  Iturriaga's  Mission. 

Fugitive  negroes  from  the  Dutch  colonies  on  the  coast.  B.  C,  II,  ij2. 

1757.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Careful  about  the  said  Spaniards,  and  if  by  chance  they  are  desirous  of  passing 
to  the  River  Cuyuni,  or  into  any  territories  of  our  Colony.        Same, p.  168. 

The  Chief  of  the  [Cuyunij  Post  will  take  .  .  .  care  in  apprehending  all 
fugitive  slaves  from  the  Colony.  Same,  p.  i6g. 

1758.  Commandant  of  Guiana. 

There  are  12  or  13  leagues  of  coast  between  it  [Monica  Tost]  and  the 
Colony.  Same,  p.  142. 


BOUNDARIES.  1G9 

BOUNDARIES    AS    INFERRED    FROM     DESIGNATIONS    USED-(Con- 

tinued). 

1758.     Stephen  Hiz,  Postholder  in  Cuyuni. 

Asked  what  the  distance  was  from  that  place  [Cuyuni  Post]  to  the  Colony  of 
Essequibo,  he  answered,  etc.  B.  C,  II,  166. 

1758.  Juan  Bautista  Brum,  soldier  at  the  Cuyuni  Post. 

Asked  what  the  distance  was  from  Cuiba  [Post  on  the  CuyuniJ  to  the 
Colony  of  Essequibo,  he  answered,  etc.  Same,  p.  i6y. 

1759.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

These  so  far-reaching  pretensions  [to  dominion  over  Cuyuni]  being  of  the 
most  extreme  importance  for  this  Colony,  I  do  hope,  and  doubt  not,  that  your 
Honours  will  employ  all  due  means,  through  their  High  Mightinesses,  to  obtain 
proper  satisfaction  therefor. 

I  take  the  liberty  earnestly  to  recommend  the  case  in  Cuyuni  as  being  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  this  Colony,  that  river  forming  one  of  the  three  arms  of 
this  river,  and  in  which  your  Honours'  indigo  and  coffee  plantations,  and  a  great 
portion  of  Duynenburg,  are  situated.  If  the  Spaniards  hold  possession  thereof  we 
have  them  in  the  heart  of  the  Colony.  Same,  pp.  171-172. 


1759.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Map  of  South  America  by  M.  d'Anville,  to  which  I  referred,  was  sent  to 
me  last  year,  at  my  request,  by  the  Professor,  now  Rector,  Magnificus  Allemand 
at  Leyden,  by  the  "  Essequibo  Welvaeren,"  and  was  at  that  time  the  last  by  that 
man.  The  boundaries  of  the  different  nations  upon  this  coast  of  (iuiana  are 
there  distinctly  marked.  I  had  received  two  of  them,  but  have,  for  the  second 
time,  sent  one  to  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  /So. 

1763.  Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  boundaries  of  the  Province  of  ftuayana  are,  on  the  east,  the  entire 
coast,  on  which  are  situated  the  Dutch  Colonies  of  Essequibo,  Berbice,  Dema- 
rary,  Corentin,  Surinam,  and  further  windwards,  Cayenne  belonging  to  the  French  ; 
on  the  north,  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  which  separates  the  Provinces  of  Cumana, 
Barcelona,  Caracas,  Barinas,  Santa  Fee  and  Popayan,  forming  a  semicircle  and 
turning  to  the  east  to  seek  its  source  in  Lake  Parime,  ...  on  the  south,  by 
the  dominions  of  the  Most  Faithful  King  in  Brazil,  the  boundaries  of  which  are 
unknown,  as  is  likewise  the  said  Province  of  Guayana,  in  respect  of  what  it 
contains  in  its  centre.  B.  C,  III,  61. 

The  Colony  of  Essequibo  consists  of  sundry  sugar  estates,  which  the  Dutch 
have  planted,  to  the  distance  of  30  leagues,  on  the  banks  of  the  River  Essequibo, 
beginning  at  its  mouth,  and  also  of  some  islands  formed  by  the  said  river. 

Same,  p.  6j. 

1764.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

There  must  also  be  considered  the  vast  extent  of  the  districts  situated  be- 
tween the  four  Posts,  without  reckoning?  those  which  are  past  the  same,  and 
belonging-  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Honourable  Company.  Same,  p.  iii. 


170  BOUNDARIES. 

BOUNDARIES    AS    INFERRED     FROM     DESIGNATIONS    USED-(Con-    \ 

tinued). 

1776.     J.  C.  von  Heneman. 

The  Undersigned  .  .  .  has  taken  all  possible  pains  ...  to  make 
...  a  graphic  map  of  a  part  of  the  Colony  in  the  River  Essequibo,  .  .  . 
which  may  be  adequate  and  may  make  it  possible  for  their  Honours  to  take  such 
measures  and  give  such  orders  as  may  conduce  to  the  safety  and  the  welfare  of 
the  district  and  Colony  of  Essequibo  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  the  prevention 
of  smuggling,  together  with  the  aid  of  the  plantations  established  in  this  Colony 
on  the  sea-coast,  &c.,  &c.,  where  ...  a  more  accurate  map  .  .  .  can 
be  made  and  the  territory  and  rivers  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibe  can  be 
surveyed  in  a  proper  manner.  Meanwhile  there  is  provisionally  appended  .  .  . 
an  enumeration  of  what  might  be  needed  for  the  defending  and  garrisoning  of 
the  River  and  Colony  of  Essequibo.  B.  C,  IV,  167-168. 

1784.     Commandeur  in  Demerara. 

Is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  this  Colony  and  Essequibo  ;  a  good  strong 
occupation  post  erected  on  the  boundaries  of  Oronoque.  B.  C,  V,  2j. 

1788.     Court  of  Policy. 

The  Court,  after  ripe  deliberation,  having  noted  that  all  the  concessions  of 
this  Colony  and  west  sea-coast  of  this  river  possess  750  rods  depth. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  374. 

1790.  Governor  of  Guayana. 
Berbice,  Demerari,  and  Esquivo,  [are]   all  foreign   colonies   situated  on  the 

same  coast  at  a  distance  of  45  leagues  from  the  Boco  de  Navios  of  the  Orinoco 
River.  V.  C,  II,  476. 

1791.  Court  of  Policy. 

Petition  of  P.  L.  Diest,  asking  for  500  acres  of  land  in  this  Colony  or  by 
the  creek  Camoedi.  [Note  :  Camoedi  creek,  between  Essequibo  and  Pomeroon, 
debouches  into  the  Atlantic  about  15  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Pomeroon.] 

B.C-C.,App.,3S4. 

1792.  Court  of  Policy. 

[Soldiers  are  to  be  sent]  to  the  ground  or  boundary  of  Orinoco,  in  order  to 
preserve  the  right  to  our  territory.  B.  C,  V,  ijj. 

1793.  Council  of  the  Colonies. 
He    [Governor   General   of   Essequibo]    shall     .     .     .     send    in     ...     a 

circumstantial  Report  of  all  the  lands  granted,  adding  to  it  an  accurate  list  of 
lands  not  granted,  and  how  the  River  Pomeroon  [tiot  Barima],  as  well  as  the 
interior,  can  be  turned  to  account.  Satiw,  p.  134. 

1796.  Spanish  Declaration  of  War  against  Great  Britain. 

England  has  .  .  .  showed  .  .  .  her  views  against  my  dominions 
.  .  .  by  the  conquest  she  has  just  made  on  the  continent  of  South  America 
of  the  Colony  and  River  of  Demerari  belonging  to  the  Dutch.      Same,  p.  164. 

1797.  Captain-General  of  Caracas. 
The  lands  which  stretch  from  the  Colony  of  Essequibo  to  Barima. 

Same,  p.  164. 


I  BOUNDARIES.  1^1 

BOUNDARIES    AS    INFERRED    FROM    DESIGNATIONS    USED-(Con- 
I  tinued). 

1803.     Court  of  Policy. 

18  silver  circular  collars,  engraved  with  the  lion,  bearing  the  inscription, 
"  Batayian  Republic  of  Essequibo  and  Demerary,"  around  and  above  it,  with 
the  necessar)'  national  ribbon.  B,  C,  V,  180. 

1803.  G.  A.  W.  Ruysch. 

Proposed  Charter  for  the  Colonies  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara  submitted  to 
the  Council  of  the  American  Colonies  and  Possessions  of  tlie  Batavian  Repub- 
lic.    .     .     .     June  22,  1803.  Same.p.  1S2. 

1804.  Lieutenant-Governor  Myers. 

The  distance  from  the  Abari  Creek  on  the  east  to  the  most  distant  mill- 
,        tary  post  at  Morucco  on  the  west  is— [123  miles].  Safne,  p.  186. 

1823.  William  Hilhouse. 

Give  us  [Indians]  ...  the  means  of  self-defence,  or  we  must  follow  the 
Caribisce  to  a  liappier  laud  beyond  the  falls.  B.  C,  VI,  j2. 

The  very  existence  of  the  Colony  is  precarious,  except  the  immense  belt  of 
forest  that  forms  its  southern  boundary,  be  occupied  by  some  friendly   Power. 

Same,  p.  jj. 

1824.  Proclamation  of  Lieutenant  Governor. 

The  Militia  of  the  United  Colony  shall  consist  of.  .  .  .  In  Essequibo, 
the  first  battalion  shall  consist  of.  .  .  .  the  second  battalion,  of  all  the  in- 
habitants from  Schoonhoven  Creek,  including  Tiger  Island,  with  all  the  West 
Sea  Coast,  including  Pomeroon  River.  V.  C.-C,  III,  16Q-170. 

1826.     Court  of  Policy. 

The  Lieutenant  Governor  and  .  .  .  Court  of  Policy  have  deemed  it 
expedient  to  divide  the  United  Colony  of  Demerary  and  Essequebo  into  ten 
separate  and  distinct  Parishes     ...     as  follows,     .     .     . 

Parish  No.  9,  Saint  John's.  From  Supenaam  Creek  to  Capoey,  on  the  West 
Coast  of  Essequibo,  including  Tiger  Island. 

Parish  No.  10.  The  Trinity.  From  Capoey  Creek  to  Pomeroon,  and  as  far 
as  the  British  settlements  extend.  Same,  p.  ij2. 


1830.     Lieutenant  Governor. 

The  Lieutenant-Governor  has  been  pleased  to  appoint  .  .  .  Joseph 
AUeyne  .  .  .  Assistant  Protector  of  Slaves  for  the  District  from  Capoey 
Creek  to  the  River  Pomeroon,  inclusive. 

The  Lieutenant-Governor  has  been  pleased  to  appoint     .     .  .      Major  Peter 

Rose     .     .     .     to  be  Deputy  Fiscal  in   and    over   the   District  extending  from 

Capoey  Creek  to  the  River  Pomeroon,  inclusive.  Same,  p.  lyj. 

1833.     British  Case. 

j  In  1833     .     .     .     the  "  SpJinish  frontier "     .     .     .     [was]  considered  as   sit- 

I        uated  at  the  head  of  the  Massaruni  and  Cuyuni  Rivers.  B.  C,  114. 

1833.     Rev.  L.  Strong. 

The  Spanish  frontier  at  the  head  of  the  Massaruni  and  Cayuni  Rivers. 

B.  C,  VI,  JO. 


1Y2  BOUNDARIES. 

BOUNDARIES    AS    INFERRED    FROM     DESIGNATIONS     USED-(Con.' 

tinued). 

1834.     Win.  Hilhouse. 

A  census  of  the  population  of  this  [Pomeroon]  district  to  be  taken  from 
the  Itabo  to  the  lowest  settlemeut.  B.  C,  VI,  32. 

A  Post  defluitory  of  the  jurisdiction  ivcstward   is   indispensable,  anc 

.     the  Post  of  Pomeroon  ought  to  be  naaintained  on  a  most  respectabh 

footing.  Same,  pp.  32-3J 

1834.     Lieutenant-Governor. 

The  Pomeroon  district    .    .    .    includes  the  Morocco  Creek.     Same,  p.  ^y 

1850.     Combined  Court  of  British  Guiana. 

County  Essequibo.     .     .    .     VI.     From  Better  Success  to  the  limits  of  the 
Colony,  including-  tlie  Pomeroon  river  and   its  tributaries. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  1S5 

1856.     Governor  of  British  Guiana, 

District  No.  i  shall  be  subdivided  into  three  Divisions,  viz.: 
Division  No.  1.    Tlie  Arabian  Coast,  from  the  Western  Extremity,  iuclud 
in^  Pomeroon,  to  the  west  bank  of  the  Iterabisce  Creek.  Same,  p.  iSy 


1858.     Governor  of  British  Guiana. 

Division  No.  1.  The  Arabian  Coast,  from  the  Western  extremity,  inclnd 
ing"  Pomeroon,  to  Plantation  Good  Hope,  inclusive,  and  Tiger  Island. 

Same,  p.  20J 

1868.     Governor  of  British  Guiana. 

Limits  :  District  No.  1.  The  River  Pomeroon  and  its  tributaries  and  isl- 
ands, and  all  settlements  on  the  banks  of  the  said  river  and  its  tributaries,  and  or 
the  said  islands — as  far  as  the  settlements  extend— and  from  the  mouth  of  the 
said  river  Pomeroon,  to,  and  inclusive  of,  the  village  of  Oueenstown,  in  the  Parisl 
of  St.  John.  Same,  p.  204. 

1873.     Governor  of  British  Guiana. 

Nortli  Essequibo  Coast.  From  the  River  Morucca,  including  all  settlement! 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  said  river,  as  far  as  the  settlements  extend,  and  fron 
the  mouth  of  the  said  river  Morucca,  to  and  inclusive  of  the  left  bank  of  th( 
Capoey  Creek.  Same,  p.  206 

1897.  George  L.  Burr. 

It  is  .  .  .  clear  that,  from  beginning  to  end  of  its  existence,  th( 
charters  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  never  named  the  Orinoco  as  iti 
limit.  V.  C.-C,  II,  20 

1898.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

It  appears  to  me  that,  taking  the  origin,  history,  and  present  state  of  the  vari 
ous  tribes  into  consideration,  the  facts  show  that  the  Scliomburirk  line  coin 
cides  almost  exactly  with  the  limits  within  whicli  the  aboriginal  Indian: 
have  been  and  are  exclusively  under  Dutch  and  Drilish  inlluence  and  clain 
British  nationality.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  408 


I 


BOUNDARIES. 


173 


;CTS  OF  JURISDICTION   BY  ONE   NATION   PASSED  OVER  WITHOUT 
PROTEST  BY  THE  OTHER. 

.     British  Case. 

After  the  British  finally  took  possession  of  the  Dutch  Colonies,  Magistrates 
'        were  appointed  to  deal  summarily  with  small  oll'eiices,  and  the  number  cf  in- 
i        stances  of  the  exercise  of  jurisdiction,  of  which  a  record  has  been  preserved,  is 
much  greater,     ...     In  the  Dutcli  period  it  was  only  in  the  case  of  the  more 
important  crimes  that  the  Dutch  Courts  assumed  the  task  of  trying  the  offender. 

B.  C,  S6. 
746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  inhabitant  C.  Fmet,  who  has  arrived  from  up  the  Cuyuni,  has  informed 
me  that  the  report  of  the  Caribs  made  to  me  some  months  ago  is  true,  namely, 
that  the  Spaniards  have  established  a  Mission  up  in  the  said  river,  and  have  built 
a  small  fort  there,  he  himself  having  been  there  and  spoken  with  the  priest  and 
soldiery. 

Next  year,  all  the  Indians  from  that  direction  are  flying  hither  and  praying  for 
protection.  B.  C,  iJ,  4j- 

[747.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

As  to  the  forts  already  established  in  Cuyuni  for  the  Spaniards,  and  those 
they  might  wish  to  establish  there  hereafter,  we  have  thought  it  best  to  await  the 
action  to  be  taken  thereon  by  the  Assembly  of  Ten.  Same,  p.  49. 

■747.     West  India  Company  (the  Ten). 

If  .  .  .  you  can,  by  indirect  means  and  without  yourself  appearing  therein, 
bringit  about  that  the  Spaniards  be  dislodged  from  the  forts  and  bullding-s 
which,  according  to  your  assertions,  they  have  made  upon  the  territory  of  the 
Company,  and  can  prevent  them  from  spreading  further  in  that  quarter,  you  will 
do  well  to  accomplish  this.  Same,  p.  j/. 

748.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  shall  ...  as  soon  as  a  favourable  opportunity  occurs,  execute  your 
Honour's  orders     .     .     .     concerning  the  Forts  of  the  Spaniards. 

Same,p.S5. 
■  748.     Court  of  Justice. 

Counsellor  Buissoii  having  complained  that  one  of  his  corials  had  been 
unlawfully  detained  at  the  Company's  trading-place  at  3Ioruka,  and  praying  to 
have  it  returned     .     .     . 

The  Indian  being  absent,  the  case  is  put  off  to  next  meeting.     .     .     . 
The   Commandeur   represented   that  a   certain   free    Indian  named   Baraca, 
belonging  to  the  Company's  trading-place  in  Moruka,  had  complained  that  a 
person  named  Jean  Pierre  Maillard  some  time  ago  [etc.]. 

The  Commandeur  is  authorized  to  send  for  the  said  Maillard  and  the  Indian 
woman.  '5'«'«^'  P-  56. 

1I748.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

A  wanderer  of  the  name  of  Pinet  having  gone  up  the  River  Cuyuni  .  .  . 
has  made  report  to  me  that  the  Spaniards  had  not  yet  undertaken  the  building  of 
any  forts  or  Missions  as  had  been  their  intention  lower  down,  but  that  they 
cruelly  ill-treated  the  Indians  subject  to  us,  continually  taking  them  by  sur- 
prise in  their  dwellings  and  carrying  them  off,  with  their  wives  and  children,  to 
send  them  to  Florida;  that  he  had  spoken  to  the  Chief  of  the  Spaniards,  .  .  . 
but  that  the  latter  had  replied  that  the  whole  of  America  belonged  to  the  King 
of  Spain,  and  that  he  should  do  what  suited  himself,  without  troubling  about 
us.  Same,  p.  38. 


174  BOUNDARIES. 

ACTS  OF  JURISDICTION  BY  ONE   NATION   PASSED  OVER  WITHOUT 
PROTEST  BY  THE  OTH ER-(Contlnued). 

1760.     Court  of  Justice. 

The  Director-General  brings  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Court  that  certain 
complaiuts  have  reached  him  concerniug  a  certain  wanderer  named  Nicolas 
Stedevelt,  who,  without  giving  any  notice,  had  gone  to  the  Upper  Cuyuiii, 
l»a  Bcroe-n  Cajoeny]  and  .  .  .  had  not  only  ill-used  the  free  Caribs,  but 
also  bound  and  put  them  in  irons,  and  taken  a  woman  away. 

After  due  delibration,  it  is  resolved : 

That  as  Nicolas  Stedevelt  never  had  any  authority  to  act  in  such  a  manner, 
...  the  Court  hereby  condemns  Nicolas  Stedevelt  to  pay  a  fine  of  250 
guilders.  B.  C,  II,  1 82-1  S3. 

1774.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Both  from  English  captains  leaving  the  Essequibo  (formerly  the  Colony) 
in  their  barques  or  vessels  and  from  private  individuals  the  (Governor  receives 
for  a  pass  7  guilders  10  St.,  and  5  guilders  for  a  permit  to  barter  or  trade  in 
Indians  outside  tlie  Post,  which  for  some  time  was  not  observed,  but  in  1774  I 
again  introduced  or  renewed  it  by  reason  of  the  necessity.  B.  C,  IV,  i2j. 

1783.     Court  of  Justice. 

Whereas,  the  free  Indian  Joris,  of  the  Arrowak  tribe,  formerly  residing  on 
plantation  Engelrust,  in  this  river,  and  formerly  at  Fort  Zeelandia,  has  con- 
fessed to  the  Criminal  Court  .  .  .  that  he,  .  .  .  last  year  had  been  to 
Orinoque,  and  on  his  return  journey,  on  the  River  Baurom,  and  in  the  Creek 
Wackepoey,  had  met     .     .     .     Jan  Nicolas  MuUert. 

That  while  there  a  dispute  arose  among  them  about  some  goods;     .     .     . 
that  he  (the  prisoner)  had,  .     .     .    shot  the  said  Mullert  in  the  back  with  a  gun,  : 
who  fell  to  the  ground,  and  was  afterwards  shot  at  and  killed  by  another  Indian 
with  an  arrow. 

Be  it  enacted,  the  Court  ...  do  hereby  condemn  tlie  prisoner  be  to 
.  .  .  bound  to  a  pole  .  .  .  to  be  severely  whipped  with  rods,  and  after- 
wards to  be  branded  ;  further,  to  labour  in  chains  for  life.  B.  C,  V,  S-g. 

1783.     Dutch  Administrator  of  Essequibo. 

The  Court  having  examined  .  .  .  the  case  of  Christian  Frederick  Benja- 
min Pieterse,  ...  do  hereby  pronounce  Judgment,  declaring  the  said  C. 
F.  Benjamin  Pieterse  to  be  innocent  of  the  crime  laid  against  him,  for  having 
murdered  an  Indian  named  Arowai*.  Same,  p.  16. 


'■  Locality  of  the  crime  unknown — perhaps  Wakupo. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND  DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION-ITS  PURPOSE. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Mission  work  began  with  the  beginning  of  Spanish  settlement. 

V.  C,  41. 

The  Spaniards  .  .  .  came  to  America  to  conquer  the  land,  to  found 
an  empire,  to  gather  its  treasure,  to  christianize  and  to  civilize  its  people. 

The  history  of  Spanish  settlement  on  the  Orinoco  is  therefore  a  history,  first,  of 
political  control  over  all  the  surrounding  region,  and  second,  of  missionary  ac- 
tivity and  settlement  among  the  Indians. 

As  to  political  control,  it  was  general  throughout  the  territory  now  in  dispute. 

Same,  p.  gg. 

There  was,  during  the  period  under  consideration  (1725-1800)  agreat  growth 
of  Spanish  population,  and  spread  of  mission  villages,  not  only  as  far  as  the 
Curumo  itself,  but  far  into  the  interior  of  the  Cuyuni-Mazaruni  basin,  and  even 
beyond,  into  the  Potaro  region  and  as  far  as  the  headwaters  of  the  Siparuni. 

Same,  p.  i^j. 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

That  a  contrast  existed  between  the  conditions  of  the  Dutch  and  Spanish 
colonies  is  very  certain.  ...  It  was  a  contrast  between  Dutch  fear  of  extinc- 
tion and  Spanish  power  ;  between  Dutch  influence  on  behalf  of  barbarism  and 
Spanish  influence  on  behalf  of  civilization ;  between  the  final  withdrawal  of 
the  Dutch  to  the  mouth  of  the  Essequibo,  and  the  gradual  spread  of  Spanish 
settlement  over  the  interior.  V.  C.-C,  60. 

1604.     J.  Maldonado  Barnuevo. 

The  Indians  and  half-breeds  are  an  abandoned  people,  and  as  to  their  being 
Christians  and  frequenting  the  churches  and  sacraments, — most  of  them  do  SO 
more  from  force  than  from  duty,  being  compelled  by  those  who  govern  them, 

and  by  the  clergy  who  go  to  instruct  them.  B.  C.-C,  App.,j. 

161 5.     Duke  of  Lerma. 

Essequibo  .  .  .  where  there  are  some  persons,  from  twelve  to  fifteen 
Spaniards,  who  there  till  the  soil  to  raise  the  root  of  Casavia,  from  which  bread 
is  made  for  the  Governor  of  Trinidad  and  Orinoco.  V.  C,  II,  264. 

1682.     Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga. 

My  greatest  desire  has  been  to  procure  ministers  of  the  Gospel  for  the  con- 
version and  advancement  of  the  natives  abiding  in  this  island  (Trinidad)  and 
in  Guayana,  all  in  this  jurisdiction,  numbering  more  than  twenty-four  thousand,  and 
who  communicate  with  us  and  serve  us  for  certain  small  presents  that  are  given 
to  them  through  pity.  V.  C,  II,  26g-270. 

(1T5) 


17G  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND  DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH    OCCUPATION-ITS    PURPOSE-(Continued). 

To    the    end    of    achieving  the  conversion    of  so    many    infidels    and 

heathens,  which  would  greatly  redound  to  the  service  of  God  and  extend  the 
doniini(Mjs  ot  His  Majesty,  the  Indians  being  aware  of  the  kindness  and  love 
with  which  the  Capuchin  Fathers  treat  them  for  the  purpose  of  converting  them, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  the  desired  object  will  be  attained  ;  .  .  .  every  year  up 
to  the  present,  Capuchin  friars  have  arrived  from  the  Province  of  Catalonia  to  do 
mission  work  with  the  friars  of  the  Province  of  Aragon  to  Terra  Firma  in  the 
Province  of  Cumana.  ^-  C.,  II,  2jo. 

I  beseech  and  command  said  Fathers  ...  to  co-operate  to  the  snbmis- 
sion  and  conversion  of  the  natives  of  (inayana  and  the  preservation  of  those 
who  are  settled  in  the  two  villages  [of  Indians  of  the  Pariagotos  nation  in  the 
city  of  Guayana].  Same,  pp.  270-271. 

His  Majesty  .  .  .  ordered  me,  .  .  .  29th  May,  1682,  not  to  permit 
personal  service,  and  to  attend  with  care  and  vigilance  to  the  conversion  and 
settlement  of  the  Indians,  which  I  did.  B.  C,  I,  /pj. 


1723.     Antonio  de  Guerrero. 

His  Majesty's  i)rincii)al  object  being  the  rednction  and  conversion  of  said 
heatlien  Indians  lo  our  Holy  Catholic  Faith.  V.  C.-C,  III,  ig. 

Besides  the  benefits  that  those  souls  .  .  .  derive  therefrom  the  Royal 
Crown  will  have  the  benefit  of  the  immense  number  of  Indians  that  can  be  reduced 
and  converted  to  our  Holy  Faith,  great  increase  in  the  domains  of  His  Majesty 
and  considerable  revenue  for  the  Royal  Exchequer  from  the  effects,  fruits  and 
other  products  of  these  countries,  taxes  that  they  may  pay  in  time,  and  the  contri- 
butions that  the  converted  Indians  must  pay.  Same,  p.  20. 

1733.  Governor  of  Trinidad. 

We  shall  be  gratified  if  the  result  be  favourable,  so  that  your  Reverence  may 
continue  your  labour  profitably,  and  that  so  many  souls  may  not  perish  in  the 

blindness  of  the  Devil,  in  the  slavery  of  the  Dutch,  or  by  the  tyranny  of  the 
Caribs.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  /So. 

1734.  Don  Carlos  de  Sucre. 

[There  was  assigned]  to  the  Rev.  Fathers  Franciscans,  present  and  future, 
for  tlie  inirpose  of  establishing-  and  founding  whatever  villages  of  Missions 
they  might  be  able  in  this  part  of  Guayana  of  the  Orinoco,  the  (district)  from 
Angostura  up  lo  the  banks  of  this  side  below  the  River  Cuchivero,  in  a  straight 
line  drawn  from  the  borders  of  the  said  Orinoco  to  the  Maranon  or  Amazons, 
.  .  .  there  remaining  to  the  Rev.  Capuchin  Fatliers,  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
veloping Iheir  Missions,  the  territory  and  district  from  the  same  Angostura 
downwards  to  the  grand  mouth  of  the  said  Orinoco  where  they  will  distribuet 
whatever  Missionaries  may  come  to  them.  B.  C,  II,  2j. 

1737.     Don  Carlos  de  Sucre. 

The  Indians  of  the  Capuchin  Missions  of  Guayana  being  useless  [as  soldiers] 
for  they  have  only  recently  been  converted.  Same,  p.  26. 


NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION,  1T7 

SPANISH    OCCUPATION-ITS    PURPOSE-(Continued). 

1745.     Council  of  the  Indies. 

A  letter  from  Friar  Augustin  de  Olot,  Prefect  of  the  said  [Capuchin]  Missions, 
[of  Guiana]  .  .  .  informs  him  of  its  miserable  condition  in  consetiuoncc  of  the 
invasion  made  by  the  Eng-Iisli  in  those  parts  in  the  year  1742,  when  they  burnt 
two  villages  of  converts  and  harried  the  rest ;  from  which  occurrence,  and  from 
the  incursion  of  Carl!)  Indians  into  the  same  territory,  who  have  likewise  pillaged 
and  ravaged  it,  a  g-reat  tnuiult  has  arisen,  and  so  much  restlessness  among"  the 
converts,  that  in  order  not  to  abandon  tlieui  some  of  the  religious  have  had 
to  sacrilice  their  lives.  He  begs  that  eight  missionaries  from  the  Province  of 
Catalonia  may  be  granted  him. 

The  Council,  having  .  .  .  taken  into  account  that  for  fifteen  years  no  re- 
ligious have  gone  to  Guayana,  .  .  .  is  of  opinion  that  your  Majesty  should 
be  pleased  to  grant  his  request.  B.  C,  II,  4J. 


1747.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

As  in  the  90  and  more  leagues  [up  the  Orinoco]  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Caroni  the  Caribs  hold  sway,  the  navigation  is  dangerous  for  those  who  are  not 
their  friends,  or  who  are  not  accompanied  by  a  force  strong  enough  to  repulse 
their  attack. 

The  very  many  attacks  on  the  Missions,  their  desolation  and  destrnctiou, 
are  proofs  of  the  dislike  «'ith  which  they  [Caribs]  regard  them. 

The  threats  of  the  Caribs,  which  some  Indians  fear,  their  suggestions,  which 
perturb  others,  and  the  free  life  of  the  forest,  which  appeals  to  all  those  recently 
settled,  are  likewise  causes  of  the  sudden  dispersement  which  they  have  been 
wont  to  suffer. 

Since  the  savage  and  valiant  Guipanovis  destroyed  .  .  .  the  new  mis- 
sion of  the  rapid  above  mentioned  [Atures]  the  Fathers  have  ag-ain  estab- 
lished it,  although  at  the  expense  of  g-reat  labours.  Same,  p.  ^4. 


1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  a  shame  ...  for  the  Dutch,  that  two  nations  not  to  be  com- 
pared with  them  for  industry,  namely,  the  Portuguese  and  the  Spaniards,  who 
are  situated  at  the  right  and  the  left  of  these  colonies,  and  who  are  gioaning  un- 
der so  hard,  even  slavish,  a  rule,  are  owners  of  so  many  treasures  and  so  fortu- 
nate in  their  discoveries.  Same,  p.  66. 


1753.     Instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

It  was  considered  well,  and  even  necessary,  to  make  an  effort  to  see  if  it  be 
possible  to  pacify  and  reduce  this  Carib  nation,  and  bring  tliem  into  our  Mis- 
sions, by  offering  them  all  the  inducements  possible.  Same,  p.  Sq. 


i  1755-     Don  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

I  have  taken  measures  on  behalf  of  the  Mission  of  Miamo,  and  caused  some 
Caribs  from  the  settlements  to  mingle  with  them,  in  order  to  see  if  they  can 
bring  any  of  them  to  me,  so  that  I  may  talk  to  them  of  pacification. 

Same,  pp.  111-112. 


178  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH    OCCUPATION-ITS    PURPOSE-(Continued). 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  Dutch  were  never  so  eager  in  their  pursuit  after 
slaves  as  they  are  at  present,  and  it  is  precisely  on  that  account  that  so  little  fruit 
is  obtained  in  the  efforts  made  to  ooiivert  the  Iiuliaiis  and  €aril)s;  for,  being 
counselled  by  the  Dutch  not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  drawn  into  the  Missions, 
they  do  not  like  the  villages,  and,  consequently,  retire  to  the  forests.  It  was  pre- 
cisely owing  to  these  bad  counsels  that  the  Indians  of  the  four  Missions  rebelled 
in  the  year  [17]  50.  B.  C,  II,  14Q. 

1758.     Counsellor  Julian  Padilla  y  Moron. 

By  the  said  account  it  is  further  shown  that  the  [Dutch]  soldiers  of  the  guard 
did  carry  on  that  [slave]  traffic,  thereby  depriving  the  natives  of  their  natural 
liberty,  .  .  .  without  instructing  them  in  our  holy  Catholic  faith  ;  in  opposi- 
tion to  His  Majesty's  commands,  as  ordered  and  decreed  in  various  Royal 
Decrees,  in  which  His  Majesty  .  .  .  expressly  recoiiimeiuls  that  the 
Indians  be  well  treated,  not  deprived  of  their  liberty,  and  receive  proper 
instructions  in  our  holy  faith.  Same,  p.  lyo. 

1 761.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

The  conversion  of  the  infidels  being  hindered  at  the  instigation  of  those 
who  needed  them  in  the  woods  to  carry  on  their  illicit  trade.  Same,  p.  20J. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

If  these  missionary  communities  should  be  assisted  in  the  manner  and  form  I 
have  suggested  to  His  Majesty,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  Guarauno  Indians,  who 
inhabit  the  swamps  at  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  would  be  pacified  and  induced 
to  settle  on  the  dry  land,  and  also  that  the  very  extensive  Province  of  Ouayaua 
would  then  be  explored  and  pacified. 

Having  demonstrated  the  wretched  condition  in  which  the  Government  was 
in  1720,  its  evident  progress  in  the  forty-three  years  elapsed  up  to  date,  and  that 
it  is  due  to  the  missionary  bodies  which  are  engaged  in  the  evangrelization  of 
these  two  provinces,  without  which  the  successive  and  repeated  measures  of  my 
predecessors  would  not  have  had  such  acknowledged  effect.  B.  C,  III,  g. 

Men  are  sometimes  witlidrawn  from  the  said  [Mission]  villages  to  man 
the  ships,  or  for  the  public  works  that  may  be  required  (they  being  the  only  In- 
dians thus  far  subjected  thereto).  Same,  p.  2j. 

1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

Gaining  on   the  way  the  reduction  of  the  increased  multitude  of  wild 

Indians,   who,  finding  themselves  hemmed    in   on   all   sides,  would  submit  by 
treaty,  and  would  aid  the  advancement  of  the  settlement.  B.  C,  V,  62. 

Tlie  Indians,  being  an  uncivilized  and  insubordinate  people,  lovers  of  their 
independence  and  liberty,  which  the  enemy  would  undoubtedly  offer  so  as  to 
attract  them  to  their  side,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  they  would  submit  cheerfully  to 
any  change  which  would  enable  them  to  escape  tlie  subjection  in  wliicli  the 
Ilelig:iou6  keep  them  for  the  purpose  of  instruction.  .same,  pp.  111-J12. 


NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION.  179 

SPANISH    OCCUPATION-ITS  METHODS. 

1686.     King  of  Spain. 

You  [Governor  of  Trinidad]  may  render  all  the  assistance  possible  to  these 
Friars,  helping  them  in  such  a  way  as  may  b^st  promote  the  object  of  so  holy  and 
important  a  work,  seeing  to  it  that  as  fast  as  the  Iinlijiiis  are  sulKliied  they 
be  brought  together  and  incorporated  in  the  Missions  and  Villages,  in  order 
that  tliey  may  live  a  political  and  civil  life,  you  helping  the  Friars  to  attain 
this  object.  [/.  c.,  II,  272. 

1748.     Ignace  Courthial. 

The  King-  of  Spain  grants  titles  of  honour  to  the  private  individual  who,  by 
some  small  gift,  draws  from  the  forests  a  few  Indian  families  to  form  a  village, 
which  becomes,  through  the  ministry  of  a  priest  whom  he  places  there,  what  is 
called  a  Mission. 

He  grants,  I  say,  the  titles  of  Marquis  and  Count,  and  governments,  to 
him  who  founds  a  town,  a  city,  with  25  or  30  families,  merely  by  furnishing  to 
each  a  dwelling  u  I'Americane,  or  hut,  with  a  pair  of  each  sort  of  domestic 
animals.  B.C.,  II, 60. 

1760.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

I  have  treated  the  Caribswith  kindness  and  presents,  in  order  that  leaving 
their  dwellings  on  the  hills,  they  might  come  to  settle  in  tlie  Missions. 

Same,  p.  iSj. 
1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  Missions  in  charge  of  the  Catalonian  Capuchins  have  been  assisted  [l)y 
the  (xovernraent].  B.  C,  III,  20. 

Insurmountable  difficulties  [are]  found  in  the  way  of  establishing  Spanish 
settlements  in  remote  places,  without  first  pacifying  the  Indians  inhabiting  them, 
and  .  .  .  after  the  said  Indians  are  reduced  these  Spanish  settlements  are 
easily  formed.  Same,  p.  23. 

1 77 1.     Commandant  of  Guayana. 

They  [Missonaries]  make  use  of  the  Indians,  without  paying-  them,  just 
as  if  they  were  slaves.  And  they  make  it  appear  that  they  are  the  defenders  of 
their  Hberty.  B.  C.,IV,  gj. 

I  knew,  and  I  was  assured  that  there  neither  were  nor  are,  in  this  province. 
Indians  who  can  he  subdued  or  converted  by  words  and  preaching  only,  and 
that  force  is  necessary,  as  well  as  presents,  to  bring  them  from  the  forests 
and  keep  them  in  civilized  Christian  society.  In  this  work  the  most  active 
missionaries  employed  the  European  escorts  with  which  they  were  furnished  by 
the  Governor.  Same,  p.  117. 

SPANISH    OCCUPATION-ITS    INFLUENCE    AND    RESULTS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  missionaries  never  had  either  possession  or  control  of  any  territory 
except  the  spots  actually  occupied  by  the  stations.  B,  C,  160. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

All  my  predecessors,  .  .  .  were  particular  in  taking  measures  to  insure 
the  safety  and  development  of  these  provinces,  and     ...     I  have  taken  no 


180  NATURE  OP  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION-ITS  INFLUENCE  AND  RESULTS-(Continued). 

small  number  myself,  .  .  .  Owing  to  these  measures  and  those  of  my  said 
predecessors,  all  tlie  lauds  and  ranges  of  these  provinces  ai*e  traversed  with- 
out the  least  risk,  and  a  man  can  now  go  alone  to  and  from  Guayana  without 
any  fear.  Twenty  years  ago  it  could  not  be  done  without  a  strong  escort.  No 
foreigners  allied  to  the  Caribs  are  now  seen  in  the  said  country,  nor  Caribs,  save 
those  of  a  settlement.  B.  C,  III,  8. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  .  .  .  Missions,  ...  the  Indians  hegan, 
under  the  care  of  the  missionaries,  to  cultivate  the  laud  on  a  larger  scale 
than  required  for  the  support  of  the  villages.  The  surplus  was  then,  as  it  still  is, 
supplied  to  the  fortress,  .  .  .  but  this  is  furnished,  .  .  .  by  .  .  . 
villages,  .  .  .  inhabited  by  Indians  already  educated,  whose  property  is 
managed  by  the  missionaries  with  great  order  and  economy.  These  natives  are 
therefore  dressed  and  supplied  with  necessary  implements.  Same,  p.  22. 

1766.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  hard,  my  Lords,  that  neighbouring  and  allied  nations  should  thus  seek 
to  compass  tlie  ruin  of  tlieir  neighbours  upon  the  frivolous  and  really  ridicu- 
lous pretext  of  bringing-  the  slaves  into  the  Christian  religion. 

Same,  p.  140. 

1 77 1.     Commandant  of  Guayara. 

Thus,  helping  each  other,  all  are  benefited,  the  Indian  by  the  material 
reward  he  receives  from  tlie  industry  and  religion  learned  from  the 
Spaniard,  and  the  Spaniard  by  the  labour  of  the  Indian's  hands,  which  he 
rescues  from  idleness  and  applies  to  labour  and  agriculture.  This  plan  is  both 
useful  and  suitable  for  settling  the  desert  country  round  this  capital,  and  there 
are  no  wild  Indians,  except  the  Guaraunos,  for  more  than  one  hundred 
leagues.  B.C.,IV,Sj. 

1823.     Wm.  Hilhouse. 

The  Jesuits  of  the  Missions,  prior  to  the  political  disturbances  in  that  quar- 
ter, had  brought  them  to  such  a  state  of  comparative  discipline  and  civiliza- 
tion as  even  to  reclaim  them  from  their  natural  propensities  as  hunters,  and 
induce  them  to  cultivate  the  soil.  The  superior  cultivation  of  the  refugee 
Spanish  Indians  in  the  Morocco  Creek  is  a  proof  of  this. 

Their  capacity  for  discipline  was  such  that  they  acted  in  regular  bodies  in 
support  of  the  regular  troops  in  the  cause  of  the  Royalists,  and  their  at- 
tachment to  the  Government  was  such  that,  on  the  breaking  out  of  the 
trouble,  great  numbers  emigrated  rather  than  acknowledge  the  growing  ascend- 
ency of  the  patriots. 

Those  that  remain  regularly  take  their  routine  of  duty  in  the  patriot  militias, 
indiscriminately  with  Europeans  and  Creoles.  B.  C,  VI,  jj. 

\2,'\2.     Second  Fiscal. 

Those  Spanish  Indians  located  in  and  about  the  Slorocco  .  ,  .  Mr.  Hynes 
seems  most  anxious  to  draw  .  .  .  more  into  the  heart  of  the  Colony,  as  well 
on  their  own  account  as  with  the  hope  that  they  migiit  eventually  become  the 
means  of  extending  Chrislianity  and  habits  of  industry  and  morality  amongst 
the  Indians  of  our  settlements.  Same,  p.  46. 


NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND  DUTCH  OCCUPATION.  181 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION-ITS  INFLUENCE  AND  RESULTS-(Continued). 

1834.     Wm.  Hilhouse. 

Spanish  Indiaus  under  Captain  Juan.  These  Indians  are  concentrated  in  a 
few  miles'  run  of  the  [Monica]  creek,  and  are  nominally  Christians,  .being 
refugees  from  the  Spanish  Main.  They  are  the  only  ones  in  the  Colony  pos- 
sessed of  the  least  traits  of  civilization,  .  .  .  and  are  without  exception 
the  most  provident,  industrious  and  regularly  fed  of  any  of  the  tribes.  .  .  . 
To  the  credit  of  these  people  be  it  spoken  that  for  twelve  or  fifteen  years,  the 
period  of  their  first  emigration,  I  have  not  heard  of  a  single  instance  of  those  dis- 
graceful atrocities  that  daily  characterize  the  Colonial  tribes,  notwithstanding  the 
Post  of  Pomeroon.  B.  C,  VI, ^2. 


SPANISH  OCCUPATION-EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
of;  EXPEDITIONS  TO  THE  INTERIOR,  AND  ESTABLISHMENT 
OF  MISSIONS  AND  VILLAGES  THERE. 

1747.     British  Case. 

In  1747  there  was  a  rumonr  ...  in  the  Dutch  Colony  that  the 
Spanlai-ds  had  discovered  the  sources  of  the  Cuyuni  and  Massaruni  in  the  cele- 
brated Lake  of  Parinia,  and  intended  to  settle  and  fortify  themselves  there, 
and  .  .  .  had  .  .  .  brought  back  with  them  Indians  "  fairly 
white,  and  clothed  with  cotton  stuff  they  themselves  had  prepared."  The  best 
demonstration  of  the  falsity  of  this  news  is  that  this  celebrated  lake,  and  these 
fair-skinned  and  semi-civilized  Indians,  the  dream  of  Raleigh  and  his  contempo- 
raries, had  no  existence  in  fact.  But  this  rumour  was  believed  in  the  Colony, 
and  was  incorporated  by  Hartsinck  in  the  history  which  he  published. 

B.  C.,jg-40. 

1757.     Minutes   of   a   letter   respecting   boundary   between    Spain   and    Portugal  in 
America. 
To  establish  the  frontier  between  the  dominions  of  Spain  and  Portng-al 

.  .  .  there  were  formed  two  divisions  of  Commissioners,  one  for  the  dis- 
trict south  of  the  line,  and  the  other  for  that  of  the  north.  Those  of  the  south 
w'ere  the  Marquis  de  Valdelirios  and  his  people,  who  started  in  the  year  1751. 
.  .  .  Those  of  the  north  started  at  the  beginning  of  1754,  and  reached  Cumana 
on  the  9th  April  of  the  same  year.  .  .  .  Four  Commissioners  from  each  nation 
were  sent  for  the  two  districts.  Those  of  the  North  were  Don  Joseph  Itnr- 
rlag-a,  Don  Eugenio  Alvarado,  Don  Antonio  Orrutia,  and  Don  Joseph  Solano. 

Iturriaga  was  ordered  to  make  certain  investigations  and  surveys  whilst  he 
remained  there  [at  Cumana].  .  .  .  The  investigations  which  had  been  recom- 
mended to  him  on  his  journey  were  these  : 

To  take  the  most  precise  notice  of  all  that  could  conduce  to  the  good  govern- 
ment of     .     .     .     Trinidad  and  Margarita. 

To  verify  the  communications  of  the  Orinoco  and  the  state  of  the  Missions 
.     .     .     there,  and  in  the  Province  of  Guiana. 

To  ascertain  .  .  .  the  condition  of  mind  of  a  large  number  of  fugitive 
negroes  from  the  Dutch  colonies  on  the  coast,  to  see  if  they  could  be  brought 
over  to  the  faith  and  service  of  your  Majesty. 

To  take  notice  of  all  that  concerned  the  natural  history  of  the  great  territory 
situated  between  the  Rivers  Maraiion  and  Orinoco,  ...  for  which  object 
he  took  with  him  Pedro  Loefiing,  a  famous  Swedish  botanist.  B.  C,  II,  ij2. 


182  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION-EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
of;  EXPEDITIONS  to  the  INTERIOR,  AND  ESTABLISHMENT 
OF    MISSIONS   AND   VILLAGES  THERE-(Continued). 

1757.  Minutes  of  a  letter  respecting  boundary  between  Spain  and  Portugal  iu 
America. 

Iturriaga  [on  April  9,  1754],  .  .  .  presented  the  Governor  with  a  Cedula, 
in  which  the  latter  was  ordered  that  ...  he  should  aid  them  with  all  the 
means  at  his  command.  .  .  .  He  presented  him,  [also],  with  another  order, 
.  .  .  and  in  respect  of  this  order  and  of  that  Cedula  two  disputes  were 
raised.     .     .     . 

Finally,  Iturriaga  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Governor  telling  him  that  he  had  under- 
stood that  he  was  to  give  him  everything  that  he  had  in  his  district,  as  the  Cedula 
expressly  stated,  and  that,  on  the  contrary,  the  Governor  understanding  that  by 
virtue  of  the  same  he  was  not  bound  to  give  anything,  he  had  resolved  not  to  say 
another  word.  .  .  .  He  sent  Don  Joseph  Blamo  to  the  Isle  of  Trinidad  to 
get  thirty  rowing-boats  made,  to  find  Indians  who  dwell  on  the  River  Orinoco, 
and  to  bring  the  provisions  and  stores  that  he  could  get.  B.  C,  II,  ijj. 

In  the  year  1755  Iturriaga  made  use  of  the  Governor  of  Trinidad  to  get 
provisions  from  the  French  from  Martinique,  and  ...  in  that  year  and  in 
1756  the  wliole  of  the  expedition  suffered  rery  great  misery  aud  want,  half 
its  members  having  died  and  amongst  them  .  .  .  Orrutia,  .  .  .  Galan, 
the  botanist  Pedro  Loefling,  and  Father  Aller,  a  Jesuit,  who  went  as  cosmo- 
grapher ;     .     .     .     Iturriaga  also  suffered  much  injury  to  his  health. 

All  the  unofficial  information  that  has  been  received  condemns  his  conduct  as 
that  of  a  lazy  man  and  one  of  harsh  manners,  but  no  report  has  come  to  hand  in 
his  defence  nor  any  official  letter,  nor  any  letter  for  his  friends  or  family. 

Note.  It  is  i)roved  by  the  letters  sent  by  the  Governor  that  of  the  212  men 
destined  for  the  service  of  the  expedition,  and  as  substitutes  for  those  at  Guiana, 
there  were  only  little  more  than  So  remaining  in  the  expedition  and  ten  in  that 
fortress,  through  the  desertion,  sickness  and  death  of  the  others.       Same,  p.  IJ4. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

In  the  year  1761  and  while  inspecting  the  Missions  in  that  Province,  in  charge 
of  the  Reverend  Catalonian  Capuchin  Fathers,  and  upon  survey  and  examination 
of  the  fertile  lands  occupied  by  those  established  inland,  away  from  the  banks  of 
the  Orinoco  River,  ...  I  had  a  conference  .  .  .  about  the  importance 
of  the  establishment  of  one  or  more  Spanish  villaares  .  .  .  for  the  safety 
and  restraint  of  those  of  the  Missions,  and  in  future  as  a  barrier  to  the  Dutch 
Colonies  and  a  defence  to  the  fortress  of  Guayana.  B.  C,  III,  2y. 

In  the  same  Province  of  Guayana,  at  corresponding  distances,  two  or  three 
other  bodies  of  Missions  [should]  be  established,  .  .  .  and  that  the  four  or 
five  bodies  to  be  established  there  should  go  farther  inland  from  the  banks  of  the 
Orinoco  to  the  south,  as  should  be  done  by  the  Catalonian  Capuchins,  thus  suc- 
ceeding in  occupying  the  countries  in  the  rear  of  the  Colonies  of  Essequibo, 
belonging  to  the  Dutch,  and  those  of  Cayenne,  occupied  by  the  French. 

Same,  p.  j/. 

[Missions  should  be  assisted  so  that]  His  Majesty  may  have  a  kingdom  now 
unknown  in  that  extensive  province,  while  so  many  miserable  and  docile  Indians 
will  be  reduced  and  brought  to  the  bosom  of  our  holy  religion,  settled  in  social 
life,  and  useful  for  the  help  of  tlic  Spaniards,  who  may  establish  any  trade  there. 

Same,  p.  ^2. 


NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION.  183 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION-EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
of;  expeditions  to  the  interior,  and  ESTABLISHMENT 
OF    MISSIONS   AND   VILLAGES  TH  ERE-(Continued). 

1771.  Commandant  of  Guiana. 

The  .  .  .  commanding  officer  shall  .  .  .  make  friends  with  all  those 
nations,  especially  with  the  Macusi  and  Arecunas,  presenting  the  Indians  with 
such  charms  and  amulets  as  they  esteem,  especially  the  Chiefs  ...  in 
order  to  encourage  them  all  to  submit  voluntarily  to  the  dominion  of  the  King, 
our  Master,  in  whose  name  the  said  officer  shall  formally  take  possession  of  all 
that  territory  with  as  much  solemnity  as  circumstances  may  permit ;  demanding 
an  oath  of  fidelity  from  the  Indians  .  .  .  offering  them  help  and  protection  in 
the  King's  name,  promising  to  presence  their  lands  and  goods  as  those  of  faith- 
ful subjects,  and  to  defend  them  from  their  enemies  that  they  may  .  .  .  en- 
joy the  many  other  advantages  of  those  who  subject  themselves  to  the  just  and 
gentle  dominion  of  our  Lord  the  King. 

On  the  River  Parlme,  near  the  place  called  Cachibe,  before  reaching  the 
mouth  of  the'Abaieraruru,  the  said  officer  shall  cause  a  smnll  for.t  to  be  built 
in  some  narrow  pass  or  advantageous  place,  that  the  guns  of  the  said  fort  may 
close  the  passage  of  the  river  to  our  enemies.  It  would  also  be  of  great  conveni- 
ence to  foniul  a  few  villaa^es  of  loyal  Indians  close  to  the  fort  for  the  better  de- 
fence and  subsistence  of  the  garrison  of  that  important  Post. 

At  El  Dorado  itself,  or  some  site  in  the  immediate  vicinity  best  fitted  to  close 
the  entrance  of  Lake  Parime,  ...  a  strouarhold  shall  be  built  .  .  . 
and  several  settlements  of  friendly  Indians  shall  be  founded  in  the  neighbor- 
hood .  .  .  and  all  things  necessary  for  the  better  establishment  and  defence 
of  the  Spaniards  on  that  frontier.  B.  C,  IV,  gS. 

Should  any  European  foreigners  be  found  in  those  parts  outside  the  Colonies 
allowed  them,  as  .  .  .  the  Dutch  on  the  coast  of  Surinam,  Berbice,  Esse- 
quibo,  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  his  Majesty's  order  shall  be  intimated  to  them  that 
they  quit  those  his  Royal  dominions  forthwith,  and  if,  after  the  first  remonstrances, 
they  do  not  withdraw  to  the  former  settlements  allowed  them,  abandoning  the 
territory  they  have  usurped,  they  shall  be  driven  out  by  force  of  arms. 

Same,  p.  gg. 

1772.  Commandant  of  Guiana. 

The  fate  of  the  expedition  under  Martinez  was  not  so  bad,  but  neither  was  it 
successful.  Same,  p.  106. 

In  these  sad  straits  Don  Nicolas  Martinez  resolved  to  retire,  with  all  his  ex- 
pedition, ...  to  this  capital.  ...  As  I  have  informed  your  Excel- 
lency, it  is  necessary  for  us  to  take  possession  of  these  lands  to  restrain 
the  Portuguese,  French  and  Dutch.  .  .  .  For  this  reason  I  have  sent  a 
Commanding  Officer  to  the  Parava  with  power  and  orders  to  make  settlements 
of  the  Arinagoto  Indians,  who  are  found  half  way  down  this  river,  and  the 
Ipurucocos,  whom  Martinez  found  in  the  cocao  plantation  of  Paravamusi,  that 
these  two  settlements  may  facilitate  the  passage  of  our  expedition  to  Parime. 

Same,  p.  loy. 

1772.     Fray  Felix  de  Villanueva. 

The  Reverend  Father  Benito  de  la  Garriga  with  Father  Thomas  de  Mataro 
are  on  an  exploration  of  the  Parime.  ...  a  great  number  of  wild  Indians 
came  out  upon  them  with   firearms.      .      .      .      Some  Caribs  from  our  Missions. 


184  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION-EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
of;  EXPEDITIONS  TO  THE  INTERIOR,  AND  ESTABLISHMENT 
OF  MISSIONS  AND  VILLAGES  TH  ERE-(Continued). 

who  were  also  in  the  fight,  have  arrived  and  they  say  that  some  of  our  band 
are  killed,  but  they  are  unable  to  give  further  particulars.  V.  C,  II,  4oS'4og. 

1773.  Commandant  of  Guayana. 

The  Orinoco  was  nearly  deserted,  or  rather  dominated  by  the  savage  Caribs, 
up  till  about  1755,  when  the  Royal  Boundary  Expedition  arrived,  which  was  com- 
manded by  Commodore  Don  Joseph  de  Iturriaga.  He  tamed  the  pride  of  the  In- 
dians, and  subdued  and  handed  over  many  of  them  to  the  missionaries,  founded, 
at  the  expense  of  the  Royal  Treasury,  the  two  Spanish  settlements  of  Ciudad  Real 
and  Real  Corona  on  the  Lower  Orinoco,  and  had  the  country  penetrated  by  the 
Upper  Orinoco  and  Casiquiari  for  300  leag'ues,  all  desert  land  as  far  as  Rio 
Ne^ro,  where  he  erected  a  military  post  and  a  fort  on  the  Portuguese  frontier. 
In  order  better  to  check  the  advance  of  the  Portuguese  conquests  he  bronglit 
under  the  dominion  of  the  King  and  into  the  bosom  of  Hol\»  Church  the  tribes 
of  Indians  ruling  in  that  country.  .  .  .  The  Commander  founded  with 
these  Indians  the  tliree  villages  of  San  Joseph  de  Maypures,  at  the  entry  of  the 
Upper  Orinoco  valley,  and  San  Carlos  and  San  Phelipe  in  Rio  Negro. 

B.  C.,IV,  114. 

To  occupy  the  important  frontier  of  the  Parime,  in  the  far  interior  of  this 
province,  I  have  despatched  a  detachment  of  sixty  men,  under  Lieutenant  Don 
Vincente  Diez  de  la  Fuente,  who  is  at  present  at  the  head-waters  of  the  River 
Paragua,  300  leagues  from  this  capital,  engaged  in  founding:  the  city  of  Guirior, 
with  Spanish  families  I  have  sent  from  here,  and  various  other  Indian  villages  that 
are  being  reduced  in  the  same  direction,  and  they  are  stations  necessary  for  our 
establishment,  and  for  the  security  of  the  dominions  of  the  King  in  those  parts. 

Same,  p.  iiS. 

1774.  Don  Manuel  Centurion. 

I  afterwards  fitted  out  a  second  expedition  under  the  command  of  a  Lieutenant 
of  Infantry,  Don  Vincente  Diez  de  la  Fuente,  (Martinez  being  dead),  .  .  ,  to  the 
number  of  125  men.  They  were  to  enter  the  river  Caroni  and  follow  it  .  .  . 
till  they  reached  New  Barceloneta  .  .  .  and  then  to  follow  the  rivers  Parava, 
Paravamuxi,  Anocapora,  Muniquiare,  and  Curaricara,  till  they  flow  into  Lake 
Parime,  .  .  .  [At]  the  mouth  of  the  Lesser  Coroni  in  the  Parava,  where 
they  founded  the  village  of  San  Joseph  with  150  Indians  whom  they  subjected; 
.  .  .  the  advance  party  penetrated  into  the  interior  by  means  of  this  river  and 
the  Abarauru,  Amau,  and  Amoine,  and  arrived  within  so  short  a  distance 
of  Lake  Parime  that  .  .  .  two  days'  land  journey  would  bring  them  to  it. 
.  .  .  But  they  were  forced  to  retreat,  being  attacked  by  a  large  body  of 
Indians,  .  .  .  and  ...  he  was  obliged  to  return  to  the  body  of 
the  expedition  .  .  .  using  as  bases  the  settlements  of  San  Juan  Baptista, 
which  he  had  founded  in  the  mouth  of  Abarauru,  at  the  end  of  Parime,  that  of 
Santa  Barbara  in  the  latter,  between  the  mouths  of  Abarauru  and  Curaricara, 
that  of  Santa  Rosa,  in  the  mouth  of  the  latter  in  Parime  itself,  that  of  Adamura 
on  the  land  which  is  between  Anocopora  and  Maniquare,  that  of  San  Salvador  on 
the  source  of  the  Parava,  and  that  of  San  Vincente  (now  called  "  Ciudad  de 
Guirior")  in  the  Paravamuxi.  .  .  .  These  settlements  .  .  .  have  .  .  . 
about  150  souls  in  each,  and  in  Ciudad  de  Guirior  .  .  .  chiefly  consisting 
of  Spanish  families,  the  population  may  be  200.  Same,  pp.  126-12J. 


NATURE  OP  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION.  185 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION-EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
of;  expeditions  to  the  interior,  and  ESTABLISHMENT 
OF  MISSIONS  AND  VILLAGES  TH  ERE-(Contlnued). 

1776.  Don  Manuel  Centurion. 

The  Commanding  Officer  of  the  Royal  expedition  of  the  Parime,  .  .  . 
Fuente,  [having  informed  me  of  the  arrest  of  certain  Spaniards  by  Portuguese] 
.  .  .  I  ordered  the  Captain  .  .  .  Barreto  ...  to  present  himself  to 
the  Portuguese  Governor  of  Varzelos  in  Rio  Negro.  .  .  .  to  .  .  .  com- 
plain bitterly  of  such  an  insult,  and  demand  back  the  posts,  the  usurped  terri- 
tory, and  the  imprisoned  troops.  B-  C.,  IV,  i6j. 

The  second  exploration  .  .  .  by  .  .  .  Lopez  .  .  .  took  the 
same  course  as  the  first,  also  examining  the  Lake  Parime  and  El  Dorado,  of 
which  it  took  possession  ...  but  ...  on  its  return  it  was  surprised  and 
arrested  by  a  strong  Portuguese  detachment,  which  had  unduly  established  and 
fortified  itself  on  the  mouth  of  the  said  River  Mao.  Same,  pp.  163-164. 

1777.  Don  Manuel  Antonio  Flores. 

In  pursuance  of  this  Royal  mandate  I  gave  the  order,  which  appears  by  the 
enclosed  copy  to  the  Commandant  of  Guayana,  advising  him  that  the  places  where 
our  people  were  arrested  by  the  Portuguese  .  .  .  are  exactly  those  which 
may  first  prevent  the  encroachment  of  the  French.  V.  C,  III,  3S4. 

1777.     Francisco  Iturrate. 

The  enclosed  copy  of  royal  order  .  .  .  will  inform  you  of  what  France 
proposes  for  the  exploitation  and  cultivation  of  French  Guiana;  in  it  .  .  .  the 
Viceroy  is  instructed  to  personally  inform  himself  as  to  tlie  lands  which  it  is  ad- 
visable for  us  to  occupy  in  order  to  prevent  the  encroachments  which  they 
have  in  mind  ;  and  as  they  are  exactly  .  .  .  those  in  which  the  Portuguese 
insulted  us  by  arresting  our  people  ...  if  our  settlements  advance  toward 
French  Guayana  they  will  prevent  those  which  that  nation  proposes  to  extend 
into  the  interior  of  the  country.  .  .  .  take  every  precaution  to  frustrate 
the  designs  of  tlie  French.  Same,  pp.  3S4-3S5. 

1779.     Don  Jose  de  Abalos. 

They  [Spanish]  are  to  advance  their  occupation  on  tlie  eastern  side  as 
much  as  they  possibly  can,  until  they  reach  French  Guiena,  and  are  likewise 
to  extend  themselves  as  much  as  they  can  on  the  soutli  until  they  reacli  the 
frontier  of  the  Crown  of  Portugal. 

The  design  of  these  measures  is  not  merely  to  establish  and  secure  pos- 
session of  what  belongs  to  the  Crown  of  Spain  in  the  Province  of  Guayana, 
but  chiefly  to  settle  those  extensive  countries,  in  order  to  secure  thereby  the 
benefits  of  the  Monarchy,  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  the  conversion  of  those 
numerous  heathens  and  the  propagation  of  the  Holy  Gospel.  It  would  be 
very  desirable  that  the  said  occupation  of  lands  and  their  settlement  should 
be  begun  in  the  rear  of  the  Dutch  settlements,  close  to  French  Guiena,  and 
particularly  to  the  Rivers  called  Oyapoco  and  Aprovak.  B.  C,  IV,  19 j. 

1782.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

With  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  French  of  Surinam  from  approaching  I 
placed  Indians  in  Cura  ;  because  no  progress  can  be  made  toward  the  South 
unless  there  should  be  some  settlements  there.  V.  C.-C,  III,  QQ- 


186  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND  DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION,  EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION  OF 
-RECONNAISSANCES  OF  COAST  BY  INCIARTE  AND  OTHERS. 

1779.     Governor  of  Guayana. 

I  am  instructed,  as  regards  the  eastern  section  of  the  territory,  to  place  iu 
your  charge  .  .  .  the  duty  of  effecting  the  occupation  of  the  respective 
territories  under  its  jurisdiction,  .  .  .  and  have  also  appointed  Don  Jose 
Felipe  de  luciarte  to  aid  your  Honor  in  this  Commission.  .  .  .  Should  it 
not  be  possible  for  you  to  go   in  person,  the  aforesaid   Inciartewill  go. 

V.  C.-C,  ///,  pj. 

It  is  necessary  that  you  issue  the  proper  authority  to  .  .  .  Inciarte  so  that 
he  may  enter  and  exercise  over  all  that  territory  ...  the  proper  and 
necessary  jurisdiction.  The  most  urgent  thing  at  present  is  to  find  families  to  go 
and  establish  themselves  in  the  new  lands  to  be  discovered  and  inhabited.  .  .  . 
I  will  bend  all  my  energies  towards  obtaining  from  other  places  as  many  settlers 
as  possible     ...    for  their  final  settlement  there.  Same,  p.  g6. 

1779.     Don  Jose  de  Abalos. 

The  said  Province  of  Guayana  .  .  .  begins,  on  its  eastern  side,  to 
windward  of  the  outflow  of  the  River  Orinoco  into  the  sea  on  the  border  of  the 
Dutch  Colony  of  Essequibo ;  it  shall  be  one  of  the  first  cares  ...  in  mak- 
ing the  new  settlement  to  go  as  near  as  possible  to  the  aforesaid  Colony 
.    .    .    for  founding  the  first  settlement,  B.  C,  IV,  194-195- 

1779.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

A  number  of  eighty,  both  Spaniards  and  mulattos,  had  been  in  the  Kiver 
Bouweron  for  some  days  without,  however,  committing  any  molestation,  yet  the 
Indians  report  that  they  have  said  they  will  come  again  in  about  three  months, 
and  then  build  a  fortress  there.  Savic,  p.  207. 

1779.     Don  Jose  de  Abalos. 

Inciarte.  .  .  .  proceeded  to  make  the  first  survey  of  the  country.  .  .  . 
He  .  .  .  approached  the  settlements  of  the  Dutch  in  Essequibo  and  their 
immediate  vicinity,  to  witliin  the  distance  of  14  leagues.  Same,  p.  210. 

1779.  Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

In  fulfilment  of  the  commission  you  were  pleased  to  entrust  to  me  for  the 
populating  of  the  eastern  part  of  the  lower  Orinoco,  ...  I  commenced  the 
exploration  of  the  country.  V.  C,  II,  434. 

1780.  Royal  Order  to  the  Governor  of  Guiana. 

The  King  has  been  informed  of  the  arrival  .  .  .  of  .  .  .  luciarte, 
commissioned  ...  to  carry  out,  under  your  orders,  the  occupation  of  lands 
and  new  towns  to  be  built  in  the  eastern  portion  of  said  Province  in  accordance 
with  the  instructions  .  .  .  which  has  been  approved  by  his  Majesty,  together 
with  your  Honor's  determination  to  wait  until  the  proper  time  to  undertake  the 
exploration  of  the  lands  .  .  .  and  to  select  the  most  appropriate  site  for  the 
foundati(»n  of  tlic  first  town,  wliicli  will  serve  as  capital  for  the  others 
wliich  sliail  be  founded  in  time.  V-  C.-C,  III,  gS. 


NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION.  187 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION,  EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
OF-RECONNAISSANCES  OF  COAST  BY  INCIARTE  AND  OTHERS 
—(Continued). 

1780.  King  of  Spain. 

Iiiciarte  is  to  return  .  .  .  for  the  purpose  of  occupying  and  settling 
tlie  places  specified  in  his  annexed  Report  .  .  .  and  making  t^e  provis- 
ional fortification  which  he  considered  needful,  ejecting-  the  Dutch  from  the  Post 
or  advance  guard-house  which  they  have  built  on  the  road  of  the  River  Moruca. 

B.  C.,JV,2I2. 

1 78 1.  Military  Commandant  in  Essequibo. 

Spaniards  with  boats  have  again  been  seen  in  the  River  Pomeroon. 

Same,  p.  21S. 

SPANISH    OCCUPATION,     EFFORTS    AND    PLANS    FOR     EXTENSION 
L  OF-PLANS    FOR     MORUCA     POST    AND    SAN      CARLOS     DE     LA 

FRONTERA. 

i[l778.j     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

There  is  much  ground  for  thinking  not  only  of  occupying  the  posts  .  .  . 
which  can  check  in  that  quarter  the  progress  of  the  French,  but  also  to  form 
some  new  villages,  taking  settlers  from  without,  following  the  example  of  what 
France  is  going  to  do,  without  which  it  would  be  very  natural  that  what  took 
place  in  San  Domingo  should  take  place  in  Guayana,  that  they  should  go  on  ad- 
vancing inward  and  building  houses,  in  order  later  to  allege  undisturbed  pos- 
session because  the  usurpation  was  not  protested  against  in  time,  a  thing 
which  cannot  fail  to  happen  if  we  do  not  establish  some  settlements  close  to  the 
French  possessions.  V'  C.,  Ill,  jSg. 

1779.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Inciarte  meanwhile  reported  his  results,  .  .  .  the  King  of  Spain  .  .  .  com- 
missioned him  to  proceed  at  once  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Dutch  from  Moruca 
and  the  erection  of  the  projected  Spanish  establishments  on  that  river  and  on 
the  Pomeroon,  ...  All  preparations  were  made  for  the  execution  of  the 
project,  and  the  granting  of  lands  actually  begun.  The  French  Revolution  de- 
layed its  progress,  but  it  was  never  abandoned.  With  a  view  to  its  better  accom- 
plishment Inciarte  was  himself  made  Governor  of  Guiana.  .  .  .  And  though, 
owing  to  the  continuance  of  the  revolutionary  wars,  its  execution  was  not  actually 
pushed  further,  the  project  was  never  given  up,  and  was  receiving  the  attention  of 
the  Spanish  Government  to  the  very  end  of  its  control  of  these  South  American 
colonies  and  to  the  very  eve  of  the  Dutch  cession  of  Essequibo  to  Great  Britain. 

V.  C,  146-147- 
1779.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

At  a  quarter  of  a  league  before  reaching  the  aforesaid  Dutch  [Moruca]  post 
the  rivulet  forms  a  small  bay    .     .     .     and  this  bay  could  serve  as  a  port. 

It  would  be  convenient  in  my  opinion  to  found  a  town  close  to  this  bay  or 
port,  as  besides  the  advantages  offered  by  the  produce  of  the  land,  the  communi- 
cation which  the  Dutch  have  with  the  Orinoco  by  means  of  the  inside  branches 
could  be  prevented. 

The  passage  of  the  river  Moruca  could  easily  be  prevented  by  erecting  a  fort 
with  four  or  six  guns  in  the  aforesaid  small  bay. 

As  for  protecting  the  town  against  the  attacks  of  the  Dutch  or  any  other 
enemy,  this  can  be  obtained  by  erecting  a  fort  on  one  of  the  small  heights. 

V.  C,  II,  435-43(>- 


188  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION,  EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
OF-PLANS  FOR  MORUCA  POST  AND  SAN  CARLOS  DE  LA 
FRONTERA- (Continued). 

1779.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

From  the  Tapacuma,  following  the  Bauruma  as  far  as  Branch  Visorun,  the 
distance  is  of  about  five  and  one  half  leagues.  .  .  .  Within  the  five  and  one 
half  leagues  there  are  two  hills. 

The  second  hill  which  is  on  the  left  going  up  the  Bauruma,  is  at  about  one 
and  one  half  leagues  from  this  branch  ;  ...  it  seems  to  me  that  the  first 
town  which  it  is  intended  to  found  under  the  name  of  San  Cai'los  (le  la  Frou- 
tera  should  lie  on  this  spot,  as  being  distant  from  Essequibo  by  land  only  twelve 
or  thirteen  leagues,  it  commands,  on  account  of  its  advantageous  position,  not 
only  the  surrounding  lands  but  also  the  aforesaid  branch  Bauruma. 

V.  c,  II,  437. 

Besides  the  advantages  which  may  be  expected  from  founding  a  town  upon 
the  hill  of  Bauruma,  the  distance  from  it  to  Essequibo  being  only  as  I  have  said 
before  from  twelve  to  thirteen  leagues,  we  can  reach  the  shores  of  the  river 
Essequibo  by  means  of  four  or  Ave  towns  ;  and  this  being  obtained,  the  Dutch 
are  deprived  of  all  communication,  not  only  with  the  various  indian  tribes  south 
of  the  Essequibo  and  all  the  branches  of  the  Orinoco,  but  also  with  the  whole 
of  the  Parime.  Same,  p.  4j8. 

1779.     Don  Jose  de  Abalos. 

The  Commissioners  are  charged  that,  if  they  meet  with  the  above-mentioned 
obstacles  against  penetrating  and  establishing  themselves,  not  only  in  the  fur- 
thest limits  of  the  eastern  portion  of  the  province,  but  even  much  nearer,  they 
may  in  such  a  case  select  for  a  first  settlement  the  most  suitable  site  in  the 
country  which  lies  between  the  moutlis  of  the  Orinoco  and  the  Colony  of  Esse- 
quibo. B.  C,  IV,  ig6. 

In  order  to  commence  the  great  work  of  occupation  of  the  said  lands,  and  the 
foundation  of  settlements,  it  is  necessary  to  bring  some  families  from  ,  .  , 
the  Province  of  Guayana  itself  .  .  .  taking  them  for  the  said  purpose  to  the 
place  in  which  the  first  village  is  to  be  founded  .  .  .  the  land  should  be  sur- 
veyed, .  .  .  and  a  selection  made  of  the  spot  .  .  .  most  suitable ;  and 
.  .  .  plantations  of  plantains  and  other  fruits  be  made  for  the  support  of  the 
new  inhabitants.  .  .  .  When  this  has  been  done  the  settlers  may  be  trans- 
ferred to  this  first  village,  where,  when  they  are  cnce  settled,  the  measures  for  fur- 
ther advance  may  be  taken  in  every  form. 

This  first  village  shall  bear  the  name  of  San  Carlos  de  la  Frontera. 

Same,  p.  ig8. 

On  account  of  the  attacks  which  might  be  experienced  from  certain  Corsairs, 
pirates,  smugglers,  and  other  people  of  evil  life,  ...  it  will  be  desirable  to 
found  tlie  new  settlement  at  a  slight  distance  inland,  in  order  that  it  may 
be  free  from  all  risk,  and  that  its  inhabitants  may  live  without  fear ;  while,  with 
slight  labour,  they  will  enjoy  the  advantages  of  exporting  and  importing  what 
they  require  by  water.  Sa»ie,  p.  igg. 

The  want  of  the  Treaties  of  Peace  for  my  instruction  and  accurate  knowledge 
of  what  has  been  agreed  upon  with  tlie  States-General  respecting  the  settlements 
of  Surinam  and  Essequibo,  and  how  far  their  frontiers  extend,  leaves  me  in  a  state 


NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION.  189 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION,  EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
OF-PLANS  FOR  MORUCA  POST  AND  SAN  CARLOS  DE  LA 
FRONTERA-(Continued). 

of  uncertainty  as  to  the  selection  of  a  site  for  the  first  village  ;  but  .  .  .  accord- 
ing to  Inciarte's  report,  the  most  eligible  site  is  one  situated  beyond  the  first 
place  or  Post  of  tlie  Diitcli  called  Monica,  .  .  .  and  ...  I  propose 
to  make  arrangements  for  cstablisluug-  it  in  that  spot.  B.  C,  IV,  210. 

1779.     Don  Antonio  de  Pereda. 

The  Intendant  of  Caraccas  .  .  .  suggests  that  on  our  side  the  new 
settlements  should  be  founded  towards  the  east  of  this  province,  within  the 
sliortest  possible   distance   of  the   Dutch   Colony  of  Essequibe.     ...     a 

survey  should  be  made  of  this  territory,  with  a  view  to  choosing  the  most  con- 
venient site  for  the  foundation  of  the  first  town,  which  will  afterwards  serve  as 
capital  to  the  others,  to  be  established  in  due  course  in  those  parts,  with  the 
design  previously  mentioned,  all  these  new  settlements  to  be  in  subordination  to 
this  province.  Same,  p.  206. 

1779.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  said  Director-General  .  .  .  received  a  report  from  the  Postholder 
of  Marowyuo  and  Wacquepo  that  some  Spaniards  were  stopping-  in  the 
River  Bauron  [Pomeroon],  .  .  .  that  the  same  had  again  departed,  and 
.  .  .  that  a  clearing  had  been  made  upon  the  west  corner  of  that  river  where 
the  old  Post  stood  to  re-erect  the  same,  and  requesting  to  know  how  further 
to  act  with  regard  to  the  poldering  thereof.  Same,  p.  2oy. 

1780.  [1812]  Don  Jose  Olazara. 

[In]  1780,  His  Majesty,  with  respect  to  the  eastern  pait  of  the  province,  re- 
newed the  decree  that  attention  be  given  with  absolute  faithfulness  to  the  foster- 
ing of  its  settlement  and  agriculture.  ...  All  these  decrees  are  totally  unexe- 
cuted, and,  as  the  general  welfare  of  the  province  and  the  interest  with  which 
the  government  should  regard  it  .  .  .  make  it  necessarj'  to  anticipate  in  time 
the  results  threatened  by  the  neighborhood  of  the  foreign  powers  which  have 
shamefully  entered  the  province,  and  to  give  thought  earnestly  to  the  remedy  of 
these  injuries,  present  and  past.  And,  for  this  purpose,  it  is  urgently  needed 
that  you  immediately  bring-  about  the  execution  of  the  said  decrees  in  all 
their  parts,  and  of  the  special  commission  which  .  ,  .  Inciarte  had  for 
undertaking-  the  establishment  of  the  new  settlements,  especially  those  of  the 
eastern  part,  .  .  .  and  which  is  the  nearest  to  the  frontier  of  Guayana,  Dutch 
and  French.  V.  C,  III,  421-422. 

1810.     Captain  of  Militia  of  Angostura. 

He  knows  [that]  .  .  .  Inciarte  .  .  .  finds  himself  under  commission 
.  .  .  And  to  all  citizens  who  are  willing  to  establish  themselves  in  the  said 
settlements  .  .  .  His  Majesty  .  .  .  offers  to  give  lands  for  cultivation 
and  for  the  raising  of  cattle  free  of  charge,  and  also  lots  for  houses,  .  .  .  and 
that  at  the  earliest  day  there  shall  be  founded  forts  from  Old  Guayana  downward 
as  far  as  the  limits  or  boundaries  of  the  Dutch  Colony,  at  present  English,  of 
Essequibo,  the  first  foundation  to  be  begun  on  the  river  or  bayou  named 
Bouruma  [Pomeroon],  on  the  border  and  territory  on  the  side  of  the  territory  of 
Essequibo,  where  there  is  an  elevation  or  small  hill,  on  which  can  be  built  a  fort 
with  the  name  of  8au  Carlos  de  la  Froutera  ;     .     .     .     that  His  Majesty  author- 


190  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

SPANISH  OCCUPATION,  EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR  EXTENSION 
OF-PLANS  FOR  MORUCA  POST  AND  SAN  CARLOS  DE  LA 
FRONTERA-(Continued). 

ized  the  removal  of  all  the  families  that  would  willingly  go  from  the  kingdom  of 
Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  to  the  said  settlements,  all  at  the  expense  of  his  Royal 
Exchequer  ;  and  that  for  this  purpose  there  had  come  from  Spain  .  .  .  more 
than  two  hundred  families  ready  and  willing  to  go  to  the  said  settlements,  and 
that,  on  account  of  the  wars  which  occurred  with  France  and  thereafter  with 
England,  their  departure  had  constantly  been  prevented,  but  that  their  coming 
with  the  Governor  of  the  Province  had  been  for  the  purpose  of  providing  for 
the  said  settlements  ;  and  that  when  peace  was  restored  with  the  British  Nation, 
in  the  year  1802,  the  said  Inciarte  .  .  .  [said]  he  was  now  ready  to  enter 
upon  the  completion  of  his  mission  .  .  .  but  that  first  he  wanted  .  .  . 
to  complete  the  reconnoissance  of  the  ranges  (Sierras),  as  he  was  instructed  to  do. 

V.  C,  III,  417. 

DUTCH    OCCUPATION-ITS    PURPOSE    TO    TRADE,     PLUNDER    AND 

PLANT. 

.     [1896]  James  Rodway. 

The  Posts  were  established  in  the  Essequebo  from  the  time  of  its  first  occu- 
pation ;  in  fact  the  early  settlements  were  nothing-  more  or  less  tlian  posts. 
As  such  they  were  centres  where  bartering  with  the  Indians  of  a  wide  area  on 
every  side  was  carried  on.  The  first  Postholders  were  traders  and  very 
little  more.  To  reach  new  markets  these  posts  were  at  great  distances  from 
the  centre  of  the  Colony.  V.  C,  III,  jj/. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  object  of  those  early  [Dutch]  voyag'es  to  Guiana,  was,  in  the  first  place 
to  harass  the  Spaniards,  and,  in  the  second  place,  to  g'ain  pi'oflt  by  trade  and 

plunder.  Settlement  upon  Spanish  soil,  or  the  acquisition  of  territorial  rights 
was  hardly  thought  of.  V.  C,  6^-66. 

[In  1648]  the  entire  Dutch  colony  .  .  .  consisted  of  a  body  of  two  or 
three  dozen  unmarried  employes  of  the  West  India  Company,  housed  in  a  fort  on 
a  small  island,  and  engaged  in  traffic  with  the  Indians  for  the  dyes  of  tlie 
forest ;  at  the  time  when  the  treaty  was  signed,  they  were  not  cultivating  an  acre 
of  land.  This  and  an  establishment  on  the  Berbice  were  the  only  Dutch  settle- 
ments in  Guiana  in  1648.  Neither  then,  nor  at  any  time  prior  thereto,  had  the 
Dutch  occupied  or  settled  a  foot  of  ground  west  of  their  Essequibo  post. 

Same,  p.  74. 

Tlie  objects  which  first  broug-ht  the  Dutch  to  America,  were  to  plunder 
the  Spanisli  settlemeuts,  and  to  rob  the  Spanish  treasure  on  its  way  across 
tlie  oc(>an.  When  the  Treaty  of  Munster  put  an  end  to  this  system  of  robbery, 
the  Dutch  relations  with  Guiana  became  those  of  mere  trade;  and  the  posses- 
sions of  the  Dutch  on  the  Guiana  coast  stood  out  as  merely  so  many  trading 
establishments.  Same,  p.  pp. 

The  earliest  relations  of  the  Dutch,  witli  (Juiana  in  general,  and  with  the 
Essequibo  in  particular,  were  limited  to  trade  and  to  hostile  operations  against 
the  Spaniards.  Same,  p.  222. 


NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION.  191 

DUTCH    OCCUPATION-ITS    PURPOSE    TO    TRADE,    PLUNDER    AND 

PLANT-{Contlnued). 

•.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  true  that  the  earliest  relations  of  the  Dutch  with  Guiana  and  with  the 
Essequibo  related  to  trade  and  hostile  operations  against  the  Spaniards,  but  these 
relations  inimediately  developed  into  the  taking  of  posssession  of  parts  of  the 
country.     They  were  certainly  trading  to  the  Essequibo  before  1635. 

/)'.  C.-C,  iji. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Postholders'  relations  with  the  Indians,  in  course  of  time  became 
more  political  tlian  commercial.  B.  C,  88. 

Numerous  passages  from  the  records  can  also  be  cited  to  show  that  at  a 
comparatively  early  period  the  political  functions  of  the  Postholders  had  be- 
come more  important  than  the  commercial. 

It  will  be  found  that  in  British  times  the  Postholders  traveled  largely  through 
the  districts  round  their  Posts,  and  exercised  magisterial  functions.  During  the 
Dutch  period  it  does  not  appear  that  they  habitually  did  so.  Same,  p.  Sg. 

It  thus  appears  that,  as  the  influence  of  the  Company  among  the  Indians 
increased,  a  change  took  place  in  the  duties  of  the  Postholders.  Originally 
mainly  trading  agents,  they  had  become,  before  the  British  occupation,  al- 
most exclusively  political  officers,  and  they  were  maintained  in  order  to  fulfil 
functions  of  this  kind  long  after  the  trade  [in  balsams,  annatto  and  slaves]  had 
come  to  an  end.  Same,  pp.  Sg-go. 

■ .     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

[Dutch]  occupation  .  .  .  consisted  exclusively  of  trade  and  of  rela- 
tions with  Indians.  V.  C.-C,  22. 

1688.     States-General. 

Concerning  a  certain  Company  which  is  said  to  be  newly  formed  in  Amster- 
dam for  the  purpose  of  trading  to  the  West  Indies.  B.  C,  I,  2oy. 

1731.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  sent  your  Lordships  by  Captain  Daniel  Bellein  ...  a  sample  of  the 
indigo  made  by  Jan  van  der  Meers.  ...  I  wish  from  the  bottom  of  my 
heart  that  heaven  miglit  be  pleased  to  bless  this  plant  (as  being  the  surest 
means  of  furtlier  populating  this  Colony).  B.  C,  II,  12. 

1732.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  sent  him  [Jacobus  van  der  Berg,  one  of  the  Company's  servants],  above  the 
falls  in  Essequibo  on  the  15th  October,  1731,  with  orders  to  go  as  far  as  he  possi- 
bly could,  to  deal  with  tlie  Indians  in  a  most  friendly  manner,  and  furtlier 
to  see  whether  lie  could  not  induce  any  Chiefs  to  come  here,  so  that  I  might 
talk  to  them  myself  by  means  of  interpreters.  Same,  p.  16. 

1733.  Court  of  Policy. 

Every  possible  means  is  being  employed  liere  to  cultivate  the  trade  with 
the  Indians,  but  the  many  branches  into  which  the  nation  is  split  up,  and  the 
absence  of  good  interpreters,  are  great  obstacles  to  success.  Same,  p.  ij. 

1735.     West  India  Company  (the  Ten). 

We  praise  and  approve  all  that  has  been  done  by  the  Commandeur  with  the 
Governor  of  Orinoco ;  .  .  .  and  recommend  your  Honour  to  use  every  en- 
deavour to  cause  tliat  commerce  to  increase  more  and  more.  Same,  p.  21. 


J  92  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

DUTCH    OCCUPATION-ITS    PURPOSE    TO    TRADE,    PLUNDER    AND 

PLANT-(Continued). 

I737-     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

In  view  of  the  slave  trade  and  the  production  of  line  dye,  this  post  re- 
mains of  much  importance,  since,  small  as  is  this  beginning,  we  become  ac- 
quainted among  the  Indians  further  inland,  and  this  trade  may  by  decrees  be- 
come considerable.  B.  C,  II,  24-2^. 

1752.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  liave  always  proposed  to  ourselves  nothing  more  tJian  to  facilitate 
.  .  .  the  coininerL^e  which  is  carried  on,  not  only  from  here  [Middelburg  in 
Holland]  to  the  river  and  Colony  of  Essequibo,  but  also  there  with  the  natives 
[and]  Spaniards,  and  especially  with  those  of  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  yj. 

1769.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

I  sent  him  [a  negro  slave-trader  from  EsseqniboJ  off,  promising  tliat  ho 
.vvonld  return  with  his  family  and  become  a  Cliristian.  B.  C,  IV,  21. 

1775.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Post  of  Arinda  up  in  the  River  Essequibo  ...  the  only  nse  of  this 
Post  is  to  get  the  Indians  up  the  river  to  become  somewhat  more  accustomed  to 
us,  and  at  the  same  time  to  keep  a  sharp  loolc-out  whether  those  nations  niig:ht 
not  be  planning-  something^  ag'ainst  us.  Same,  p.  ij6. 

1897.  George  L.  Burr. 

Van  Meteren  points  out :  "  The  United  Netlierlands  .  .  .  endeavored 
.  .  .  gradually  to  open  a  commerce  with  the  West  Indies,  without  seeking 
to  make  any  conquests  there,  but  rather  to  win  the  friendship  of  the  Indians 
and  to  protect  them  against  the  Spaniards,  .  .  .  and  thus  to  come  into 
traffic  with  them."  V.  C.-C,  II,  4S. 

DUTCH  OCCUPATION-ITS  METHODS. 

.     Brhish  Case. 

In  1724,  the  Postholder  at  Wakepo  mustered  Indians  to  protect  friendly 
tribes  in  Essequibo  from  attack.  B.  C,  Si;>. 

The  object  of  these  presents  was  to  secure  the  assistance  of  the  tribes  in 
case  of  a  negro  revolt,  and  to  attract  them  to  the  neighborhood  of  the  Dutch 
Posts.  Same,  p.  p2. 

1724,     Court  of  Policy. 

The  Commandeur  .  .  .  informed  the  Court  that,  according  to  reports  re- 
ceived, the  Maganout  nation  were  killing  all  whom  they  could  lay  hands  on  up  in 
Essequibo,  and  that  they  were  driving  away  all  other  nations  who  were  our 
friends.  His  Honour  maintained  that  it  was  very  necessary  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  whole  Colony  to  extirpate  and  annihilate  these  rebels  if  possible. 
.  .  .  It  was  unanimously  agreed  to  order  Jan  Batiste,  the  Postliolder  at  .  .  . 
Wacquepo,  ...  to  proceed  against  tlie  said  Maganouts,  and  to  kill  or 
capture  all  lie  can  llnd.  B.  C,  II,  2-j. 


NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION.  193 

DUTCH    OCCUPATION-ITS    M  ETHODS-(Continued). 

1730.     Commandeur  in  Kssequibo. 

On  the  26th  May  of  last  year  [1729],  I  received  an  unexpected  visit  from  a 
French  gentleman  named  Nicholas  Gervais,  Bishop  of  Orraii,  coming  from  the 
Orinoco  .  .  .  he  expressed  to  me  his  intent  ion  of  making  a  stay  in  or  about 
this  Colony  and  seeing-  whether  there  niiglit  not  he  some  means  of  converting? 
the  Indians  of  these  lands  to  Cliristianity,  if  I  would  grant  him  permission  to 
do  so.  I  demonstrated  to  him  the  impossibiHty  thereof,  and,  furthermore,  that  it 
was  not  in  my  power  to  grant  him  such  permission. 

You  will  see  from  the  enclosed  letter,  .  .  .  how  that  prelate  has  un- 
happily been  murdered  by  the  Indians  in  Aguirre.  B.  C,  II,  lo-ii. 

1748.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Spaniards  were  beginning  to  approach  more  and  more  up  in  Cuyuni ;  but 
a  war  having  some  weeks  ago  arisen  between  the  Carib  nation  and  that  of  the 
Warrows,  which  is  carried  on  very  obstinately,  this  will  stop  their  further  pro- 
gress, and  possibly,  11  the  Caribs  obtain  tlie  upper  liaiul,  they  will  be  driven 
somew hat  fjuthcr  away,  w ithout  our  having?  in  the  least  degree  to  meddle 
there witli.  V.  C,  II,  loi. 

1758.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

They  [foreigners]  enter  and  exploit  the  interior  and  the  rear  of  these  provinces 
to  the  great  detriment  of  the  Royal  Treasury  and  the  injury  of  so  many  heathen. 
This  harm  is  chiefly  done  by  the  Dutch  of  Esse(iuibo,  who  incite  the 
Caribs  to  make  raids  and  Iiunt  for  slaves,  and  they  are  the  cause  of  the  repeated 
risings  in  the  Missions  of  the  Orinoco  and  of  the  constant  desertions  of  Indians 
already  reduced.  B.  C,  II,  140. 

1778.     Colonial  Records. 

1778.     From  Plantation  Duynenburg. 

[Kiltum  /.  e.  rum,  furnished]  to  the  Indians  in  tlieir  revels,  by  order  of  the 
Director-General,    ...     176  gallons.  B.  C,  VII,  1S2. 

DUTCH  OCCUPATION-ITS  INFLUENCE  AND  RESULTS. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  early  attempts  of  the  Dutch  to  gain  a  foothold  at  various  points  on  the 
coast  of  Guiana  ended  invariably  in  failure.  V.  C,  jo. 

.     British  Case. 

The  trade  of  the  Dutch  with  the  Indians  led  naturally  to  control  by  the 
Company  of  the  territory  in  wliicli  this  trade  was  carried  on.  B.  C,  S2. 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  Dutch  v/ere  never  so  eager  in  their  pursuit  after 
slaves  as  they  are  at  present,  and  it  is  precisely  on  that  account  that  so  little  fruit 
is  obtained  in  the  efforts  made  to  convert  the  Indians  and  Caribs,  for,  being 
counselled  by  the  Dutch  not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  drawn  into  the  Mis- 
sions, they  do  not  like  the  villages,  and,  consequently,  retire  to  the  forests.  It 
was  precisely  owing  to  these  bad  counsels  that  the  Indians  of  tlie  four  Mis- 
sions rebelled  in  the  year  1 17]50.  B.  C,  II,  i4g. 


194  NATURE  OF  SPANISH  AND   DUTCH  OCCUPATION. 

DUTCH    OCCUPATION-ITS    INFLUENCE   AND    RESULTS-(Contlnued). 

1777.     Augustin  Crame  [and]  Joseph  Linares. 

This  province  is  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Dutch  Colony  of  Essequibo  and 
French  Guayana.  The  proximity  of  the  Dutch  does  not  at  present  give  any  ground 
for  alarm.  lu  no  way  whatever  do  tliey  belie  their  peaceful  system,  nor 
iiiauifest  auy  ambition  to  extend  tlicir  possessions  in  the  interior.  Never- 
theless, their  explorations  have  reached  the  Parime.  B.  C,  IV,  lyg. 

1790.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

On  account  of  various  Indians  having  gone  to  Esquivo  from  these  Missions 
to   sell   hammocks   and  other  articles,  and  brought  back  in  return     .     .     . 

spirits,  they  had  a  drinking  feast,  and  there  resulted  therefrom  a  disturbance, 
and  the  Religious  of  the  village  of  Guascipati  killed  one  of  the  Indians  acci- 
dentally, B.  C,  V,  114. 

DUTCH  OCCUPATION-ITS  EFFORTS  AND  PLANS  FOR   EXTENSION 
ALWAYS   LIMITED  TO  TRADE   RELATIONS. 

•     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

Throughout  the  period  of  this  truce  [of  1609]  I  have  lighted  on  no  mention  of 
(xuiana  Colonies  in  any  official  record,  but  this  by  no  means  disproves  their  exist- 
ence ;  long  after  their  existence  is  certain  the  effort  to  keep  them  secret  is 
demonstrable,  and  they  scarcely  appear  in  Dutch  official  papers  till  after  the 
treaty  of  Munster.  V.  C.-C,  11,53. 

.     British  Case. 

The  energies  of  the  Dutch  were  not  confined  to  the  area  of  actual  planta- 
tion. Hunting  and  fishmg  were  carried  on,  and  Posts  established  in  various 
parts  of  the  territory  in  question.  B.  C,  2g~jo, 

1623.     British  Case. 

At  least  as  early  as  1623  the  Dutch  began  to  establish  settlements  in  the 
territory  between  the  Corentin  and  the  Orinoco,  and  from  that  time  down  to  the 
acquisition  of  Brhish  Guiana  by  Great  Britain  they  continually  extended  their 
settlements  in  various  parts  of  that  district.  Same,  p.  yS. 

1638.     British  Case. 

In  1638  it  was  reported  to  the  King  of  Spain  that  the  Dutch  were  seek ingf 
favorable  sites  for  the  foundation  of  new  settlements.  Same,  p.  25. 

1722.     British  Case, 

In  1722  the  officials  of  the  Company  were  making  explorations  in  order  to 
ascertain  the  nature  of  the  soil  in  the  interior  with  a  view  to  plantations. 

Same,  p.  33, 

,     British  Case, 

During  the  period  shortly  antecedent  to  1750  ,  .  .  the  Dutch  records  tell  of 
peaceful  development,  of  coffee,  cocoa,  and  indigo  plantations,  of  exploration, 
and  of  trade.  .  .  .  tlie  Dutch  were  established  in  the  Province  of  Guiana, 
and  were  occupying  with  their  cities  and  mills  the  territory  from  the  Orinoco  to 
Surinam,  and  it  was  suspected  that  their  design  was  to  make  themselves  masters 
of  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco  and  of  the  nations  that  dwelt  on  the  river,  to  found 
plantations  in  that  district,  and  to  penetrate  wherever  they  pleased.     Same,  p.  3/- 


CHAPTER  V. 
REMONSTRANCES  AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES  AND  ACTS  OR  DECLARATIONS  OF  LIKE 

NATURE. 

— .     Venezuelan  Case. 

Tlic  story  of  Dutch  reiiioiistrances  is  one  of  Spanish  aggression  and  asser- 
tion of  sovereign  rights  in  the  territory  now  in  dispute,  followed  l;y  repeated 
protests  of  the  Dutch,  and  memorials  to  the  Spanish  Court,  all  of  which  were 
treated  with  contempt — answered  only  by  a  continuance  of  these  aggressions,  by 
further  acts  of  polhical  control,  by  further  grumblings  on  the  part  of  the  Dutch, 
by  further  complaints  to  which  the  Spanish  Government  did  not  deign  to  reply, 
and  by  tinal  acquiescence  by  the  Dutch  in  the  inevitable.  l^.  C,  /j/. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  ideas  conveyed  by  this  paragraph  are  entirely  opposed  to  the  facts. 

"  Spanish  aggression  "  there  was,  in  the  sense  that  there  were  occasional  raids 
upon  Dutch  territory.  "  Assertion  of  sovereign  rights  or  political  control "  by 
Spain  in  the  territory  now  in  dispute  there  was  none.  It  is  quite  true  that  there 
is  an  absence  of  any  official  admission  by  the  Spanish  Government  of  the  justice 
of  the  Dutch  Remonstrances  and  that  in  many  cases  no  definite  answer  was 
obtained.  The  attempt,  however,  to  build  upon* this  foundation  the  theory  that 
there  was  final  acquiescence  by  the  Dutch  in  Spanish  pretensions  is  preposterous. 
The  Dutch  remained  in  possession  of  what  they  claimed.  B.  C.-C,  102. 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

During  a  portion  of  the  present  century,  in  violation  of  the  Treaty  of 
Munster,  (ireat  Britain  has  occupied  a  strip  of  land  along  the  coast,  between 
the  Essequibo  and  the  Pomeroon  rivers,  known  as  the  Arabian  or  Arabisi  Coast. 
Venezuela  has  repeatedly  protested  ag-ainst  such  occupation,  and  has,  in  every 
way  possible,  short  of  war,  asserted  her  rights  to  the  territory  so  occupied. 

V.  C,  225. 

Venezuela  has  repeatedly  protested  against  such  occupation  [of  disputed 
territory  by  Great  Britain];  and  has  in  every  way  possible,  short  of  war,  asserted 
her  rights  to  the  territory  so  occupied.  Same,  pp.  226-22J. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  denied.  B.  C.-C,  ijj. 

-.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

The  first  intimation  which  Venezuela  received  of  the  presence  of  any  British 
in  the  Barima-Waini  region  was  at  the  time  of  the  Schoniburgk  survey  in 
1841;  she  at  once  protested  ag-ainst  it;  in  consequence  of  that  protest  the 
boundary  posts  erected  by  Schomburgk  were  removed.  V.  C.-C,  no. 

(195) 


19t)  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR     DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
N  ATU  R  E-(Continued). 

1580.     Queen  of  England. 

Mendoza,  Ambassador  for  Spain  in  England,  made  an  angry  and  vehement 
demand  for  satisfaction  from  the  Queen,  complaining  that  the  Indian  Ocean  was 
navigated  by  the  English.     The  reply  that  he  received  was  as  follows  : — 

That  the  Spaniards,  by  their  unfairness,  .  .  .  had  brought  these  troubles 
upon  themselves.  .  .  .  Her  Majesty  does  not  understand  why  her  subjects 
and  those  of  other  Princes  are  prohibited  from  the  Indies,  which  she  could  not 
persuade  herself  are  the  rightful  property  of  Spain,  by  donation  of  the  Pope  of 
Rome,  in  whom  she  acknowledged  no  prerogative  in  matters  of  this  kind,  much 
less  authority  to  bind  Princes  who  owe  him  no  obedience,  or  to  make  that  new 
world  as  it  were  a  fief  for  the  Spaniard  and  clothe  him  with  possession  :  and 
that  only  on  the  ground  that  Spaniards  have  touched  here  and  there,  have 
erected  shelters,  have  given  names  to  a  river  or  promontory ;  acts  which  cannot 
confer  property.  So  that  this  donation  of  alien  property  (w-hich  by  essence  of 
law  is  void),  and  this  imaginary  proprietorship,  ought  not  to  hinder  other  princes 
from  carrying  on  commerce  in  these  regions,  and  from  establishing  Colonies 
where  Spaniards  are  not  residing,  without  the  least  violation  of  the  law  of  nations, 
since  prescription  without  possession  is  of  no  avail.  B.  C.-C,  App.,jJJ. 

1676.     Spanish  Council  of  War. 

The  Council  finds  itself  compelled  to  [suggest]  that  a  letter  may  be  written  to 
tlie  States-General  or  that  they  may  be  given  to  understand  ...  the 
annoyance  which  would  be  occasioned  if  they  were  to  make  new  plantations 
in  the  Indies  without  informing  jour  Majesty.  B.  C,  I,  178. 

1688.     Don  Manuel  Coloma,  Spanish  Mmister  in  Holland. 

At  Amsterdam  and  other  places  of  these  provinces  [of  Holland]  several 
private  persons  are  uniting  and  seek  to  establish  a  fi'ee  port  in  the  form  of  a 
new  Commonwealth,  ...  to  the  prejudice  of  His  Majesty  [the  King  of 
Spain]. 

The  Envoy  Extraordinary  .  .  .  thinks  it  his  duty  to  inform  you  thereof, 
in  order  that  you  may  be  pleased  promptly  to  prevent  the  execution  of  tlie  un- 
dertaking- they  have  planned.  Sa»u\/>.  20J. 

1693.     Council  of  the  Indies. 

The  .  .  .  Governor  of  the  Province  of  Venezuela,  in  a  letter  of  i6th  Oc- 
tober, 1 69 1,  reports,  amongst  other  things,  that  they  have  been  under  arms,  both 
in  the  city  of  Caracas,  where  he  resides,  and  in  the  port  of  La  Guayra,  in  that 
province,  on  account  of  seven  Dutch  vessels  of  large  draught,  .  .  .  and  more 
than  thirty  bilanders  of  the  same  nation  which  were  trading  therewith  the  great- 
est boldness  possible,  and  no  efforts  or  care  have  been  able  to  prevent  it,  as  these 
foreigners  are  masters  of  all  the  coast,  .  .  .  and  he  lays  stress  upon  the  great 
frequency  with  which  foreigners  assemble  there. 

The  Council,  in  view    of  this   letter,      .      .      .     consider   it    their   duty  to 
place  it  in  your  Majesty's  royal  liands  in  order  that,  upon  consideration  of  its  ! 
contents,  your  Majesty  may  be  jileased  to  give  orders  that     .     .      .     complaint 
may  be  made  to  the  States-tJencral  respecting  the   serious  breach  of   the 
stipulations  in  the  Peace  of  America.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  46-4?' 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  197 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Continued). 

1735.     West  India  Company. 

>Vc  I'lilly  anprove  the  course  followed  by  you  with  regard  to  the  Spanish 
Governor  of  Orinoco,  siud  recouiiiiend  you  to  go  on  in  the  same  way  with  all 
thoughtful  prudence,  and  not  to  desist  from  the  complaint  you  have  put  for- 
ward. B.  C,  II,  ig. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Nine  soldiers  deserted  from  the  Berbice  River  to  Orinoco  .  .  .  On  their 
arrival  in  Orinoco  they  joined  a  vessel  from  Trinidad  which  was  cruising  about 
there  to  prevent  trade,  and  captured  three  canoes  from  this  Colony  that  were  out 
fishing.  .  .  .  The  new  Governor  being  due  in  Orinoco  in  February  next,  I 
shall  send  there  to  claim  the  boats  and  cargoes,  but  1  am  certain  that  such 
will  be  in  vain,  having-  profited  by  the  example  of  the  Postholder,  Jurge 
Gobel,  whom  they  had  promised  me  by  letter  to  deliver  up,  but  nothing  came 
of  it,  the  man  now  living  in  the  Spanish  village  in  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  .//. 

1748.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  shall  .  .  .  execute  your  Honours'  orders  .  .  .  concerning  the  forts 
of  the  Spaniards,  and  as  regards  the  fishery.  I  have  brought  the  matter  so  far 
with  the  Commandant  of  Orinoco,  that  I  believe  myself  that  no  further  disturb- 
ances will  occur,  but  I  can  obtain  no  satisftiction  for  the  three  canoes  taken 
away  because  he  pretends  that  this  tooli  place  through  a  privateer  of  Trinidad, 
and  thus  out  of  his  jurisdiction.  Same,  p.  jj. 

A  wanderer  of  the  name  of  Pinet  having  gone  up  the  River  Cuyuni  .  .  . 
has  made  report  to  me  that  the  Spaniards  had  not  yet  undertaken  the  building  of 
any  forts  or  Missions  as  had  been  their  intention  lower  dovvn,  but  that  they  cruelly 
ill-treated  the  Indians  subject  to  us,  continually  taking  them  by  surprise  in  their 
dwellings  and  carrying  them  off,  with  their  wives  and  children,  to  send  them  to 
Florida ;  that  he  had  spoken  to  the  Chief  of  the  Spaniards,  and  had  placed  before 
his  eyes  the  unfairness  of  this  treatment,  as  well  as  the  consequences  of  it,  but 
that  the  latter  had  replied  that  the  whole  of  America  belonged  to  the  King 
of  Spain,  and  that  he  should  do  what  suited  himself,  without  troubling  about 
us.     .     .     . 

Seeing  that  all  my  remonstrances  and  letters  to  the  Spaniards  are  of  no 
avail,  and  no  redress  is  obtainable,  I  intend  to  tell  the  Chiefs  of  the  Indians 
when  they  come  to  me,  that  I  can  provide  no  redress  for  them,  and  that  they  must 
take  measures  for  their  own  security.  Then  I  feel  assured  that  in  a  short  time 
no  Spaniard  will  be  visible  any  more  above  in  Cuyuni.  Same,  p.  ^8. 

1749.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Having  written  to  the  Governor  of  Cumana  that  if  he  persisted  in  the 
design  of  founding  a  Mission  in  the  River  Cuyuni,  I  should  be  obliged  to  op- 
pose myself  thereagainst  effectually,  he  has  replied  to  me  that  such  was  without 
his  knowledge,  (not  the  founding  of  the  new  [Mission]  but  the  site),  and  that  it 
should  not  be  progressed  with,  as  in  reality  nothing  has  been  done. 

Satne,  p.  6j. 
1757-     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Complaints  having  been  repeatedly  made  by  the  Commandant  of  Orinoco 
concerning  the  evil  conduct  in  Bari ma  of  the  traders  or  wanderers,  as  well 
from  Surinam  as  from  here,  I  have  written  circumstantially  to  the  ad  interim 
Governor  there,   Mr.  I.  Nepven,  whose   reply   is  awaited  daily. 

Same,  pp.  jji-ij2. 


198  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-lContinued). 

1758.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  with  the  greatest  surprise  that  I  learned  from  some  Indians  a  few  days 
ago  that  our  post  in  the  River  Cuyuni  had  been  attacked  by  Spaniards,  the  chief 
of  the  said  post,  his  second  in  command,  a  Creole  slave  of  the  Company,  and  a 
Creole  woman  with  her  children  taken  prisoners,  and  the  house  burned  down. 

V.  C,  //,  fsj. 

AVhat,  sir,  am  I  to  infer  from  an  offence  so  directly  opposed  to  the  law 
of  nations,  and  to  tlie  Treaties  of  Peace  and  Alliance  snbsistinar  .  .  . 
between  His  Catholic  Majesty  and     .    .    .    tlie  States-General  J    ...  I  am 

thoroughly  convinced  that  His  Catholic  Majesty,  far  from  approving  an  offence 
of  this  nature,  will  not  be  remiss  in  rendering  the  fullest  justice  to  my  Sovereigns, 
and  inflicting  an  exemplary  punishment  upon  those  who  thus  dare  to  abuse  their 
authority.  Same,  p.  124. 

1758.     Nicolas  de  Castro. 

The  Commandant  of  Guiana  has  sent  me,  with  other  papers  a  letter  which  you 
[(ilravesande]  have  written  to  him.  demanding-  the  delivery  of  the  two  Dntch 
prisoners,  a  negro,  and  a  Creole,  with  their  children,  and  of  all  that  was  found 
by  the  guard  in  command  there  on  an  island  in  the  River  Cuyuni,  which  is,  with 
its  dependencies,  a  part  of  the  domains  of  the  King,  my  master,  and  on  which 
these  prisoners  publicly  kept  up  an  illicit  trade  in  Indian  poitos,  although  it  is 
incredible  that  their  High  Mightinesses  should  have  authorized  you  to  enter  the 
said  domains,  and  still  less  to  purchase  Indians  from  his  villages  and  territories, 
in  order  to  make  slaves  of  them.  This  being  so,  and  our  action  being  a  justi- 
fiable one,  I  cannot  consent  to  the  restitntion  of  the  prisoners  whom  you  de- 
mand until  I  know  tlie  will  of  my  master,  to  whom  1  have  made  a  report  of 
all  that  has  passed,  with  papers  in  justitication  of  my  action.  B.  C,  II,  lyg. 

1758.  Military  Commandant  in  Essequibo. 

Having  read  the  contents  of  the  aforesaid  letter,  [of  de  Castro]  and  seeing 
the  frivolous  pretexts  which  are  are  alleged  in  order  to  justify  a  proceeding  so 
directly  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations,  .  .  .  His  Excellency  .  .  .  per- 
sists, and  now  for  the  second  time  demands  the  freeing-  of  tlie  prisoners 
and  a  suitable  satisfaction  for  this  violation  and  insult  done  to  the  territory 
of  his  Sovereigns,  and  that  since  it  seems  to  him  .  .  .  that  you  in 
Guayana  and  at  Cumana  are  ignorant  of  the  boundaries  of  the  territory  of  His 
Catholic  Majesty  and  those  of  the  States-General  ...  he  has  ordered  me 
to  send  you  the  enclosed  map  on  which  you  will  be  able  to  see  them  very 
distinctly.  V.  C,  II,  12S. 

1759.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  letter  from  the  Commandant  here  to  the  Commandant  in  Orinoco  has 
been  sent  back  unopened,  B.  C,  II,  1J4. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  only  answer  the  Spanish  Commandant  gave  to  these  remonstrances  was 
a  continuation  of  the  very  acts  which  brought  them  forth.  V.  C,  ijS. 

Renewed  complaints  by  Ccravesande  were  returned  unopened,  and  his 
envoys  driven  away  unheard.  The  remonstrance  of  the  States  General  to  the 
Conrt  of  Spain  was  treated  with  the  same  contempt.  V.  C,  i^g. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  199 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Contmued). 

1759.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

As  to  the  raid  upon  the  Post  of  Cuyuni  by  the  Spaniards,  not  only  does  it 
exceedingly  astonish  us,  but  also  seems  to  us  of  the  gravest  consequence  for  the 
Colony.  For  that  reason  we  shall  not  fail  .  .  .  to  make  upon  that  subject 
the  necessary  representations  to  the  States-General.  B.  C,  II,  1^4. 

Regarding  the  raid  of  the  Spaniards  upon  the  Company's  Post  in  Rio  Cuyuni 
.  .  .  after  discussion  ...  it  was  resolyed  to  request  the  Committee  on 
Commerce  to  consider  more  fully  the  documents  bearing  upon  the  said  raid,  and 
also  to  instruct  the  Advocate  to  formulate  their  views  thereupon  in  a  Remon- 
strance to  the  States-General.  Same,  p.  lyj. 

The  Committee  on  Commerce  reported  .  .  .  concerning  the  raid  of  the 
Spaniards  upon  the  Company's  Post  in  Rio  Cuyuni,  and  that  the  Advocate  had 
formulated  their  views  in  a  Remonstrance  to  the  States-General  which  they  sub- 
mitted for  approval  to  this  Chamber. 

Resolved  to  approve  said  Remonstrance  as  it  stands.  Same,  p.  i-jd. 

1759.     States-General. 

Read  .  .  .  the  Remonstrance  of  the  Directors  of  the  West  India 
Company  .  .  .  setting  forth  that  they  .  .  .  have  been  from  time  im- 
memorial in  undisturbed  possession,  not  alone  of  the  aforesaid  River  Essequibo, 
but  also  of  all  the  branches  and  tributaries.  .  .  and  especially  of  the  .  .  . 
Cuyuni.  That  they,  the  remonstrants,  in  virtue  of  that  possession,  have  always 
considered  the  said  River  Cuyuni  as  a  domain  of  this  State,  and  have,  in  conse- 
quence, built  on  its  banks  a  so-called  Post.  With  the  most  extreme  astonish- 
ment .  .  .  the  remonstrants  have  learnt  .  .  .  that  a  troop  of  Spaniards 
.  .  .  from  Orinoco  .  .  .  had  attacked  overcome  and  burned  the  said 
Post ;  and  .  .  .  carried  off  to  Guayana  as  prisoners  the  Postholder  and 
assistant,  as  well  as  a  Creole  man  and  womaa,  with  their  children.  That  the  said 
Director-General  .  .  .  addressed  a  letter  ...  in  .  .  .  1758  to  Don 
Juan  Valdes,  Commandant  of  Guayana,  requesting  .  .  .  reparation  for  the 
said  outrage.  .  .  .  But  that  he  .  .  .  instead  of  satisfying  this  just  de- 
mand, had  simply  ordered  to  be  written  by  one  Nicolas  Castro  from  Cumana,  a 
.     .     .     haughty  and  unsatisfactory  despatch. 

The  remonstrants  therefore  pray  for  the  reasons  alleged  that  Their  High 
Mightinesses  may  be  pleased  to  cause  such  representations  to  be  made  to  the 
Court  of  His  Catholic  Majesty,  that  reparation  may  be  made  for  the  said 
hostilities,  and  that  the  remonstrants  may  be  reinstated  in  the  quiet  possession  of 
the  said  Post,  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  River  Cuyuni,  and  also  that,  through 
their  High  Mightinesses  and  the  Court  of  Madrid,  a  proper  delimitation  between 
the  Colony  of  Essequibo  and  the  River  Orinoco  may  be  laid  down  by  authority, 
so  as  to  prevent  any  future  dispute. 

It  was  moreover  approved  and  agreed  that  .  .  .  the  .  .  .  Ambas- 
sador of  their  High  Mightinesses  to  the  Court  of  Spain  ...  be  instructed 
.     .     .     to  insist  [as  above].  Same,  pp.  lyd-iy/. 

1759.     Dutch  Ambassador  at  Madrid. 

Since  the  said  Commandant  (of  Guayana)  wishes  to  support,  without  any  good 
reason,  an  invasion  and  hostilities  committed  upon  territories  properly  belonging 


200  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
N  ATU  R  E-(Continued). 

to   my  masters,     .     .     .     they  have   directed    the   undersigned   to   communicate 

the   above  to  your   Excellency     .     .     .     and  they  are  confident  of  obtainins? 

.    satisfactorj'  reparation  for  the  past  and  orders  for  the  fnture,  so 

that  they  may  see  themselves  in  undisturbed  possession  as  before,  of  the  said  Post 
on  the  River  called  Cuyuni.  V-  C.,  //,  /j6. 

1759.  Dutch  Ambassador  at  Madrid,  to  States-General. 

Pursuant  to  your  august  orders,  I  gave  information  orally  of  the  matter  [of  the 
destroyed  Cuyuni  Post]  to  Seiior  Wall,  and  yesterday  I  repeated  my  complaint 
against  the  Conimandenr  of  Guayana  by  a  written  memorandnm  thereof,  and 
pressed  for  prompt  reparation.  B.  C,  II,  lyg. 

1760.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  am  well  aware,  my  Lords,  that  to  undertake  measures  of  reprisal  a  distinct 
order  from  the  Sovereign  is  necessary.  .  .  .  Although  the  appearance  of  some 
such  threat  is  contained  in  my  letter  to  the  Commandant  of  the  Orinoco,  it  has 
never  entered  my  head  to  proceed  to  such  extremities.  Same,  p.  1S3. 

1762.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Concerning  the  affairs  of  Cuyuni  we  shall  shortly  present  a  furtlier  Memo- 
rial to  tlie  States-General.  Same,  p.  211. 

1762.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  trust  that  your  Lordships  will  not  lose  sight  of  the  outrage  iu  Cuyuni. 
That  matter,  My  Lords,  is  of  the  utmost  importance  for  many  very  weiglity 
reasons,  and  more  than  any  one  in  Europe  could  imagine ;  .  .  .  even  if  there 
were  no  important  reasons  which  compelled  the  Honourable  Company  to  take  an 
interest  in  the  possession  of  Cuyuni,  I  cannot  see  why  we  should  permit  the 
Spaniards  to  disturb  and  appropriate  our  lawful  possessions.  Same,  p.  211. 


I  hope  their  High  Mightinesses  will  be  pleased  to  arrive  at  a  favourable  Reso- 
lution respecting  the  affairs  of  Cuyuni,  and  receive  justice  in  this  matter  from  the 
Court  of  Spain. 

The  reason  why  I  did  not  claim  the  boats  captured  by  the  Spaniards  is  as 
follows : — The  settler  Jan  Dudonjon  having  been  sent  by  me  to  Orinoco  with 
special  authority  to  claim  ...  a  few  runaway  slaves  who  were  prisoners 
there,  the  commandant  ...  not  only  refused  to  give  him  a  hearing,  but 
forbade  him  to  set  foot  on  shore,  ordering  him  to  depart  at  once.       Same,  p.  21  j. 

Prior  to  this  he  had  also  returned  to  me  unopened  a  letter  which  I  had  asked 
the  Commandant  to  write  to  him.  Of  what  use  would  it  therefore  be  to  take 
further  steps?  One  cannot  even  get  a  refusal  when  the  letters  are  thns  sent 
back  unopened,  and  llie  Envoys  are  driven  away  unheard.  Same, p.  214. 

1762.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Up  to  this  time  not  the  least  answer  has  been  received  from  the  Court  of 
Madrid  to  tlie  Memorial  about  Cuyuni  presented  by  us  to  the  States-General. 
In  view  of  this,  it  is  our  inlention  loshortly  present  a  further  Memorial  upon 
that  subject  to  llie  States-General,  with  addition  of  what  has  happened 
since.  Same,  p.  214. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  20] 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR     DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Continued). 

1762.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Notwithstanding-  all  the  reasons  alleged  in  your  letter,  we  could  have  wished 
that  you  had  duly  claimed  the  captured  salters'  vessels;  a  refusal  from  the  Com- 
mandeur  of  the  Orinoco  would  have  given  us  a  better  right  to  complain  to  the 
Sovereign.  B.  C,  II,  214. 

1765.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Since  tlie  raid  upon  the  Post  in  Cuyuni  I  have  never  received  one  word  of 
answer  to  all  my  letters  ;  some  have  been  even  sent  back  [unopened]. 

B.  C,  III,  128. 

1767.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

If  it  is  desired  to  prevent  the  ruin  of  the  Colony,  the  three  following  points 
should  be  taken  into  serious  consideration  and  be  put  into  effect  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible : — 

I.  To  insist  with  the  Court  of  Spain  upon  redress  for  the  grievances,  and 
to  ask  there  for  measures  to  make  those  in  command  obey  the  orders  of  His 
Catholic  Majesty,  for  they  really  laugh  at  them. 

And  if  no  redress  can  be  obtained  at  the  Conrt  of  Spain,  to  use  reprisals 
against  the  Missions,  situated  on  our  frontier,  even  on  our  territory  ;  I  think  they 
would  then  be  brought  to  reason.  Same,  p.  14J. 

1767.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

As  to  taking  efficacious  measures  against  the  running  away  of  slaves  to  Orinoco 
and  elsewhere  .  .  ,  we  already  told  you  how  little  effect  we  were  expecting 
from  any  representations  or  requests  here  in  Europe,  in  view  of  the  result  ob- 
tained at  the  Court  of  Spain,  by  the  representations  made  at  the  request  of  the 
Presidial  Chamber  of  Amsterdam,  regarding  the  slaves  absconding  from  Curagao 
to  the  coasts  of  Cora.  However,  ...  we  have  appointed  a  committee  to 
report  to  the  Pensionary  of  this  Province  about  the  condition  of  affairs,  in  order 
that  he  may  .  .  .  lay  the  matter  before  the  meeting  of  the  Provincial 
Estates  and  bring-  it  about  that  the  Deputies  to  the  States-General  be  instructed 
to  urge  in  that  body  that  Mr.  Doublet  ran  Cirroeneveld  be  reqnested  to  make 
the  most  vigorous  representations  to  His  Catholic  Majesty,  to  the  end  that 
the  slaves  deserting  from  Essequibo  cum  annexis  to  the  Spanish  Colonies  may 
be  returned,  as  has  always  hitherto  been  done  until  a  few  years  ago. 

Same,  pp.  i^g-ijO. 

1767.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  shall  have  to  wait  and  see  what  results  the  solemn  oaths  and  promises  of 
the  Governor  of  Guayana  will  have  .  .  .  because  we  believe  that  all  fur- 
ther demands  for  restitution  of  the  runaway  slaves  will  be  fruitless  both  in 
America  and  Europe,  and  especially  those  which  your  honours  seem  to  think 
could  be  made  to  the  Spanish  Ambassador.  Same,  p.  /jS. 

1768.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Don  Manuel  Centurion,  Governor  of  CJuayana,  .  .  .  writes  to  me  that 
Mr.  La  Barre  was  quite  mistaken  in  what  he  told  me ;  .  .  .  slaves  who 
had  fled  from  Cayenne  to  Orinoco  .  .  .  were  really  returned  by  an  authori- 
tative order.  But  that  not  any  orders  had  been  received  from  His  Catholic 
Majesty,  concerning  the  restitution  of  the  Dutch  slaves,  and  that  there  was 
no  likelihood  of  such  being  given.  Same,  p.  181. 


202  REMONSTUANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
N  ATU  R  E-(Continued). 

1768.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Must  we,  my  Lords,  regard  all  this  quietly  and  endure  all  these  insults  and 
hostile  acts?  Must  we  see  our  Posts  raided  and  ruined  and  our  boats  attacked 
upon  our  own  coasts  ?  What  is  to  be  the  end  of  this  ?  There  is  no  redress  to 
be  got  from  the  Court  of  Spain.     Why  not  exercise  the  Jus  talionis? 

B.  C,  III,  I  S3. 

1768.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  have  repeatedly  instructed  our  Deputies  in  the  Assembly  of  Ten  to  pro- 
pose there  tliat  the  States-Greneral  be  again  urged  to  liave  empliatic  repre- 
sentations made  to  tlie  Court  of  Spain  for  restitution  of  tlie  slaves  who  ran 
away  from  Curagao  to  the  coasts  of  Cora  and  from  Essequibo  to  Orinoco ;  but 
no  report  having  yet  been  made  thereof,  we  cannot  as  yet  inform  you  of  the 
result.  Same,  p.  1S4. 

1769,  July  6.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga,  Prefect  of  Missions. 

Tlie  Missionaries  there  collected  140  Indians,  .  .  .  And  they  found  in  tlie 
power  of  the  Dutchman  living  in  the  Post  of  Moruca,  three  Indian  Monien 
with  their  children,  wliom  he  had  enslaved  and  taken  from  the  mouths  of  the 
Orinoco,  as  they  explained  to  us,  and  from  the  Kiver  Massaruni.  Tliese  the 
religious  took  away  together  with  others  above  mentioned,  without  violence 
or  causing  any  injury  to  the  Dutch.  And  now  the  (xovernor  of  Essequibo  finds 
in  this  a  motive  for  complaining  of  your  Commandant-General,  charging  him 
with  the  infraction  of  Treaties,  outrages,  and  offences,  being  indignant  because 
last  year  the  same  Commandant-General  had  dislodged  the  people  whom  he  kept 
surreptitiously  in  Barima.  B.  C,  IV,  ig-20. 

1769,  Aug.  2.    Remonstrance  of  the  States-General. 

The  Company  .  .  .  having  the  .  .  .  direction  and  care  of  the  Colony 
of  Essequibo,  and  of  the  rivers  which  belong  to  it  .  .  .  had  .  .  .  from 
time  almost  immemorial  been  in  possession  not  only  of  the  aforesaid  River 
Essequibo  and  of  several  rivers  and  creeks  which  flow  into  the  sea  along  the 
coast,  but  also  of  all  branches  and  streams  which  fall  into  the  same  River  Esse- 
quibo, and  more  particularly  .  .  .  the  Cuyuni  .  .  .  which  is  considered 
as  a  domain  of  the  State  [whereon]  there  had  been  established  a  so-called  Post. 

A  Spanish  detachment  coming  from  the  Orinoco  had  come  above  that  Post 
and  had  carried  off  several  Indians,  threatening  to  return  at  the  first  following  dry 
season  and  visit  Massaroeny,  another  arm  of  the  Essequibo,  lying  between  that 
and  the  Cuyuni  River,  and  therefore,  also  unquestionably  forming  part  of  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  Republic,  in  order  also  to  carry  off  from  thence  a  body  of  Caribs 
.     .     .     and  then  to      .      .     .     visit  the  Company's  said  Post  in  Cuyuni. 

Same, p.  2Q. 

The  Director-General  aforesaid  had  also  informed  them  ...  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  two  Spanish  Missions,  occupied  by  a  strong  force,  one  not  far  above 
the  Company's  said  post  in  Cuyuni  (apparently,  however,  on  Spanish  territoiy), 
and  the  other  a  little  higher  up  on  a  creek  which  flows  into  the  aforesaid  Cuyuni 
River. 

The   Spaniards  had  begun  to  carry  off  the  Indians  from  Moruca,  and  had     I 
made  themselves  masters  of  the  Company's  Post  there      .      .      .      where  from 
time  immemorial  the  Company  had  also  a  trading  place  and  a   Post,  and  which 
also  incontestably  belonged  to  the  territory  of  the  Dutch,  Same,  p.  jo. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  203 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Continued). 

1769,  Aug.  2.    Remonstrance  of  the  States-General. 

That  they,  the  remonstrants,  had  further  learnt  .  .  .  that  the  Spaniards 
of  the  Orinoco  River  had  murdered  or  .  .  .  caused  to  be  murdered  .  .  . 
the  Company's  Postholder  of  the  Post  Arinda  .  .  .  and  also  all  the  Caribs  he 
had  with  him.  .  ^.  C.,  IV,  30-31. 

That  the  people  of  the  Orinoco  had  some  time  ago  not  only  begun  to  dispute 
with  the  people  of  the  Essequibo  about  the  fishing  rights  in  the  mouth  of  the 
Orinoco,  and  thereupon  to  prevent  them  by  force  from  enjoying  the  same,  not- 
withstanding that  the  people  of  Essequibo  had  been  for  many  years  in  peaceful 
and  quiet  possession  of  that  fishery,  .  .  .  but  that,  further,  the  people  of 
Orinoco  were  beginning  to  prevent,  by  force,  their  fishing  upon  the  territory  of 
the  State  itself,  extending  from  the  River  Marowyne  to  beyond  the  River  Wayne, 
not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco. 

That  lastly,  .  .  .the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Orinoco,  contrary  not 
only  to  the  law  of  nations,  in  taking  away  and  retaining,  ...  the  slaves 
which  deserted  thither  from  that  Colony,  notwithstanding  that  the  owners  de- 
manded their  return  formally  and  most  emphatically.  Same,  p.  31. 

Decreed  that  a  copy  of  the  aforesaid  Remonstrance  ...  be  sent  to 
.  .  .  [tlie]  .  .  .  Envoy  ...  to  the  Conrt  of  Spain.  That  lie  be 
.  .  .  instrncted  .  .  .  to  insist  upon  a  prompt  reparation  of  the  acts 
of  hostility  committed,  and  npon  the  reinstatement  of  the  remonstrants  in 
tlie  peaceful  possession  of  the  above-mentioned  Posts  and  other  rights,  such 
as  the  fishing  at  the  above-mentioned  places  ;  and  .  .  .  upon  the  necessary 
measures  being  taken  to  prevent  such  causes  of  complaint  in  future  ;  and  that 
accordingly,  the  Court  of  Spain  may  give  orders  as  soon  as  possible  to  restore, 
without  fail  or  delay  ...  on  payment  of  the  expenses  incurred,  all  slaves 
who  have  deserted     ...     or  who  may  desert  hereafter. 

And  an  extract  of  this  Resolution  .  .  .  shall  be  communicated  to  the 
,  .  .  Envoy  ...  of  His  Catholic  Majesty,  with  a  request  ...  to 
support  with  his  good  ofiices  these  representations.  Same,  p.  32. 

1769,  Aug.  21.     West  India  Company  to  States-General. 

We  had  the  honour  to  receive  .  .  .  your  .  .  .  resolution  taken  upon 
our  Remonstrance  of  July  17  last,  which  concerned  certain  enterprises  by  the 
Spaniards  from  Orinoco  against  various  posts  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo  ;  also 
the  impeding  and  preventing  of  the  fishery  for  the  people  of  the  aforesaid 
colony,  upon  their  own  coasts  as  well  as  in  the  mouth  of  the  river  Orinoco ;  and, 
lastly,  the  detention  ...  of  the  slaves  deserting  from  the  colony  of  Essequibo 
to  Orinoco  .  .  .  We  saw  that  yon  had  been  i»leased  ...  to  in- 
struct the  Envoy  ...  at  the  Conrt  of  Spain  that  he  make  due  represen- 
tations with  respect  to  the  three  aforesaid  points,  and  insist  .  .  .  upon 
a  prompt  reparation  .  .  .  and  upon  the  necessary  provision  for  the 
future.  V.  C,  II,  204. 

1769,  Sept.  7.     Secretary  of  State  for  the  Indies. 

It  is  necessary  for  me  to  ask  information  from  the  (Jovernors  of  the  new 
village  of  Ouayana  and  of  Cumana  concerning- the  facts  which  are  reported, 

and  to  forward  the  said  memorial  [z.  e.,  Dutch  Remonstrance  of  17()»]  to  the 
Council  of  the  Indies,  in  order  that  His  Majesty  may  be  informed  of  the  exten- 


201  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
N  ATU  R  E-(Continued). 

sion  of  those  boundaries  and  about  the  right  claintied  by  the  Republic  to  the 
fishery  at  the  entrance  to  the  River  Orinoco — a  thing  as  new  to  me  as  that  the 
Carib  tribe  of  Indians  is  conceived  of  as  the  ally  of  the  Dutch,  and  letir  appar- 
te'/iaiit  en  qiielque  sorte.  V.  C,  III,  jSi, 

1769,  Sept.  7.     Dutch  Ambassador  at  Madrid  to  States-General. 

His  Excellency  told  me  he  had  received  extract  of  your  High  Mightinesses' 
Resolution,  inclosing  the  complaints  mentioned,  .  .  .  that  he  had  given 
report  thereof  to  the  King  .  .  .  that  his  Majesty  had  commanded  it  to  be 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Department  of  India  and 
the  Navy.  .  .  .  his  Excellency  said  he  knew  nothing  of  the  matter,  and 
that  he  would  send  the  said  document  to  tlie  Council  of  the  Indies,  in  order 
to  take  their  advice  thereon.  ...  I  requested  him  ...  to  send  or- 
ders to  the  Governor  to  discontinue  all  hostilities,  and  to  leave  those  of  the  Col- 
ony in  quiet  possession,  as  they  had  possessed  the  same  until  now.  His  Excellency 
replied  to  me  that,  when  the  advice  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  was  received, 
he  should  send  the  same  to  the  Marquis  de  Grimaldi,  and  that  they  would  then 
make  report  thereof  to  the  King.  B-  C-<  IV,  3^- 

1769,  Sept.  23.     Royal  Order  to  Commandant  of  Guayana. 

Tlie  Minister  of  Holland  has  presented  a  note  complaining:  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  tlie  Spaniards  established  on  the  Orinoco  against  the  Colony  of 
Essequibo,  as  stated  in  detail  in  the  annexed  paper.  By  order  of  the  King  I 
send  you  this  document  in  order  that,  in  view  thereof,  you  may,  with  all  pos- 
sible despatch,  and  with  ail  the  necessary  proofs,  report  what  may  have  occurred 
in  reference  to  the  acts  mentioned  therein,  and  what  may  suggest  itself  to 
you  on  the  subject  for  the  information  of  His  Majesty.  Same,  p.  46. 

1769,  Oct.  23.     West  India  Company  to  Director-General. 

Concerning  the  enterprises  of  the  Spaniards,  of  which  you  speak  in  your 
letter,  as  also  about  the  hindering-  of  the  fisheries  and  the  detention  of  the 
slaves  deserting-  .  .  .  we  have  made  a  very  full  remonstrance  to  the 
States-General,  which  has  had  for  a  result  that  on  this  subject  the  most  em- 
phatic representations  have  been  made  to  the  Court  of  Spain  ...  of  which, 
however,  up  to  this  time  the  effect  has  been  only  this,  that  the  Court  of  Spain  has 
demanded  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  a  report  on  this  head.  V.  C,  II,  212. 

1769.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

In  the  formal  remonstrance,  addressed  in  17(>9,  .  .  .  by  the  States- 
General  to  the  Spanish  Court,  a  definite  claim  was  made  as  to  the  boundary 
on  the  Guiana  coast.  The  territory  of  the  Netherlands,  according  to  this  docu- 
ment, stretched  "  from  the  river  Marowyn  to  beyond  the  river  Waini." 

So  far  as  appears  in  the  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  Netherlands,  no 
answer  to  this  claim  was  ever  made  by  Spain.  Spanish  aggressions,  however, 
did  not  cease.  V.  C.-C,  II,  114. 

The  Dutch  documents,  indeed,  know  little  enough  of  the  Barima  after  1768. 
Storm  van's  Gravesande  did  not  again  urge  it  as  the  boundary  ;  and  in  the  remon- 
strance to  Spain  in  17(JJ)  the  Dutch  government  described  its  territory  as 
extending,  not  to  the  Barima,  but  only  "to  beyond  the  river  Waini."  Not 
even  a  Dutch  trader  is  again  heard  of  in  the  Barima.  Same,  p.  Ij6- 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  205 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Continued). 

1770.     Don  Manuel  Centurion. 

In  the  city  of  Guayana  on  the  4th  of  April,  1770  Senor  Don  Manuel  Cen- 
turion, Commandant-General  .  .  .  declared  :  That  having  seen  the  declara- 
tions and  inquiries  whereof  these  "  Autos "  consist  he  approved  them  and 
considered  them  sufficient  for  the  proofs  which  by  order  of  the  King  he  has 
been  instructed  to  draw  up  respecting  the  complaints  made  to  His  Majesty  by  the 
Minister  of  Holland  concerning-  the  proceedings  of  the  Spaniards  of  Orinoco 
against  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  and  therefore  ordered  that  a  complete  copy  of 
this  report  be  taken  by  us  the  witnesses,  the  original  should  be  sent  to  the  King 
our  Lord.  B.C.,IV,6g. 

1770.     Commandant  of  Guayana. 

From  the  two  judicial  documents  enclosed,  your  Excellency  will  see  proved 
that  the  Director  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  Laurence  Storm  van  Gravesande, 
has  ^vished  to  alarm  the  States-Oeneral  with  false  charges,  on  which  the  Ke- 
public  of  Holland  has  founded  tlie  complaints  presented  through  their 
Minister  in  Madrid,  in  reference  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Spaniards  of  Orinoco 
against  that  Colony.  Same,  p.  70. 

1770.     Council  of  the  Indies. 

The  Minister  of  Holland  having  complained  of  the  aforesaid  proceedings 
against  the  Colony  of  Essequibo,  .  .  .  Instructions  have  also  been  issued 
to  the  Commander  of  Guiana  and  to  the  Governor  of  Cuman.l  to  have  ready 
the  matter  in  reference  to  the  subject  of  the  complaint  of  the  Minister  of 
Holland.     This  letter  and  documents  to  be  sent  to  the  Council. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  80-81. 

1772.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  .  .  .  written  to  the  Governor  [of  Orinoco]  .  .  .  asking  him 
for  the  restitution  of  the  slaves.  I  am  certain  that  this  is  in  vain,  and  that 
no  attention  will  be  paid  to  this  demand.  B.  C,  IV,  100. 

1773.  Dutch  Ambassador  at  Madrid. 

I  have  been  honoured  with  your  High  Mightinesses'  Resolution,  .  .  . 
whereby  I  am  desired,  in  writing,  to  renew^  the  complaints  of  the  rnnning 
away  of  slaves  from  the  possessions  of  the  Netherlands  West  India  Company 
to  the  Spanisli  possessions. 

I  shall  not  neglect  to  make  .  .  .  earnest  remonstrances,  according  to  the 
tenour  of  )our  High  Mightinesses' highly  respected  Resolution,  and  to  give,  as 
speedily  as  may  be,  information  of  the  result  of  my  commission.       Same,  p.  120. 

1774.  Proceedings  as  to  Complaint  by  the  Dutch  Minister. 

Having  placed  these  proceedings  and  annexes  in  the  hands  of  the  Attorney- 
General,  as  directed,  said  attorney,  in  his  answer  of  the  6th  of  August,  1774, 
said  :  That,  in  the  proceedings  instituted,  in  consequence  of  the  pretensions  of  the 
Minister  of  Holland  assuming  his  right  or  dominion  on  his  part  to  fish  in  that 
portion  of  Orinoco  river,  and  that  he  was  disturbed  and  unjustly  ejected  by  the 
subjects  of  His  Majesty,  he  recalls  the  fact  that,  in  order  to  carry  out  tlie  Royal 
order  of  September  10,  17(J5),  he  requested  from  tlie  Secretary  of  the  Uni- 
versal Department  of  Indies,  as  well  as  from  the  Council,  all  the  documents 
and  antecedents  to  be  found  in  connection  with  the  subject.  V.  C,  II,  42S. 


206  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Continued). 

1774.     Proceedings  as  to  Complaint  by  the  Dutch  Minister. 

That  it  was  done  and  that  he  received  a  large  amount  of  papers,  letters, 
and  documents,  and  that  having  taken  them  all  into  mature  consideration  he 
found  that  it  was  a  protracted  matter,  wanting  close  attention  and  considerable 
time,  that  he  needed  for  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  and  in  order  to  avoid  this 
inconvenience  he  sug:gested  that  the  whole  affair  should  be  submitted  to  a 
Relator  of  tlie  pleasure  of  the  Council,  so  as  to  take  special  notes,  and  an  ab- 
stract of  all  the  antecedents  and  facts  up  to  the  present  time,  and  when  that  had 
been  done,  to  send  it  back  to  him  (the  Attorney-General)  so  as  to  submit  his 
further  views  and  report  to  his  Majesty. 

And  the  Council  having"  accepted  this  suggestion  by  decree  of  the  1st  of 
September,  17  74,  all  the  proceedings  were  delivered  to  me  for  the  purpose 
already  explained  by  the  answer  of  the  Attorney-General.     That  was  the  result. 

V.  C,  //,  43S-42g. 

1774.  Report  of  Fiscal  on  Complaints  by  Dutch  Minister. 

The  Fiscal,  for  the  Expediente,  necessitated  by  the  Dutch  Minister,  wishing 
to  allege  full  right  and  dominion  in  the  Colony  of  Essequibo  and  fishery  in 
that  part  of  the  River  Orinoco,  and  that  your  Majesty's  subjects  trouble  and 
disturb  it  unjustly,  states  that,  in  order  to  comply  with  the  orders  expressed  in 
His  Majesty's  Royal  Order  of  tlie  10th  September,  1705),  concerning  this  affair, 
he  requested  tliat  all  documents  and  data  Ihat  might  serve  to  elucidate  this 
matter,  and  had  any  connection  whatever  therewith,  should  be  sought  for  in  the 
Department  of  the  Council  of  tlie  Indies,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  Secretary  of 
State,  and  be  added  to  the  file. 

This  was  effectively  complied  with  by  the  transmission  of  a  mountain 
("crecido  cumulo  ")  of  papers,  dcspatclies,  letters  and  documents;  and  the 
Fiscal,  having  devoted  himself  to  their  examination,  finds  that  the  proper  study 
and  discernment  of  all  these  is  a  very  long  affair,  in  which  a  great  part  of  his 
time,  that  he  requires  for  the  due  transaction  of  other  and  very  important  affairs  of 
his  office,  would  be  uselessly  consumed.  Consequently,  he  is  of  opinion  tliat 
to  avoid  this  inconvenience,  and  that  the  greatest  exactness  may  be  attained,  the 
whole  affair  should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  competent  person  chosen  by  the 
Council,  so  that  a  circumstantial  commentary  and  abstract  of  all  the  docu- 
ments, and  whatever  else  there  may  be  therewith  connected  at  the  present  time, 
be  drawn  up,  and  on  its  conclusion  the  whole  returned  to  the  Fiscal  for  his 
opinion  and  judgment,  and  whatever  else  may  be  necessary  to  inform  His 
Majesty.  V.  C,  II,  429. 

1775.  Mar.  2.     Resolution  of  States-General. 

The  West  India  Company  .  .  .  had  expected  that,  after  the 
repeated  representations  which  at  their  request  the  States-General  had  been 
pleased  to  make  to  the  King  of  Spain,  .  .  .  His  3Ijijesty  the  King 
would  at  last  liave  given  sudi  orders  that  tliose  well-founded  complaints 
might  Iiave  been  removed  ;  but  that  to  their  sorrow  tliey  had  learned  tiiat 
all  tlie  representations  made  by  tlie  States-tJeneral  had  hitherto  remained 
fruitless.  That  although  no  such  agreeable  prospect  was  held  out  to  them  as 
that  further  remonstrance  might  attain  the  desired  success,  they,  however,  felt  it 
had  become  their  duty  afresh  to  bring  to  their  High  Mightinesses'  knowledge  the 
new   complaints    which   they   had   lately   received   from   the   Director- General, 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  207 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Continued). 

Essequibo,  not  alone  with  respect  to  fugitive  slaves,  but  even  that  the  Spaniards 
had  come  under  and  at  the  Posts  of  the  said  West  India  Company,  and  there 
had  forcibly  carried  away  or  killed  the  free  Indians.  D.  C,  IV,  ij2. 

And  it  is  therefore  approved  and  decided  :  that  copy  of  the  letter  aforesaid 
shall  be  sent  to  .  .  .  their  High  Mightinesses'  Envoy  to  the  Court  of  Spain, 
and  that  a  letter  be  written  to  represent  this. 

That  tlieir  High  Mig-htiuesses  had  hoped  and  expected  that  some  atteii- 
tiou  would  have  been  paid  to  the  numerous  complaints  from  time  to  time 
made  of  the  retention  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  of  the  refusal   to  give  them  back. 

Their  High  Mightinesses  .  .  .  would  not,  considering  the  slight  regard 
which  has  hitherto  been  paid  to  all  their  representations  on  this  subject,  have 
again  troubled  his  said  Majesty  thereon  ...  but  that  they  are  compelled 
.  .  .  to  make  a  renewed  appeal  to  His  said  Majesty,  in  order  that  he  may  be 
pleased  to  at  once  issue  order  against  such  outrages.  .  .  .  That  the  servants 
of  His  said  Majesty  in  the  West  Indies,  not  satisfied  with  affording  a  place  of 
shelter  for  fugitive  slaves,  have  gone  so  far  that  they  have  come  even  under  and 
to  the  Posts  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo  to  carry  off  by  force  or  to  slay  all  the 
free  Indians  thereabout ;  that  their  High  Mightinesses  are  perfectly  persuaded 
that  His  Majesty  will  not  approve,  or  yet  permit,  such  a  mode  of  action,  and 
that  ...  he  will  give  the  orders  requisite  to  obviate  the  consequences  which 
might  possibly  spring  therefrom. 

That  undertakings  of  this  nature  are  so  prejudicial  and  ruinous  to  the  Colo- 
nies of  the  State  that  they  should  be  compelled  to  take  measures  to  repulse  these 
violent  acts  ;  .  .  .  that  men  cannot  refrain  from  using  the  means  they  have  at 
hand  to  defend  themselves  ;  and  that  their  High  Mightinesses  therefore,  to  pre- 
vent all  estrangements  between  officers  on  either  side,  request,  in  the  most  entirely 
friendly  and  earnest  manner,  that  the  necessary  precautions  may  be  taken; 
.  .  .  that  no  free  Indians  may  be  carried  away  by  violence  from,  or  ill-treated 
in,  the  Colonies  of  the  State,  but  also  that  the  retention  of  fugitive  slaves  may  be 
effectually  prevented.  Same,  p.  ijj. 

177$,  April  lo.     Spain's  answer  to  States-General's  Resolution  of  Mar.  2,  1775. 

I  am  obliged  to  repeat  to  you  that  which  I  said  by  order  of  the  King,  .  .  . 
that  a  very  long  time  has  elapsed  since  it  was  decreed  in  Spanish  America  that 
slaves  who  became  fugitives  from  Protestant  Colonies  with  the  intention  of  em- 
bracing the  Catholic  religion,  should  remain  free.  Wherefore  this  has  been 
observed,  and  is  still  observed,  in  all  the  dominions  of  the  King  in  these  regions, 
without  any  possibility  of  altering  this  incontestable  practice. 

But  with  regard  to  the  outrag-e  which  you  assure  me  that  Spanish  sub- 
jects have  committed  in  the  Dutch  Colonies,  in  taking  by  force  or  killing  free 
Indians,  I  must  declare  to  you  that  these  acts  of  violence  have  caused  the  King 
much  surprise,  and  that  his  Majesty  has  ordered  the  xMinistry  of  the  Indies  to 
make  the  most  minute  inquiry  into  the  fact,  and  to  proceed  to  the  condign 
punishment  of  the  aggressors.  Same,  pp.  ijj-ij^- 

1776.     West  India  Company  (Amsterdam  Chamber). 

They  were  somewhat  reluctant  to  address  them-elves  in  this  connection  to  the 
States-General,  because  the  States-General  had  more  tlian  once  caused  repre- 


208  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Contlnued). 

sontations  to  be  made  to  the  Spanish  Court  upon  this  subject,  but  without 
result.  That  however,  they  thought  it  best  to  bring  the  matter  unofficially  before 
the  Ministry  at  the  Hague,  and  get  an  expression  of  its  opinion.     B.  C,  IV,  141. 

1776.     West  fndia  Company  (the  Ten). 

As  regards  the  petitioners'  complaint  about  the  desertion  of  the  slaves 
.  .  .  and  also  of  the  procedure  of  the  Spaniards  .  .  .  the  States-General 
.  .  .  at  various  times  have  given  the  necessary  orders  to  their  Minister  at 
the  Spanish  Court  to  induce  His  Majesty  the  Xing'  of  Spain  to  cause  an  end 
to  be  put  to  the  complaint  made  against  the  Spaniards. 

The  representations  made  having  been  fruitless,  the  States-General 
.  .  .  adopted  a  very  urgent  Resolution  but  ...  all  has  been  fruitless, 
and  .  .  .  the  Spaniards  on  the  Orinoco  are  acting  more  and  more  unreason- 
ably and  boldly.  Sajiie,  p.  160. 

Of  a  Treaty  with  the  Court  of  Spain  there  is  as  yet  no  ground  for  hope. 

Same,  p.  161. 

1776.     Charles  Teuffer,  Envoy  from  Essequibo  to  Orinoco. 

After  many  slaves  of  the  Colony  of  Essequibo  had  run  away  to  Rio  Orinoco, 
a  Spanish  province,  the  Council  of  the  Kivor  Essequibo  resolved  to  send  an 
Envoy  to  the  Governor  of  Orinoco,  in  order  to  claim  the  runaway  slaves  and 

have  them  delivered  up  to  him.  The  Council  was  pleased  to  honour  me  with 
that  commission.  Satne,  p.  lyi. 

The  Governor  .  .  .  received  me  very  graciously  .  .  .  He  told  me 
that  he  was  much  grieved  at  his  inability  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  our 

Court  to  give  back  to  us  the  slaves  who  have  come  here  from  our  Colonies; 
.  .  .  that  by  the  latest  orders  His  Majesty  declared  free  any  slave  who  should 
come  to  place  himself  under  the  protection  of  his  domains.  Same,  p.  i/2. 

I  told  him  that  the  States-General  had  received  an  answer  from  Madrid  that 
his  Majesty  would  give  orders  ...  to  return  to  us  our  slaves.  Don  Manuel 
told  me  that  such  orders  had  not  yet  arrived. 

All  the  propositions  I  made  to  the  General  in  order  to  induce  him  to 
give  effect  to  my  commission  were  in  vain.  He  protested  to  me  that,  though 
he  was  well  aware  of  the  prejudice  which  our  Colonies  suffered  through  the 
frequent  absconding  of  our  slaves,  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  remedy  it,  as  he 
was  not  at  liberty  to  act  against  the  orders  of  the  King  without  the  risk  of 
incurring  his  displeasure.  But  he  told  me  that  I  should  in  his  name  assure 
our  (Governor  and  the  Council  that  when  he  arrived  in  Europe  he  would  not 
fail  personally  to  make  representations  on  this  subject  to  His  Majesty,  and  that 
if  the  Company  would  address  itself  to  his  Court  he  was  not  doubtful  of  good 
success.  He  advised  me  at  the  same  time  that  we  should  never  make  mention 
of  the  Indian  slaves  ;  that  he  was  fully  persuaded  His  Majesty  will  never  consent 
to  having  them  sold,  because  every  Indian,  of  whatever  nation  he  be,  was  re- 
garded as  a  Spanish  subject,  and  consequently  as  free  and  in  no  way  subject  to 
slavery.  Same,  p.  lyj. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  209 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR     DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-Continued). 

1779.  Julian  de  Arriaga. 

In  consequence  of  what  was  set  forth  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  in  a  "  Con- 
sulta  "  of  the  27th  October  of  the  past  year,  in  regard  to  reporting  upon  the  com- 
plaints made  by  tlie  Diiteli  Minister  on  acconnt  ol"  tlie  proceedings  of  tlio 
Spaniards  of  the  Orinoco  against  tlie  Colony  of  Kssequiho,  it  is  necessary 
that  the  documents  referring  thereto  be  examined,  and  it  is  requested  they  be 
sent  to  him  ;  .  .  .  I  lierewitli  transmit  to  your  Excellency,  by  command 
of  the  King,  the  said  documents.  V.  C,  II,  433-434. 

1780.  King  of  Spain. 

Inciarte  is  to  return  ...  for  the  purpose  of  occupying  and  settling  the 
places  specitied  in  his  annexed  Report  of  the  27th  November  last,  and  makiigthe 
provisional  fortification  which  he  considered  needful,  ejecting  the  Dutch  from 
the  post  or  advance  guard-house,  which  they  have  built  on  the  road  of  the 
River  Moruca.  It  is  to  be  understood  that  if  the  Director  or  Governor  of 
Esse(iuil)o  should  complain  thereof,  the  answer  is  to  be  given  that  the  pro- 
ceedings in  the  matter  are  in  accordance  with  the  general  laws  and  instructions 
for  the  good  government  of  our  Indies,  which  do  not  permit  such  intrusion  of 
foreigners  in  the  Spanish  dominions,  for  this  is  tlie  reply  that  will  be  given 
here  if  any  complaints  or  claims  should  be  lodged  by  the  States-Cxeneral  of 
Holland.  B.C.,  IV,  212. 

1 78 1.  Governor  of  Guiana  to  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

You  complained  of  Mr.  Mateo,  who,  .  .  .  being  in  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Essequibo,  had  taken  possession  of  a  httle  boat  with  five  negro  slaves,  .  .  . 
and  of  another  with  three  negro  slaves  ;  .  .  .  that,  furthermore,  .  .  . 
some  Spaniards,  doubtless  by  compulsion  of  the  aforesaid  Mateo,  had  taken 
possession  of  a  small  schooner  ;  .  .  .  moreover,  that  they  have  seized  another 
boat ;  .  .  .  which  acts  your  Excellency  brought  to  my  notice,  in  order  that  I 
should  command  the  aforesaid  Mateo  to  depart  at  once  from  the  aforesaid  coast, 
and  should  place  at  Your  Excellency's  disposal  .  .  .  everything  which  Mateo  or 
the  Spaniards  who  were  there,  may  have  stolen  and  carried  off     .     .     . 

V.  C,  II,  239. 

I  make  known  to  Your  Excellency  that  the  authority  to  pass  judgment  or 
decide  as  to  the  prizes  made  by  the  privateers  of  this  province  belongs  ex- 
clusively to  the  Intendent-Ueneral  tliereof,  Don  J(»sef  de  Abalos,  residing 
in  Caraccas,  to  whose  high  Court  all  must  address  themselves  who  .  .  . 
have  complaints  to  make.  Same,  p.  240. 

1784.     Dutch  Ambassador  at  Madrid. 

Having  made  myself  conversant  with  tlie  complaints  made  anew  and  in 
these  days,  on  account  of  the  West  India  Company,  of  the  continual  and  in- 
creasing desertion  of  slaves  in  Essequibo  and  Demerara,  I  spoke     . 
to   the   said  Minister  of  State,  on  the  said  subject  repeatedly,  and  in  the  most 
emphatic  terms,  and  have  placed  in  his  hands  a  second  note  relative  thereto. 
Doubtless  this  Court  will  not  be  otherwise  than  reluctant  to  assent  thereto. 

B.  C,  V,  22. 


210  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Continued). 


1785.     Report  of  Spanish  Council  of  State  on  Dutch  Remonstrance. 

The  Fiscal  has  examined  the  papers  put  together  in  this  Department  in 
consequence  of  a  certain  Memorial  presented  to  His  Majesty  by  the  Dutch  Minister, 
complaiiiinsi-  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Spaniards  established  on  the  Orinoco 
against  the  Dntch  Colony  of  Essequibo.  This  Memorial  was  sent  confidentially 
with  a  Royal  order,  dated  the  loth  September,  1769,  that  it  should  be  examined 
as  soon  as  possible  by  the  Council,  and  His  Majesty  advised. 

To  this  Memorial  was  annexed,  as  a  precedent,  another  file  of  papers,  made 
up  and  laid  before  His  Majesty  on  the  9th  May  of  the  year  1768.       B.  C,  V,  jj. 

It  was  agreed  on  the  6th  August,  1774,  that  the  whole  should  be  given  to  the 
precis-writer  to  make  a  complete  abstract,  and  this  has  been  done. 

At  present,  the  papers  call  for  no  steps,  for  the  long-  period  of  more  tlian 
fifteen  years  having  passed  without  any  fresh  demand  having  been  made  for 
a  reply  upon  this  question  by  the  Dutch  Minister,  it  induces  one  to  believe  that 
that  Republic,  being  better  informed  of  the  want  of  just  grounds  for  the 
claim  made  they  have  already  abandoned  it. 

It  appears  that  what  ought  to  be  done  is  to  wait  until  future  events  show 
what  is  the  best  course.  Sa/ne,  p.  J4. 

.     Council  of  the  Indies. 

In  17()9  tlie  Ambassador  of  Holland  appeared,  complaining  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Spaniards  established  on  the  Orinoco,  against  the  Dutch 
Colony  of  Esquibo  ;  presenting  in  support  of  his  complaint  a  memorial    .     .    . 

in  which,  supposing  that  from  time  immemorial  the  Republic  of  Holland  was  in 
possession  not  only  of  the  Esquibo  river,  and  of  many  other  rivers  and  streams 
emptying  into  the  sea  along  this  portion  of  the  coast,  but  also  of  ail  the  branches 
and  rivulets  emptying  into  the  former,  particularly  the  northern  one  called  Cayoeni 
or  Coyuni,  on  whose  bank,  considered  as  dominion  of  the  State,  they  have  main- 
tained a  wooden  cabin,  guarded  by  a  small  vessel  manned  by  some  slaves  and 
Indians,  he  set  forth  that  a  Spanish  detachment  coming  from  the  Orinoco,  had 
attacked  that  Post,  and  taken  many  Indians,  threatening  to  return  at  the  first  ebb 
and  visit  ...  the  Maseroni.  .  .  .  That  .  .  .  afterwards  .  .  . 
the  Spaniards  had  constructed  two  cabins,  guarded  by  many  troops  and  one  of 
them  very  near  to  the  cabin  on  the  Cuyuni  river,  and  had  begun  to  take  the 
Indians  on  the  Maroca,  taking  possession  of  a  site  near  the  rivulet  to  the  south 
of  the  Weyne,  between  it  and  the  Powaron,  where  the  Company  had  had  from 
time  immemorial  a  trading  place  belonging,  beyond  contradiction,  to  the  territory 
of  the  Republic.  V.  C,  //,  274. 

That  the  Spaniards  had  commenced  some  time  back,  to  dispute  their  right  to 
fish  at  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  and  in  the  stretch  of  territory  between  the 
Marewigni  river  and  the  other  side  of  the  Wayne,  belonging  to  the  State,  .  .  . 
and  that  they  had  been  disturbed  in  their  fishing  by  force,  notwithstanding  the  long 
time  they  had  enjoyed  it  quietly  and  peacefully,  .  .  .  and,  finally,  .  .  . 
the  Spaniards   .     .     .    retained  the  slaves  fleeing  from  the  Dutch  establishments. 

Same,  pp.  274-273. 

The  Governors  of  Ouayaua  and  Cumana  .  .  .  reported  .  .  .  [jus- 
tifying the  same].  Same,  p.  273. 


KEMONSTRANC'ES  AND   MEANING  OF  THEATIES.  211 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR     DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-!  Continued). 

The  Council  ordered  by  its  resolution  of  the  first  of  October,  1774,  that  it 
should  all  be  referred  to  the  Relator. 

The  matter  remained  in  this  condition  up  to  the  year  I7s.>,  when,  the 
brief  having  been  made  by  the  Relator,  and  the  record  returned  to  the  Attorney- 
General,  Don  Antonio  Porlier,  he  stated  in  his  reply  of  May  27th  of  the  same 
year  that  at  that  time  there  was  no  action  required,  since,  more  than  fifteen 
years  having  passed  without  any  pressure  being  brought  by  the  Minister  of  Hol- 
land in  the  premises,  it  was  natural  to  believe  that  the  Republic,  better  apprised 
of  the  want  of  just  reasons  for  the  demand  it  had  made,  had  desisted  therefrom. 

V.  C,  II,  27g-28o. 

1785.     States-General. 

Received  a  dispatcli  from  the  Comte  van  Rechteren,  their  High  Mightinesses' 
Ambassador  to  tJie  Conrt  of  Spain,  .  .  .  making  mention,  inter  alia,  of 
the  receipt  of  their  High  Mightinesses'  reiterated  order  relative  to  the  establishing 
of  a  Cartel  with  the  august  Court  in  question  for  preventing  the  desertion  of 
slaves  from  the  Colonies  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara  to  the  contiguous  ones  of 
the  Crown. 

And  further,  that  he  had  now  for  almost  two  years  allowed  no  opportunity 
to  pass  either  by  speaking  or  writing,  to  bring-  about  the  conclusion  of  a  Treaty 
of  this  nature. 

That  he  was  steadily  put  oflF  witli  favourable  promises,  and  that  they,  under 
all  sorts  of  pretexts,  had  always  avoided,  not  only  to  enter  upon  negotiations,  but 
also,     .     .     .     even  to  give  a  wiitten  reply.  B.C.,  V,jj. 

1841,  August  17.     Francisco  Aranda. 

The  Government  has  been  informed  of  a  very  singular  occurrence,  namely, 
that  there  was  seen  and  reconnoitered  at  Point  Playaso,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Cauo  Amacuro,  a  British  flag  with  the  Royal  ensigns  hoisted,  near  a  sentry 
box  constructed  for  the  purpose,  and  stationed  on  a  part  of  the  Yenezuelau 
territory  of  wdiich  ihe  Government  has  always  been  in  quiet  and  peaceable 
possession. 

The  Government  is  still  ignorant  of  the  motive  or  object  of  this  incident,  as 
also  whether  it  proceeded  from  orders  of  British  authorities,  or  was  the  spontane- 
ous act  of  private  individuals.  At  the  same  time  it  cannot  be  indifferent  with 
regard  to  an  occurrence  which  manifests  the  introduction  of  foreigners  into  our 
territory  without  the  permission  or  assent  of  the  competent  authorities.     .     .     . 

Therefore  ...  I  hasten  to  request  you  will  be  pleased  to  communicate 
to  me  what  you  may  know  or  consider  conclusive  to  enlig-hten  the  (Tovernment 
on  the  subject.  V.  C,  III,  ig6. 

1841,  Sept.  3.     Francisco  Aranda. 

The  Government  has  thought  proper  to  appoint  a  Commission  ...  to 
proceed  to  Demerara  .  .  .  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  origin  and 
design  wherewith  the  British  flag  and  other  marks  as  of  possession  were  planted 
at  Barima  and  Amacuro  ;  to  enter  into  explanations  .  .  .  respecting  the 
limits  between  Venezuela  and  the  British  Colony,  and  also  to  make  suitable 
reclamations  and  protests  in  defence  of  the  rights  of  the  Republic. 

Same,  p.  iq6. 


212  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE- (Continued). 

1844.     Mr.  Macrae. 

Thoy  [Indians]  are  the  aborigines  of  the  country,  and  we  inherited  from 
them  onr  possessions  in  tliis  colony.  (Mr.  Arrindell  laughed  aloud).  It  ap- 
pears to  have  excited  the  risible  faculties  of  the  honorable  member,  but  I  repeat 
that  we  do  hold  our  title  from  them  originally.  V.  C.-C,  III,  181. 

1844.     Mr.  Arrindell. 

The  small  portion  of  land  which  we  occnpy  was  ohtalned  first  I>y  con- 
quest, and  then  by  treaty,  and  we  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  treaty. 

Same,  p.  1S4. 

1875.    Governor  Longden. 

A  colored  creole  girl  .  .  .  was  murdered  ...  in  the  city  of  George- 
town by  another  colored  Creole,  named  Thomas  (iarrett.  Both  .  .  .  were 
British  subjects.  .  .  .  The  murderer  .  .  .  was  apprehended  in  a  house 
on  the  banks  of  the  Amacura  River.  B.  C,  VJ,  21J. 

1875.     Venezuelan  Consul-General. 

Garrett  was  .  .  .  under  the  protection  ...  of  the  Republic  .  .  . 
police  ofificers  .  .  .  declared  him  their  prisoner  in  the  name  of  Her  Majesty, 
the  Queen  of  Great  Britain,  put  him  in  irons  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  proceed[ed] 
to  Georgetown.  .  .  .  It  is  the  bounden  duty  of  my  government 
...  to  protest,  as  it  does  protest.  .  .  .  I  am  ordered  by  my  Govern- 
ment to  request  that  your  Excellency  will  please  to  order  .  .  .  that  the  police 
of  the  Colony  shall  take  back  Thomas  Garrett  to  the  place  where  they  arrested 
him.  Same,  pp.  214-215. 

1875.     Governor  Longden. 

Garrett  was  tried  at  the  Supreme  Court     ...     in  this  city  [Georgetown] 
and     .     .     .     sentenced  to  penal  servitude  for  life.  Sa7ne,p.  216. 

1884.  [1886]  Guzman  Blanco. 

In  October,  1884  .  .  .  some  English  .  .  .  penetrated  into  places  at 
all  times  the  property  of  Venezuela,  erected  posts,  put  up  placards  declaring  the 
British  laws  to  be  there  in  force,  changed  some  officers  of  the  Republic  for  others 
of  their  own  selection,  attempted  to  put  under  their  orders  Venezuelan  functionaries, 
and  promised  to  return  in  force  to  have  their  ordinances  complied  with.  In  fact, 
they  returned,  to  proceed  with  the  series  of  acts  begun,  without  taking-  the 
least  notice  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  Yenezuelan  autliorities.  Not  satisfied 
with  this,  they  took  away  a  Commissary  of  the  Republic  .  .  .  Robert  Wells 
...     at  Amacuro.  V.  C,  III,  236-237. 

1885.  British  Legation  at  Caracas. 

I  am  directed  by  her  Majesty's  Government  to  draw  the  attention  of  that  of 
Venezuela  to  the  proceedings  of  the  agents  of  the  Manoa  Company  in  certain 
districts,  the  sovereignty  of  which  is  equally  claimed  by  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment and  that  of  Venezuela. 

Earl  (iranville  further  instructs  me  to  re(|uest  tlie  Venezuelan  (govern- 
ment to  take  steps  to  prevent  tlie  agents  of  the  Manoa  Company  .  .  .  from 
asserting  claims  to,  or  interfering  witli,  any  of  the  territory  claimed  by 
Great  Britain.  '-'^■'"''^•-  /•  -'•/-'• 


i 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  213 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-iContinued). 

1885.     British  Legation  at  Caracas. 

Her  Majesty's  Government,  in  the  event  of  that  of  Venezuela  declining  to 
move  in  this  matter,  would  to  their  great  regret,  feel  themselves  under  the  neces- 
sity of  adopting  measures  for  preventing  the  encroachment  of  the  Manoa  Com- 
pany. V-  C,  III,  242. 

1887.     Senor  Urbaneja. 

The  Presideut  of  the  Republic  demands  from  Her  Majesty  the  evacuation 
of  Venezuelan  territory  from  the  mouth  of  the  Oriucvco  to  that  of  tlie  Poma- 
roon,  which  she.  Great  Britain,  has  unjustly  occupied  with  the  understanding 
that  if  by  the  20th  February  next,  at  the  meeting  of  Congress,  to  whom  the 
Government  is  bound  to  render  an  account  of  everything,  no  reply  should  be 
received  or  should  be  negative,  the  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  countries 
shall  be  broken  off.  B.  C,  VII,  124. 

1887.     Jesus  Muiioz  Tebar  and  Santiago  Rodil. 

As  it  has  reached  the  notice  of  the  Government  of  the  Republic  that  on  the 
Amacura,  Barima,  Guiama,  and  other  river  districts,  there  are  at  present  several 
parties  who  it  is  said  have  been  appointed  Rural  Constables  by  the  British 
authorities  of  the  Colony,  the  President  of  the  Republic  has  also  resolved  that 
these  facts  be  investigated,  and  that  orders  be  given  for  the  immediate  reorgani- 
zation of  the  parishes  of  the  territory  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  said  rivers. 

In  view,  therefore,  of  these  instructions,  and  after  the  preliminary  works  of 
the  erection  of  a  lighthouse  at  Punta  Barima  had  been  made,  we  proceeded  to 
sur\-ey  the  Amacura  River,  the  Brazo  Barima,  the  Mora  passage,  and  the  Barima, 
Aruca,  and  Guaima  Rivers;  and,  in  fact.  Sir,  we  found  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  Amacura  a  wooden  house  thatched  with  straw,  said  to  have  been  built 
by  orders  of  the  authorities  of  this  Colony,  and  two  men  who  handed  us  their 
precepts  as  Rural  Constables,  signed  by  Michael  McTurk,  Stipendiary  Magistrate. 
In  the  neighborhood  of  Aruca  we  were  informed  there  was  another  Rural  Con- 
stable. ...  In  Cubana  on  the  banks  of  the  Guaima  River,  a  missionary,  the 
Rev.  Walter  Heard,  had  some  seven  years  ago  built  wdth  public  subscriptions,  a 
small  house  that  is  in  actual  use  as  a  church  and  schoolroom. 

lu  all  tliose  places  .  .  .  we  hare  protested  in  the  name  of  Venezuela 
ag-aiust  such  proceeding's,  and  declared  to  the  inhabitants  that  all  those  districts 
belong  to  Venezuela,  and  not  to  Her  Brittannic  Majesty.  V.  C,  III,  iSj. 

1890.     British  Foreign  Office. 

Lord  Salisbury  has  received  with  great  surprise  ...  the  intelligence 
of  the  issue  by  the  Government  of  Venezuela  of  two  Decrees  .  .  .  purporting 
to  establish  Venezuelan  Administrations  in  the  district  between  Point  Barima  and 
the  River  Pomaroon,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  point  where  the  Cuyuni 
debouches  into  the  Essequiho.  Such  notices  can  have  no  practical  effect,  and 
any  attempt  to  put  them  into  execution  could  only  be  regarded  as  an  invasion 
of  the  Colony,  and  dealt  with  accordingly. 

He  cannot  but  regard  the  publication  of  the  Decrees  at  the  present  moment 
as  entirely  inconsistent  witli  the  professed  desire  of  the  Venezuelan  (iovern- 
menttocometo  a  settlement  of  pending  differences  by  means  of  friendly  dis- 
cussion. B.  C,  VII,  140. 


2U  REMONSTRANCES  AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

REMONSTRANCES    AND    ACTS    OR    DECLARATIONS    OF    LIKE 
NATURE-(Continued). 

1890.     R.  F.  Seijas. 

Against  the  British  usurpation  of  our  territory  ...  I  hereby 
solemnly  and  publicly  protest. 

I  further  declare  that  tlie  (lovernnient  of  the  United  States  of  Venezuela 
have  already  protested,  and  by  these  presents  do  protest,  against  all  and  every 
act  or  acts  which  are  known  to  the  Government  of  the  Republic,  and  named  in 
the  foregoing  twelve  Articles ;  that  the  Government  of  Venezuela  disowns  the 
legality  which  may  be  imputed  to  such  acts,  which  are  and  will  always  be  null, 
void,  and  of  no  value  whatever.  B.  C,  VI,  246. 

1893,     Confidential  Agent  of  Venezuela. 

Territory  which  Venezuela  considers  exclusively  her  own  of  which  she  has 
been  in  peaceful  possession,  and  which  tlie  British  Colony  has  only  durinsr  the 
last  few  years  invaded  with  acts  of  jurisdiction,  whicli  have  called  forth  re- 
peated energetic  protests  from  the  dJovernment  of  the  Republic. 

i  am  only  doing  my  duty  in  again  protesting  most  solemnly,  in  the  name 
of  the  Government  of  Venezuela,  against  the  proceedings  of  the  Colony  of 
British  Guaina,  which  constitute  an  invasion  of  the  territory  of  the  Republic. 

V.C.,in,30j. 

1896.     Richard  Olney. 

Venezuela's  claims  and  her  protests  against  alleged  British  usurpation 
have  been  constant  and  emphatic,  and  have  been  enforced  by  all  the  means 
practicable  for  a  weak  power  to  employ  in  its  dealings  with  a  strong  one,  even  to 
the  rupture  of  diplomatic  relations.  baine,  p.  joS. 

MEANING  OF  TREATIES-TRUCE  OF  1609. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

At  the  time  of  the  truce  in  1609  the  Dutch  maintained  their  right  to  found 
settlements  in  any  part  of  South  America  not  actually  occupied  and  possessed 
by  Spain,  and  never  abandoned  that  position.  It  was  maintained  by  them  in  all 
the  negotiations  leading  up  to  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  and  received  sanction  once 
again  in  the  definite  terms  established  by  that  Treaty.  B.  C.-C,S5- 

1608.     Instructions  to  Marquis  de  Spinola. 

In  granting  them  [Dutch]  liberty  to  trade  with  Spain,  as  you  may,  on  the 
same  terms  enjoyed  by  the  French  and  English,  they  will  have  to  absolutely 
renounce  that  of  the  East  and  West  Indies,  and  pledge  themselves  to  punish 
those  of  their  subjects  who  shall  make  bold  to  undertake  that  voyage. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  31S. 

1608.     Report  on  Negotiations  for  Truce  of  1609. 

The  Rapporteurs  asked  what  should  be  resolved,  and  that  being  left  to  the 
afore-written  President,  he  replied  that  he  thought  a  Resolution  should  now  be 
taken  .  .  .  concerning  traffic,  which,  since  it  was  becoming  more  lively,  was 
a  point  of  greater  importance ;  .  .  .  the  Commissioners,  being  interrogated, 
declare  their  opinion  to  be  liiat  these  lands  should  have  free  traffic  everywhere 
in  the  realms  and  lands  of  the  King  of  Spain  and  Archdukes  and  everywhere 
where  they  had  free  trafific  before  the  war,  but  not  in  the  East  Indies.  Where- 
upon the  Rapporteurs  replied  that  the  Lords  States  intend  that  these  lands  shall 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  215 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TRUCE    OF    1609-(Continued). 

have  free  traflic  and  trade  not  only  in  the  reahiis  and  lands  of  the  King  of  Spain 
and  Archdukes  but  also  in  the  East  Indies,  and  everywhere  else  where  they  at 
present  trade  free  and  have  traded  and  trafficked  during  the  war  as  being  fun's 
Goiiiiini. 

Against  that  the  Commissioners  said  that  the  most  principal  cause  which  hath 
moved  the  King  of  Spain  to  this  peace  negotiation  is  beciiuse  he  desired  to  have 
the  East  Indies  free  for  himself,  which  the  Lords  States  ought  not  to  refuse. 

B.  C.-C.,App.,3iS. 

1608.  Instructions  for  Reply  by  States-General  to  demand  by  Spain. 

The  States  have  considered  the  second  point  of  their  paper,  in  which  is 
proposed  the  abaiuloniueut  of  navigation  to  the  East  and  West  Indies,  con- 
cerning which  the  negotiations  are  at  present  in  abeyance,  and  that  their  Might, 
inesses'  determination,  purpose,  and  intention  is  to  avail  themselves  of  the  said 
navigation,  and  to  continue  it  by  means  of  peace,  truce  or  war — leaving  the 
same  to  their  option  without  renouncing  the  same  in  any  way.  Same,  p.  jig. 

1609.  What  passed  between  the  Ambassadors  at  Antwerp  as  to  the  Truce. 
[President  Richardot]     .     .     .     told  us  that  it  was  sufficient  that  the  Truce 

should  be  general  in  all  parts,  without  distinction  of  places  or  persons.  .  .  . 
And  with  regard  to  commerce,  that  it  should  be  limited  and  restricted,  so  far  as 
concerned  the  kingdoms  and  countries  of  the  King  of  Spain,  to  Spain  and  the 
countries  which  it  holds  in  Italy.  Since  with  regard  to  the  localities,  places, 
ports,  and  harbours  v/hich  belong  to  him  beyond  the  said  countries  and  even  in 
the  Indies,  he  by  no  means  intended  to  allow  the  said  trade  there. 

Satne,  pp.  jig-j20. 

We  replied  that  since  the  Truce  was  to  be  general  and  therefore  in  the  In- 
dies as  well  as  elsewhere,  it  was  quite  reasonable  to  also  make  trade  free  and 
general,  without  excepting  any  locahties,  places  and  ports,  that  the  said  Lord 
King  holds  in  the  Indies  or  elsewhere  than  in  Spain  and  Italy.  But  they  [Span- 
iards] replied  that  your  subjects  [Dutch]  have  never  traded  in  the  places  and 
ports  uhich  they  [Spaniards]  have  in  the  Indies,  and  that  in  negotiating 
the  Peace  you  [Dutch]  had  neither  claimed  to  have  done  so. 

Having  adjourned  in  order  to  see  what  they  had  written,  and  to  give  them  an 
answer  at  the  next  meetng,  we  found  that  the  draft  was  not  worded  in  such  a  way  as 
your  security  required,  and  we  made  another  which  was  rejected  by  them,  then  a 
second  which  they  would  also  not  accept,  since  we  made  express  mention  of  the 
Indies  ;  they  saying  to  us  that  the  King  of  Spain  was  indeed  willing  to  consent  to 
this  commerce  in  the  said  places,  but  without  expressing  it ;  .  .  .  that  it  would  be 
less  humiliation  and  vexation  to  him  to  suffer  and  overlook  the  commerce,  hav- 
ing granted  it  by  general  phrases  and  circumlocutions  than  by  mention  of  the 
word  Indies.  Same,  p.  J20. 

At  length,  after  various  discussions  upon  this  article  carried  on  and  continued 
in  two  separate  conferences,  we  resolved  to  draw  up  another  document  which 
seemed  to  us  to  determine  and  elucidate  pretty  clearly  this  commerce  of  the  In- 
dies, although  the  word  was  not  expressed  in  it,  on  condition  that  it  should  be 
put  into  the  general  treaty  in  the  place  of  the  article  concerning  commerce. 

Same,  p,  J2I, 


216  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TRUCE    OF    1609-(,Continued). 

Although  the  article  relating  to  the  Indies,  as  it  is  inserted  in  the  Treaty 
of  which  they  have  seen  a  copy  is  in  their  opinion  so  well  and  intelligibly  expressed 
that  it  can  give  rise  to  no  ambiguity,  ...  the  following  article  .  .  . 
can  only  be  understood  to  refer  to  the  Indies,  and  for  which  reason  they  made 
difificulties  for  a  very  long  time  about  agreeing  to  it,  and  we  obtained  it  only  at 
the  moment  of  our  departure.  B.  C.-C,  App.,j2i. 

1609.     Extract  from  the  Twelve  Years'  Truce,  April  9,  1609. 

II.  Said  Truce  shall  be  ^00(1,  valid,  loyal,  and  inviolable  and  for  the  period  of 
twelve  jear.«. 

III.  Each  party  shall  remain  seised  of  and  shall  enjoy  effectually  the  coun- 
tries, towns,  places,  lands,  and  lordships  which  he  holds  and  possesses  at  pres- 
ent. 

IV.  The  subjects  and  inhabitants  of  the  countries  of  the  Said  King,  Arch- 
dukes, and  States  .  .  .  may  .  .  .  fre([nent  and  stay  in  each  others 
territory,  and  there  carry  on  their  trade  and  commerce  in  all  security,  .  .  . 
but  this  always  the  aforesaid  King  understands  to  be  restricted  and  limited  to 
the  realms,  countries,  lands,  and  lordships  which  he  holds  and  possesses  in 
Europe  and  other  places  and  seas  where  the  subjects  of  Kings  and  Princes  who 
are  his  friends  and  allies  allow  the  said  traffic  by  mutual  agreement — and  with 
regard  to  places,  towns,  ports,  and  havens  which  he  holds  outside  the  limits 
above  mentioned— that  the  said  States  and  their  subjects  cannot  carry  on  any 
trade  there  without  the  express  permission  of  the  said  King.     Same,  pp.j22-j2j. 

1609.     Secret  Treaty  demanded  of  Spain  and  granted. 

Whereas  by  the  fourth  article  of  the  Treaty  of  the  Truce  made  this  same  day 
[April  9,  1609],  between  His  Majesty  the  Catholic  King  [of  Spain]  and  the  Most 
Serene  Archdukes  of  Austria  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Lords,  the  States  General 
of  the  United  Provinces  on  the  other,  the  commerce  accorded  to  the  said  Lords 
States  and  to  their  subjects  has  been  restricted  and  limited  to  the  kingdoms, 
countries,  lands,  and  lordships  which  the  said  Lord  King  has  in  Europe  and  else- 
where, in  which  it  is  permissible  for  the  subjects  of  the  Kings  and  Princes  who  are 
his  friends  and  allies  to  carry  on  the  said  commerce  at  their  pleasure  ;  and  whereas 
the  said  Lord  King  has  moreover  declared  that  he  had  no  intention  of 
obstructing  in  any  way  the  trade  and  commerce  which  the  said  Lords  States 
and  their  subjects  may  carry  on  hereafter  in  whatever  country  and  place  it  may 
be,  either  by  sea  or  by  land,  with  the  potentates,  peoples  and  private  individuals 
who  may  permit  them  to  do  so,  .  .  .  which  however  has  not  been  couched 
in  writing  in  the  said  Treaty  ;  now  therefore,  .  .  .  their  lordships.  .  .  . 
in  the  name  and  as  deputies  of  the  said  Lord  King  and  Archdukes,  .  .  .  have 
promised,  and  do  promise,  in  the  name  of  the  said  Lord  King  and  his  successors 
during  the  time  that  the  said  truce  shall  last,  that  His  Majesty  >vill  not  ob- 
struct in  any  way,  either  by  sea  or  by  land,  the  said  Lords  States  or  their  sub- 
jects in  the  trade  wliich  tliey  may  carry  on  liereafter  in  the  countries  of  all 
princes,  potentates,  and  peoples  who  may  permit  them  to  do  so,  in  whatever 
place  it  may  be,  even  beyond  the  limits  determined  above  and  anywhere  else. 

Same,  pp.  32J-J24. 

1609.     Ambassadors  of  France  and  England. 

We,  the  undersigned  Ambassadors  of  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  and  the  King 
of  Great  Britain  hereby  declare     .     .     .     that  the  deputies  of  the  said  Lords  Arch- 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  217 

MEANING    OF  TREATIES-TRUCE    OF  1609-(Continued). 

dukes  have  likewise  consented  and  agreed  that  the  said  Lords  States  and 
their  subjects  shall  not  be  able  to  trade  at  the  ports,  localities  and  places  held 
by  the  Catholic  King  in  tlie  Indies,  if  he  do  not  permit  it;  that  it  shall  neither  be 
lawful  for  his  subjects  to  trade  at  the  ports,  localities  and  places  which  the  said 
Lords  States  hold  in  the  said  Indies  except  by  their  permission. 

B.  C.-C.,App.,j24. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY  OF  MUNSTER,  1648. 

1632.  Reply  of  Provincial  States  to  Articles  submitted  by  States-General. 

That  the  4th  article  of  the  preceding  trnce  [of  1609]  shall  be  maintained 
with  respect  to  the  East  Indies  as  it  was  practiced  in  the  preceding  truce  ;  and 
witli  regard  to  the  matter  of  tlie  West  Indies,  that  they  sliall  be  left  in  tlie  con- 
dition  in  which  they  at  present  are.  B.  C.-C,  App.,j2§. 

1633.  Articles  submitted  by  States-General  to  King  of  Spain,  April  i,  1633. 

The  affairs  of  the  West  Indies  shall  be  left  in  such  condition  and  situa- 
tion of  traffic  and  war  as  tliey  at  present  are.  Same,  p.  S2j. 

1633.     Reply  by  Spain  to  Articles  submitted  April  i,  1633. 

That  all  points  and  Articles  included  in  the  Treaty  of  tlie  0th  April  and  in 
the  subsequent  Convention  of  the  7th  January,  1010,  shall,  save  what  may  be 
framed  in  these  present  negotiations,  be  considered  as  enacted  afrcsli  and  in- 
violably observed,  both  in  and  out  of  Europe,  throughout  the  world. 

Same,  p.  J2j. 

1633.     Prince  Henry  of  Nassau. 

Respecting  the  Articles  relating  to  the  Indies,  we  see  no  means  of  any  modi- 
fication .  .  .  neither  for  money  nor  for  any  other  promises  ought  we  to 
abandon  the  Company  of  the  West  Indies,  as  being  one  that  has  deserved  so 
well  of  the  St.ate,  and  that  can  still  do  the  interests  of  the  King-  of  Spain  so 
much  injury  ;  ...  we  think  that  on  this  we  ought  both  to  hear  the  opinion 
of  the  aforesaid  Company,  and  to  act  in  accordance  with  what  they,  as  having  the 
best  knowledge  of  and  being  most  interested  in  the  matter,  advise.     Same,  p.  J26. 

1645.     West  India  Company  to  States-General. 

Those  of  the  Company  adjudge  that  ...  in  case  of  general  peace  or 
Truce,  the  Company  should  receive  an  assurance  from  the  King  of  Spain  that 
it  would  be  honestly  kept  and  that  they  would  remain  maintained  in  their  privileges, 
free  navigation,  commerce,  and  exemptions. 

That  in  such  Peace  or  Truce  may  be  included  all  Potentates,  Nations,  and 
Peoples  with  which  Your  High  Mightiness[es]  or  the  West  India  Company  in 
your  behalf,  are  within  the  aforesaid  limits  of  the  Charter  in  friendship  and 
alliance. 

That  the  Company  shall  be  able  to  push  their  trade  and  traffic  in  all  places 
within  the  aforewritten  limits  of  the  Charter,  where  the  King  of  Spain  hath 
no  castles,  jurisdiction  or  dominion. 

That  the  subjects  of  Spain  shall  in  no  wise  be  permitted  to  navigate  or  trade 
in  any  harbours  or  places  where  the  West  India  Company  in  the  name  of  your 
High  Mightinesses,  has  any  castles,  forts,  and  dominion  or  warehouses  unless 
vice  versa  there  be  granted  to  the  aforesaid  Company  similar  action  in  all  districts 
and  places  under  the  dominion  of  the  said  King  of  Spain.         Same,  pp.  J26-J2y. 


218  REMONSTRANCES  AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING    OF   TREATIES-TREATY    OF    MUNSTER,   1648-(Contlnued). 

1645.     Instructions   to  Dutch   Ambassadors  appointed   to    Negotiate   for   Peace  at 
Munster. 
Each  party  shall  remain  seised  of  and  shall  effectually  enjoy  those  countries, 
towns,  places,  lands  and  lordships  uhioh  he  at  present  holds  and  occupies, 

without  being  disturbed  or  hindered  therein  in  any  manner  whatsoever  during  the 
said  Truce,  in  which  are  understood  to  be  included  the  boroughs,  villages,  ham- 
lets and  campaigns  appurtenant  thereunto. 

The  subjects  and  inhabitants  of  the  countries  of  the  said  Lords  the  King  and 
States  shall  during  this  Truce  maintain  among  themselves  all  good  relations  and 
friendship  ...  It  shall  also  be  permissible  for  them  to  come  and  stay 
in  each  other's  territories  and  to  carry  on  their  trade  and  commerce  there,  in  all 
security,  as  well  by  sea  and  other  waters  as  by  land,  although  the  aforesaid  Lord 
King  intends  this  to  be  restricted  and  limited  to  the  kingdoms,  countries,  lands, 
and  lordships  which  he  holds  and  possesses  in  Europe  and  other  places  and 
seas  where  the  subjects  of  those  kings  and  princes  who  are  his  friends  and  allies 
carry  on  the  aforesaid  trade  by  mutual  agreement,  and  with  regard  to  those 
places,  towns,  ports  and  harbours  which  he  holds  outside  the  aforesaid  limits 
that  the  above-mentioned  Lords  States  and  their  subjects  shall  not  be  allowed  to 
carry  on  any  trade  there  without  express  permission  of  the  aforesaid  Lord  King. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,327. 

We,  the  Ambassadors  of  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  and  the  King  of  Great 
Britain,  and  we,  the  deputies  of  my  lords  the  States  General  of  the  United 
Provinces  of  the  Netherlands  certify  by  these  presents  that  being  this  day.  the 
last  of  the  month  of  March,  1609,  assembled  in  this  city  of  Antwerp,  ...  a 
great  difference  arose  concerning  the  commerce  of  the  Indies,  which  the 
deputies  of  the  said  Lords  Archdukes  were  however  quite  willing  to  allow  in  the 
name  of  the  said  Lord  King  in  the  words  and  terms  contained  in  the  fourth  and 
fifth  articles  of  the  Truce,  which  they  said  were  sufificient  to  express  the  said  com- 
merce, although  no  express  mention  was  there  made  of  the  Indies  from  the  use 
of  which  they  have  abstained  for  certain  reasons  which  are  of  no  prejudice  to 
the  said  Lords  of  the  States,  but  only  concern  the  particular  contentment  of  the 
said  Lord  King,  who  intends  to  allow  them  to  effectually  enjoy  them  in  all 
liberty  during  the  Truce.  Same,  p.  J28. 

We,  the  deputies  of  the  said  Lords  States,  were  unwilling  to  accept,  requiring 
that  the  Indies  should  be  expressed  by  name  and  the  article  so  intelligibly  worded 
that  there  should  be  no  ambiguity  or  pretext  for  causing  any  difficulty  therein  in 
the  future.  ...  we  willingly  allowed  ourselves  to  be  used,  endeavouring  to 
persuade  the  deputies  of  the  Archdukes  to  use  the  expression  that  was  demanded 
of  them.  .  .  .  But  they  both  remained  so  firm  in  their  opinion  that  it 
seemed  that  the  said  Treaty  would  be  broken  off  from  this  cause.  Finally  we, 
the  deputies  of  the  said  Lords  States,  declared  ourselves  satisfied  to  accept  the 
said  articles,  provided  that  the  said  Lords,  His  Most  Christian  Majesty  and  the 
King  of  Great  Britain,  previously  solicited  on  behalf  of  the  States,  be  willing  to 
act  as  guarantors  of  the  observance  of  the  Truce,  with  an  assurance  of  their  aid 
in  case  of  infraction  and  consent  to  pledge  themselves  specially  for  the  observance 
of  the  said  commerce  as  promised  and  agreed  by  the  said  articles,  as  validly  as 
if  the  word  Indies  were  therein  expressed.  Same,  p.  329. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  219 

MEANING  OF  TREATIES-TREATY   OF   MUNSTER,   1648-(Continued). 

1646.     Proposal  by  Spanish  Plenipotentiaries  at  Munster. 

We  in-opose  to  the  said  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  said  States  a  truce  like  that 
which  was  agTced  upon  in  the  year  1605),  following  that  copy  and  treaty.  And 
whereas,  since  the  said  truce,  experience  may  have  shown  that  it  is  desirable  to 
take  away,  add,  or  explain  some  of  the  points  already  treated,  and  others  which  it 
may  seem  desirable  to  introduce  anew  ...  it  shall  be  permissible  to  both 
parties  to  draw  up  in  a  separate  note  the  points  and  heads  they  may  consider 
necessary.  -^'-  C.-C,  App.,  jjo. 

1646.     States-General. 

The  fifth  Article  of  the  aforesaid  seventy  Articles  [of  the  proposed  Treaty  of 
Munster]  shall  be  struck  out  and  in  its  place  there  shall  be  inserted  and  split  up 
into  two,  that  is  to  say,  excluding  the  alternative,  in  this  wise,  to  wit : — 

That  the  navigation  and  trade  to  both  the  Indies  respectively  shall  be  main- 
tained pursuant  to  and  in  conformity  with  the  charters  already  given  or  yet  to 
be  given  .  .  .  there  shall  be  comprised  under  the  aforesaid  Treaty  all 
potentates,  nations  and  peoples  with  whom  their  High  Mightinesses  or  those  of 
the  East  and  West  India  Companies  on  their  behalf  are  within  the  limits  of  their 
said  charters  in  friendship  and  alliance  ;  and  each  party  .  .  .  shall  continue 
to  possess  and  enjoy  such  lordships,  towns,  castles,  fortresses,  commerce  and 
lands  in  the  East  and  West  Indies,  as  also  in  Brazil ;  and  on  the  coasts  of  Asia, 
Africa,  and  America,  respectively,  as  the  same  respectively  do  hold  and  pos- 
sess, amongst  whicli  are  especially  included  the  places  taken  from  this  State 
and  occupied  by  the  Portuguese,  or  the  places  which  they  shall  hereafter 
without  infraction  of  tlie  present  Treaty  come  to  acquire  and  possess. 

Same,  p.  332. 

With  regard  to  the  West  India  Company,  the  same  shall  he  at  liberty  to 
carry  on  its  trade  and  traffic  in  all   places  within  tlie  limits  of  the  Charter 

granted  to  them,  by  their  High  Mightinesses,  either  in  places  belonging  to  neutral 
princes  and  peoples,  or  even  in  places  where  the  King-  of  Spain  has  castles, 
fortresses,  jurisdiction  and  dominion ;  and  the  subjects  and  inhabitants  of  the 
King  of  Spain  shall  be  permitted  to  exercise  similar  liberty  of  trade  and  traffic 
both  in  places  belong[ing]  to  neutrals  and  in  districts  occupied  by  the  said  West 
India  Company.  Same,  p.  332. 

In  default  of  the  above  stipulation,  both  the  subjects  and  inhabitants  of 
the  above-mentioned  king  [of  Spain]  and  the  inhabitants  of  this  State  shall 
refrain  from  sailing  to  and  trafficking  in  the  harbours  occupied  by  either  one 
or  the  other  party  with  forts,  lodges  or  castles,  and  if  any  proposal  is  placed 
before  their  High  Mightinesses'  Ambassadors  extraordinary  contrary  to  what  is 
hereabove  expressed,  they  shall  huve  to  give  notice  thereof  to  their  High 
Mightinesses.  Same,  p.  333. 

1646.     Dutch  Report  on  Peace  Negotiations  at  Munster. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  [December  13,  1646]  we  visited  the  Am- 
bassadors of  Spain,  and  delivered  to  them  the  amendments  and  additions  to  be 
made  in  the  seventy  Articles  to  be  converted  into  a  treaty  of  peace  with  six 
fresh  Articles  ;  .  .  .  they  were  accepted  by  the  aforesaid  [Spanish]  Ambas- 
sadors with  a  declaration  that  they  would  discuss  them  at  once  and  meet  us 
promptly  with  a  reply.  Same,  pp.  333-334- 


220  REMONSTRANCES  AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY   OF    MUNSTER,   1648-(Continued'. 

1646.     Dutch  Report  on  Peace  Negotiations  at  Munster. 

Art.  5. — Let  this  be  entirely  deleted  and  the  following  be  inserted  in  its 
place : 

Eacli  party  .  ,  .  shall  remain  in  possession  of  and  enjoy  sucU  lord- 
ships, towns,  castles,  fortresses,  commerce  and  lands  in  the  East  and  West 
Indies  as  also  in  Brazil  and  on  all  the  coasts  of  Asia,  Africa,  and  America  re- 
spectively as  the  above-mentioned  Lords,  the  King:  and  States  respectively  hold 
and  possess,  herein  specially  included  the  localities  and  places  which  the  Portu- 
guese have  taken  from  this  State  and  occupied  ;  including  also  the  localities  and 
places  which  they,  the  Lords  States,  shall  hereafter,  without  infraction  of  the 
present  Treaty  come  to  acquire  and  possess.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  333-334. 

With  reg-ard  to  West  India  Company  it  will  be  permitted  to  extend  its 
business  and  trade  in  all  places  within  the  limits  of  the  Charter  granted  it 
by  the  said  Lords  States,  both  in  the  places  of  neutral  princes  and  peoples,  as 
also  especially  in  the  places  where  the  King  of  Spam  has  castles,  fortresses, 
jurisdiction  and  dominion ;  and  the  subjects  and  inhabitants  of  the  said  Lord 
King  of  Spain  shall  be  permitted  to  exercise  similar  liberty  of  commerce  and 
trade  both  in  places  of  neutrals  and  in  countries  possessed  by  the  said  West  India 
Company.  Same,  p.  333. 

[December  14,  1646.]  In  the  afternoon  we  were  visited  by  Mr.  Brun,  the  Am- 
bassador of  Spain,  saying  that  they  .  .  .  had  given  us  the  option  of  a  Peace 
or  Truce,  and  a  Truce  having  been  chosen  by  us  they  had  given  way  as  much  as 
possible  in  order  to  accede  to  all  that  we  demanded  .  .  .  that  in  a  truce  it  is 
indeed  usual  to  leave  everything  in  the  state  in  which  it  is,  and  for  each  party  to 
retain  what  he  possesses,  but  that  such  is  not  done  in  any  treaty  of  peace,  and 
that  if  we  had  spoken  of  a  peace  from  the  beginning,  they  would  not  have  granted 
everything  so  liberally  .  .  .  that  they  had  not  expected  that  after  the  lapse 
of  a  year  from  the  commencement  of  the  negotiations  and  of  about  five  months 
from  the  agreement  upon  the  aforesaid  articles  we  should  seek  to  place  the  King 
in  a  worse  position  by  a  peace  than  by  a  truce.  Same,  p.  333. 

The  King  could  not  agree  to  the  trade  in  tlie  West  Indies;  that  was 
quite  an  innovation,  and  unknown  in  the  treaties  of  truce,  and  since  the  trade  in 
the  Indies  was  not  permitted  any  foreign  nation  by  any  treaty  .  .  .  therefore 
our  State  could  not  enjoy  what  was  refused  the  subjects  of  the  King. 

Same,  p.  336. 

[December  15,  1646.]  .  .  .  After  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  Mr.  de  Brun 
sent  me  under  cover  the  written  reply     ...     as  follows  :     .     .     . 

To  the  fifth.  That  the  Lords  States  will  be  permitted  to  recover  all  that 
the  Portuguese  shall  have  occupied  of  theirs  in  IJrazil,  His  Majesty  retain- 
ing his  rights  over  all  that  lie  had  tliere  at  the  beginning  of  the  Portuguese 
rcbell  ion.  Same,  p.  33^. 

[December  20,  1646.]  Mr.  Andrada,the  Ambassador  of  Portugal,  visited  me 
privately  upon  the  subject  alone  of  the  following  memorandum  .  .  .  con- 
taining a  resiuest  to  include  P<>rtiigal  in  our  peace,  and  to  co-operate  in  be- 
half of  Prince  Edward  of  Portugal,  who  was  in  peril  of  being  condemned  for 
crime.  Same,  p.  339, 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  221 

MEANING    OF    TREATIES-TREATY   OF    MUNSTER,   1648-(Continued). 

1646.  Dutch  Report  on  Peace  Negotiations  at  Munster. 

We  are  informed  that  Your  Excellencies  are  hastening  to  conclude  a  peace 
with  the  Catholic  King  [of  Spain].  .  .  .  We  request  that  in  them  [the  ncgc- 
tialions]  may  be  included  our  Lord  the  most  Serene  King  of  Portugal  .  . 
let  our  Portugal,  like  Spain,  enjoy  a  cessation  of  hostilities  and  breathing  space 
through  the  benign  effects  of  a  truce  of  thirty  years,  otherwise  there  will  be  no 
lasting,  safe,  or  perpetual  peace.  Finally  do  you  so  earnestly  demand  the  release 
of  the  Most  Serene  Infante  Eduard  that  you  may  receive  it.     B.  C.-C,  App.,  jjg. 

[24  December,  1646.]  Received  a  visit  on  the  same  day  from  the  Archbishop 
of  Cambrai  and  Mr.  de  Brun,  the  Spanish  Ambassadors,  and  conferred  upon  the 
Articles.  .  .  .  Also  decided  after  various  discussions  concerning  the  fifth  and 
sixth  Articles  regarding  East  and  W^est  India  to  make  a  fair  copy  of  the  Articles 
agreed  upon  in  order  to  have  them  signed  by  both  parties.  .  .  .  During  this 
conference  Mr.  Brun  said  in  the  course  of  conversation  :  "  After  the  Peace  we 
will  gladly  make  alliance  with  you  to  share  Brazil,  and  perhaps  more.  ..." 
After  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  Mr.  Brun  returned,  saying  .  .  .  that  they 
could  not  grant  .  .  .  what  had  been  proposed  by  them  respecting  East  and 
West  India,  consisting  of  the  words  "  ivitliout  being-  al)le  to  extend  themselves 
further,"  which  they  wished  to  delete  and  to  add  to  the  words  "  ivhich  the 
States  may  hereafter  occupy  from  the  Portuguese  in  the  East  Indies." 

And  to  add  to  the  sixth  Article  "  As  also  in  every  island  and  continent  which 
the  said  Lords  the  King  and  States  respectively  possess."  That  this  is  their  final 
opinion  .  .  .  Mr.  de  Brun  finally  said  .  .  .  that  the  retention  in  Article 
5  of  the  words  "  the  Spanish  shall  remain  within  their  limits  "  of  itself  included 
the  clause  "  without  extending  themselves  further,"  .  .  .  and  that  we  ought 
to  be  satisfied  that  if  they  remained  within  their  limits  no  obligation  should  be 
placed  upon  them  not  to  extend  themselves  further ;  Mr.  Brun  also  said  that  the 
words  which  he  desired  to  add  to  the  sixth  Article  "as  also  in  every  island  and 
continent "  are  of  themselves  included  in  the  declaration  set  dow^n  in  the  fifth 
Article:  "  Each  party  shall  retain  his  lands,  places,  merchandize  in  Asia,  Africa, 
America,  Brazil,  etc."  Sa>ne,  pp.  J3g-J40. 

1647.  Count  De  Monte  Rei. 

I  suggest  whether  it  would  not  be  advisable  for  the  sole  purpose  of  accom- 
plishing the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Holland,  to  announce  a  special  Embassy 
to  France  with  authority  to  make  a  solemn  request  for  peace  at  any  price, 
.  .  .  If  this  embassy  were  received,  or  even  announced,  ...  it  would 
stir  up  the  indifferent  and  negligent  not  only  to  obtain  the  peace  with  Holland 
which  is  of  such  importance,  but  a  private  league  for  the  preservation  of  Italy. 

Same,  p.  343. 
1647.     Marquess  de  Mirabel. 

What  he,  [the  Marquess  de  Mirabel]  considers  to  be  above  all  desirable  is 
the  conclusion  of  the  peace  with  Holland  ;  and  that,  with  a  view  to  attaining 
it  the  utmost  efforts  should  be  made,  though  it  should  be  necessary  to  give  new 
advantages  and  gratifications  to  the  United  Provinces,  or  spend  a  large  sum  of 
money  in  encouraging  those  who  might  be  able  to  facilitate  it,  for  .  .  .  it  is 
less  disadvantageous  to  benefit  the  Dutch  than  the  French.  And  your  Majesty 
having  once  come  to  an  arrangement  with  them  you  have  in  them  people  who 
will  fulfil  whatever  is  stipulated,  more  punctually  and  religiously  than  the 
others,  Same,  p.  343. 


222  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY    OF    MUNSTER,   1648    (Continued). 

1647.     Marquis  de  Mirabel. 

•And  he   summarises  his  vote  by  saying  that  with  regard  to  the  affairs  ofj 
Portugal,   nothing  should  be  listened  to,  public  or  secret,  and  no  Article  be  ad- 
mitted in  the  Treaty  with  the  French.     And  that  the  utmost  efforts  slionld  be 
made  for  effecting:  the  peace  with  Holland.  B.  C.-C,  App. ,  345. 

1647.     Council  of  State. 

On  various  occasions  Your  Majesty  has  been  advised,  and  it  has  also  been  re- 
solved, that  the  flrst  advantage  for  this  monarchy,  in  the  condition  in  which  it 
at  present  exists,  is  to  arrange  the  peace  with  Holland,  and  this  at  any  price. 

Sam£,p.  34S. 

Count  de  Peneranda  .  .  .  hesitates  at  no  means  of  settling  the  peace 
with  Holland,  for  he  much  distrusts  that  with  France.  Saine,  p.  34S. 

1647.  King  of  Spain. 
Let  him  [Count  de  Penaranda]  thus  be  written  to,  with  instructions  to  use  all 

possible  means  to  separate  the  Hollanders  from  the  French,  arranging  it  at 
any  cost,  in  which  he  will  do  me  a  great  service,  from  the  benefits  which  will 
ensue  to  my  Monarchy.  Same,  p.  jj/. 

1648.  Treaty  of  Munster. 

V.  The  navigation  and  trade  of  the  East  and  West  Indies  shall  be  maintained 
according  to  and  in  conformity  with  the  charters  given  or  hereafter  to  be  given 
therefor  ;  for  the  security  of  which  the  present  treaty  .  .  .  shall  serve.  And 
there  shall  be  comprised  under  the  above-mentioned  treaty  all  potentates, 
nations  and  peoples  with  whom  the  said  Lords  States,  or  those  of  the  Company 
of  the  East  and  West  Indies  in  their  name,  are  within  the  limits  of  their  said 
charters  in  friendship  and  alliance,  and  each  party  .  .  .  shall  remain  in 
possession  of  and  enjoy  such  lordships,  towns,  castles,  fortresses,  commerce  and 
lands  in  the  East  and  West  Indies  as  also  in  Brazil  and  on  the  coasts  of  Asia, 
Africa  and  America  respectively  as  the  above-mentioned  Lords,  the  King  and 
States  respectively  hold  and  possess,  herein  especially  included  the  localities 
and  places  which  the  Portuguese  have  taken  from  the  Lords  States  since  the  year 
1641,  and  occupied  ;  including  also  the  localities  and  places  which  they,  the 
Lords  States,  shall  hereafter,  without  infraction  of  the  present  treaty,  come  to 
conquer  and  possess.  Same,  pp.  351-35^- 

VI.  And  as  to  the  West  Indies,  the  subjects  and  inhabitants  of  the  kingdoms, 
provinces,  and  lands  of  the  said  Lords  the  King  and  States  respectively,  shall 
forbear  sailing  to,  and  trading  in  any  of  the  harbours,  localities  and  places,  forts, 
lodgments  or  castles,  and  all  others  possessed  by  the  one  or  the  other  Party. 

Same,  p.  352. 

1660.     West  India  Company. 

King  Charles  I  [of  England],  of  illustrious  memory,  being  likewise  of  too  just 
and  too  generous  a  nature  to  give  away  and  present  to  his  subjects  lands  and 
places  already  possessed  and  governed  by  other  free  nations,  his  allies. 

Unless  such  should  be  claimed  on  the  ground  that  the  English  nation  have 
settled  .  .  .  about  that  region  of  America,  (namely,  in  Virginia)  prior  to 
and  before  the  Netherlanders,  V.  C,  III,  367. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  223 

MEANING    OF   TREATIES-TREATY    OF    MUNSTER,   1648-(Continued). 

1660.     West  India  Company. 

If  that  be  given  weight,  then  we  think  the  Dutch  nation  must  instead  be  pre- 
ferred, being  considered  the  same  in  earlier  times,  namely,  vassals  and  subjects 
of  the  KiiiJ»"  of  Spain,  first  discoverer  and  founder  of  this  new  American  world, 
who  since,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  peace,  has  made  over  to  the  United  Nether- 
land  Provinces  all  his  right  and  title  to  such  countries  and  domains  as  by 
them  in  course  of  time  had  been  conquered  in  Europe,  America,  etc. 

V.  C,  III,  367. 
1688.     Don  Manuel  Coloma,  Spanish  Minister  in  Holland. 

The  aforesaid  Envoy  Extraordinary  [of  Spain]  is  convinced  that  your  Lord- 
ships [the  States-General]  will  not  permit  His  Majesty  to  suffer  any  damage 
there,  inasmuch  as  this  would  be  in  direct  contravention  of  tlie  Vth.  Article  of 
the  Treaty  of  Peace  made  between  His  Majesty  and  your  Lordships  in  the  year 
1648,  which  is  religiously  observed  by  both  parties.  B.  C,  I,  20j. 

1688.     States  General. 

Concerning  a  certain  Company  which  is  said  to  be  newly  formed  at  Amster- 
dam for  the  purpose  of  trading-  to  tlie  West  Indies,  ...  it  was  approved 
and  agreed  to  reply  .  .  .  that  as  yet  nothing  has  been  undertaken  by  their 
citizens  which  could  give  any  cause  for  complaint,  and  that,  before  giving  per- 
mission for  the  aforesaid  establishment,  the  States-General  will  thoroughly 
investigate  whether  the  aforesaid  purpose  is  in  any  respect  contrary  to  the 
Yth.  or  to  other  Articles  of  the  Treaty  of  the  year  1648.  Sa/ne,  p.  2og. 

1719.     Basnage  de  Beauval. 

The  commerce  of  the  Indies  was  a  greater  difficulty,  because  they  demanded 
full  liberty  to  carry  it  on  in  places  which  the  Spanish  possessed,  but  the  others 
urged  that  that  was  contrary  to  the  constitution  and  to  the  laws  of  Spain  by 
which  exclusion  from  this  public  and  free  commerce  had  been  enforced  not  only 
against  strangers  in  the  treaties  made  with  the  King  of  England  but  even 
against  a  part  of  the  subjects  of  his  Catholic  Majesty  as  also  against  the  Italians 
and  the  Flemish.  The  Dutch  conceded  that  the  law  should  be  reciprocal,  that 
the  Spanish  should  not  carry  on  their  commerce  in  the  towns  of  the  East  and 
West  Indies  possessed  by  the  Dutch,  and  that  the  Dutch  should  be  subject  to  the 
same  restrictions.  Meanwhile  the  latter  should  preserve  all  that  they  had  taken 
as  against  Portugal  or  that  which  they  should  take  in  future.  This  article  was 
adrantageous  to  the  Republic,  because  Spain  bound  her  hands,  and  undertook 
not  to  make  any  new  conquests  in  the  East  while  the  Dutch  retained  the 
power  to  extend  their  limits  far  and  wide  in  America  and  particularly  iu 
Brazil.  B.  C.-C,  A/>p.,jjS. 

1743.     Marquis  de  Torrenueva. 

Equal  attention  is  due  to  the  object  with  which  the  Dutch  established  them- 
selves to  the  windwai-d  of  the  River  Orinoco,  in  5^  north  latitude,  and  325°  nearly 
of  [East]  longitude,  according  to  Delisle  [Af/as  to  V.  C,  map  jj^  to  leeward  of 
the  Island  of  Cayenne,  and  in  6^  north  latitude,  and  320^  40'  longitude,  with  the 
two  forts  with  the  name  "Zelandeses"  ["  Fort  de  Zelande"]  between  the  rivers 
named  Surinam  and  Cupenam.  And  this  could  be  no  other  than  to  get  nearer 
to  the  mouth  and  banks  of  the  said  [Orinoco]  river,  and  to  found  thereon  planta- 
tions, which  might  facilitate  their  traffic  with  the  new  kingdom,  and  enable  them 
to  penetrate  by  that  part  to  those  places  and  districts  which  their  avarice  might 
dictate  until  they  made  themselves  masters  of  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco. 

B.  C,  II,  41. 


224  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING    OF   TREATIES-TREATY    OF    MUNSTER,   1648-(Continued). 

1743.     Marquis  de  Torrenueva. 

And  it  being  necessary  to  preserve  this  mouth  as  a  safeguard  of  that  kingdom, 
it  is  no  less  necessary  to  restrain  the  Dutch  from  approaching  its  banks  eitlier 
by  land  or  water,  keeping  in  view  with  this  object  the  Vth  and  Vlth  Articles 
of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  with  that  nation  of  lOlS.  The  mouth  of  the  River  Esse- 
quibo  offers  facilities  for  carrying  out  those  designs,  being  situated,  according  to 
this  geographer,  in  6"  40'  [North]  latitude,  and  3180  10'  [Eastj  longitude,  and  its 
source  in  1°  nearly  of  north  latitude,  and  316^  of  [EastJ  longitude,  thus  the 
whole  course  of  the  river  forms  a  large  extent  of  country,  .  .  .  it  contains  | 
within  its  limits  tribes  of  Indians  to  be  reduced,  many  who  would  then  serve  as  a 
barrier  so  that  the  Dutch  might  not  pass  to  the  west  of  this  [Essequibo]  river. 

B.  C,  II,  41. 

1753.  Secret  instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

In  respect  that  all  the  territory  comprised  between  the  Rivers  Marafion 
and  Orinoco  un(iuestionably  belongs  to  the  two  Crowns  [Spain  and  Portiig-alJ 
any  establishment  of  the  other  foreigners  in  that  place  is  to  be  looked  upon  as  a 
usurpation  of  their  rights,  and  they  cannot  show  that  we  have  formally  recog- 
nized that  dominion  as  theirs.  For  the  Portnguese  Crown  has  only  against  it 
the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  made  with  France  .  .  .  which  contain  no  recogni- 
tion of  dominion,  nor  formal  cession  of  rights.  Neither  on  the  part  of  Spain 
has  any  cession  to,  or  formal  recognition  of,  the  Dutch  been  made ;  to  which 
is  to  be  added  the  bad  faith  with  which  both  act,  in  order  to  penetrate  tlie 
interior,  and  draw  all  possible  profit  from  the  two  dominions,  against  the  pro- 
visions of  Laws  and  Treaties.  Same,  pp.  Sj-SS. 

1754.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Has  not  this  [question   of  boundary]  been  regulated   by  the  Treaty   of 

Munster  ?  Same,  p.  gj. 

1755.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Neither  in  the  Treaty  of  Munster  (concerning  which  you  gave  us  your  own 
opinions),  nor  in  any  other  is  there  to  our  knowledge  anything  to  be  found 
about  this  [limit  of  the  Colony].  Same,  p.  102. 

1 761.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

Nor  do  1  know  on  what  they  could  found  their  claims  ;  for  though,  by  the  Yth 
article  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  the  dominion  of  the  countries,  fortified 
places,  factories,  etc.,  was  conceded  to  them  which  they  at  tliat  time  pos- 
sessed in  America,  on  the  Orinoco  neither  they  nor  any  others  but  the  Span- 
iards alone  ever  held,  or  have  since  held,  castles  or  forts,  nor  customs  duties, 
fishing,  hunting,  or  use  of  the  soil  ;  nor  can  they  found  their  right  on  the  tacit 
or  even  express  consent  .  .  .  sometimes  given  them,  to  fish  in  the  Boca  de 
Navios  and  the  Rivers  Barima  and  Aguierre,  which  run  into  it ;  nor  on  the  huts 
which  they  have  built  to  sun  and  dry  their  fish,  nor  on  the  navigation  which  has 
been  furtively  allowed  them  as  far  as  Guayana,  or  still  further;  nor  can  they 
prove  the  legality  of  the  armed  Post  they  hold  in  the  Rio  Moruca  ;  .  .  . 
it  being  prohibited  them  by  the  said  Treaty  to  erect  new  fortifications  under 
any  pretext.  Sajne,  p.  204. 

1769.     Court  of  Policy. 

The  invasi(ui  of  the  Spaniards,  as  unexpected  as  it  is  contrary  to  the  law  of 
nations  and  the  treaties  of  alliance,  calls  for  your  Lordships'  most  serious 
consideration,  and  requires  a  speedy  resolution  for  redress.  B.  C.,IV,  12. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANtNG  OF  TREATIES.  225 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY    OF    MUNSTER,  1648-(Continued». 

1769.     Remonstrance  of  States-General. 

The  people  of  Orinoco,  contrary  not  only  to  all  Treaties,  but  also  to  the  law 
of  nations,  in  taking"  away  and  retaining,  .  .  .  the  slaves  which  deserted 
thither  from  that  Colony.  B.  C,  IV,  31. 

1897.     George  L.  Burr. 

What  was  meant  by  the  wo^'ds  translated  "forts  and  places  "? 
The  words  "  lieux  "  and  " />/aces,"  "  plactsen,"  are  the  most  general  and  in- 
definite terms  known  to  these  languages  for  the  expression  of  locality,  and  corre- 
spond wholly  to  the  cognate  English  word,  ''places!'  .  .  .  The  Kng'lisli 
translation  shonld  therefore  run,  not  "  forts  and  places,"  but  "places" 
alone.  V.  C.-C,  II,  1-2. 

What  is  meant  by  the  words  translated  "  acquire  and  possess  ".' 

"  Conquer  and  possess"  would  therefore  be  a  truer  English  translation  ;  and 
the  phrase  would  seem  to  imply  rather  a  seizure  from  another  State  than  an 
occupation  of  lands  held  only  by  aborigines. 

What  "places  "  were  in  the  thought  of  the  parties  to  the  treaty? 

The  only  places  suggested  by  the  negotiations  are  those  to  be  won  back 
from  the  Portuguese  in  Brazil.  Same,  p.  j. 

As  everything  points  to  the  Estates  of  Zealand  or  to  their  deputies  in  the 
States-General  as  the  most  zealous  promoters  of  the  provisions  of  the  treaty 
touching  the  West  Indies,  this  clear  intimation  that  the  Portuguese  possessions 
alone  were  in  their  thoug'ht  in  framing  the  questioned  clauses  should  be  of  use 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  treaty. 

By  this  historical  survey  it  has  been  made  clear,  I  think,  that  the  questioned 
clause  came  originally  from  the  West  India  Company  itself  or  from  its  sponsors ; 
that,  after  sharp  scrutiny,  it  was  accepted  by  the  Spanish  envoys  precisely  as  it 
was  submitted,  save  for  a  possible  (but,  if  actual,  most  significant)  change  of 
"acquerir"  to  "conquerir  ;"  that,  in  the  minds  of  its  authors,  it  had  reference 
only  to  possessions  of  the  Portuguese;  but  that,  already  in  the  minds  of  the 
French  diplomats,  and  possibly  in  the  intent  of  the  Dutch  plenipotentiaries,  it  was 
susceptible  of  ambiguous  interpretation.  Same,  p.  12. 

What  was  the  policy  of  the  Dutch  as  to  recognizing  a  right  of  any  other 
power  to  lands  still  occupied  only  by  natives  ? 

More  even  than  did  other  Europeans,  they  sought  their  title  from  the 
natives  themselves.  Their  relations  with  the  aborigines  of  the  Guiana  coast 
seem  from  the  first  to  have  been  those  of  friendship  and  alliance ;  and,  though  no 
specific  treaties  have  been  adduced,  still  less  is  there  anywhere  implication,  in  the 
accessible  Dutch  sources,  of  a  claim  derived  from  Spain.  Same,  pp.  12-ij. 

Was  this  provision  of  the  treaty  ever  appealed  to  by  the  Dutch  in  support 
of  aggressions  on  territory  claimed  by  the  Spaniards  ? 

Throughout  the  century  and  a  half  of  their  neighborhood  in  South  America — 
a  period  filled  with  reciprocal  aggressions  and  complaints — I  have  as  yet  found 
no  instance  of  appeal  to  tliis  clause  of  the  treaty  by  the  Dutch.  ...  no 
such  instance  is  cited  by  the  British  Blue  Books. 

Yet  it  may,  of  course,  be  replied  that,  while  the  Dutch  might  be  unwilling,  by 
urging  such  a  claim,  to  admit  Spanish  rights  over  unsettled  territory,  Spain 
might  still  be  estopped  by  the  clause  from  resenting  their  encroachments. 

Same,  p,  ij. 


226  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY    OF    MUNSTER,   1648-(Continued). 

1897.     George  L.  Burr. 

How  have  later  historians  and  diplomatists  interpreted  this  clause  ? 
In  the  multitude  of  authorities  I  have  consulted  I  have  found  as  yet  no  other 
interpretation  tliaii  tliat  it  refers  to  Portiig^iiese  possessions. 

Postscript. — Having,  since  the  submission  of  this  report,  made  search  in  the 
Dutch  archives,  through  the  whole  of  the  diplomatic  correspondence  between  the 
Netherlands  and  Spain  during  this  period,  and  also  through  the  papers  of  the 
States-General  and  of  the  West  India  Company,  I  am  able  to  affirm  this  position 
with  much  greater  positiveness.  To  other  clauses  of  the  treaty  I  find  Dutch  ap- 
pealing ;  to  this  never.  .  .  .  Had  the  Dutch  been  disposed  to  invoke  the 
Treaty  of  Munster  against  Spanish  aggressions,  they  surely  could  have  had  no 
more  tempting  occasion  than  was  given  by  the  assaults  on  the  Essequibo  posts 
during  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Yet  I  find  neither  in  the  pro- 
tests of  the  West  India  Company  and  of  the  States- General  nor  in  the  diplo- 
matic correspondence  with  Spain  any  allusion  to  that  treaty.  Once,  indeed 
(September  2,  1754),  the  governor  of  the  Essequibo  colony  asked  the  Company 
if  the  boundary  between  Holland  and  Spain  in  Guiana  were  not  regulated  by  the 
Treaty  of  Munster;  but  they  were  obliged  to  reply  (January  6,  1755)  that 
neither  in  that  treaty  nor  in  any  other  could  they  tind  anything  about  it. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  13. 

I  .  .  .  add  what  amounts  to  an  official  Spanish  exposition  of  this  article 
of  the  treaty  of  Munster.  .  .  .  Thus  argue  the  Spanish  diplomatists  in  their 
memorial  submitted  to  the  Dutch  States-General  on  December  4,  1786  : 

"  The  first  of  these  points  was  that  Spaiii  should  restrict  her  limits  in  the 
East  Indies  to  those  which  she  then  possessed,  conceding  or  leaving  to  the  Dutch 
the  conquests  in  all  the  remainder  ; 

"  The  second  point  agreed  on  was  that  Spain  and  the  States-General  should  re- 
main in  possession  of  wliat  tliey  respectively  occupied  at  the  time  of  the 
treaty     ...     on  the  coasts  of     .     .     .     America. 

"  The  third  point  was  that  the  States-General  should  preserve  their  possession 
and  rights  as  to  the  forts  and  places  which  the  Portuguese  had  taken  from  them 
since  the  year  1641,  as  also  to  the  forts  and  places  which  the  said  states  shall 
come  to  conquer  there  hereafter,  .  .  .  without  infraction  of  the  present 
treaty."  Same,  pp.  14-15. 

It  seems  fair,  then,  to  conclude  that  : 

1.  It  is  improbable  that,  in  the  intent  of  its  framers  and  its  ratifiers,  the  Treaty 
of  3Iunster  conceded  ta  the  Dutch  a  right  to  win  from  the  natives  lands 
claimed  by  Spain. 

2.  It  does  not  appear  that  it  was  ever  interpreted  in  this  sense  by  either  Spain 
or  the  Dutch.  Same,  p.  16. 

What  may  have  been  the  political  significance  of  these  posts  is  less  easy  to 
determine.  Among  the  forms  of  occupation  specified  by  the  Treaty  of  Munster, 
in  1648,  as  precluding  visit  and  trade  by  the  subjects  of  the  other  power,  was  that 
by  loges  (in  the  Dutch  text  lo^ien).  This  word  was  at  the  time  delinod  by  the 
Holland  Estates  to  mean  warehouses.  But  it  is  by  this  word  that  the  posts  are 
described,  (notably  that  on  the  Cuyuni)  in  the  formal  remonstrances  of  the  States- 
General  to  Spain,  (1759,  1769).  The  postholder  and  his  one  or  two  white 
assistants  were  usually  old  soldiers  and  remained  enrolled  among  the  military  of 
the  colony,  at  least  until  the  year  1775.  Same,  p.  84, 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  22Y 

MEANING    OF  TREATIES-TREATY   OF    MUNSTER,   1648-(Continued). 

1897.     George  L.  Burr. 

The  Treaty  of  Miinster,  by  whicJi  in  1648  Spain  for  the  first  time  form- 
ally recognized  the  independence  of  the  Dntch  and  the  existence  of  their 
colonial  possessions,  makes  no  mention  of  Guiana  or  of  any  other  region  by 
name;  nor  do  tlie  records  of  tlie  negotiations,  preserved  to  us  in  great  fullness, 
show  any  mention  of  that  district.  Equally  silent  are  the  treaties  of  the  Nether- 
lands with  England  and  with  France.  Nor  are  the  Guiana  colonies  matters  of 
discussion  in  the  diplomatic  correspondence  between  Holland  and  Spain. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  iSo-iSi. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

By  Article  V  of  that  Treaty  [of  Munster],  the  Netherlands  obtained  from 
Spain  a  title  to  what  they  at  that  time  held  npon  the  coasts  of  America. 
That  treaty  fixed  the  boundary  of  Dutch  dominion  at  that  time.  British  rights 
to-day,  so  far  as  the  territory  in  dispute  is  concerned,  are  what  Dutch  rights  were 
tw'o  hundred  and  fifty  years  ago — no  more.  V.  C,  ^2. 

The  effect  of  this  treaty  [of  Munster]  was  two- fold  :  on  the  one  hand  it  con- 
ferred npon  the  Dntch  a  title  to  territory  which  before  belonged  to  Spain  ; 
on  the  other  hand  it  constituted  an  eug-agement  on  the  part  of  the  Netherlands 
that,  as  against  Spain,  and  at  the  cost  of  Spain,  the  Dutch  would  acquire  noth- 
ing more  than  they  then  possessed.  Same,  p.  yj. 

Upon  the  restoration  of  peace  [Treaty  of  Munster]  she  [Spain]  gave  them 
[Dutch]  a  title  to  territory  which  up  to  that  time  they  had  held  as  mere 
trespassers. 

The  extent  of  this  grant  cannot  be  difficult  to  define  :  the  entire  Dutch  Colony, 
if  indeed  it  might  be  dignified  by  such  a  name,  consisted  of  a  body  of  two  or 
three  dozen  unmarried  employes  of  the  West  India  Company,  housed  in  a  fort 
on  a  small  island,  and  engaged  in  traffic  with  the  Indians  for  the  dyes  of  the 
forest :  at  the  time  when  the  treaty  was  signed,  they  were  not  cultivating  an  acre 
of  land.  This  and  an  establishment  on  the  Berbice  were  the  only  Dutch  settle- 
ments in  Guiana  in  1648.  Neither  then,  nor  at  at  any  time  prior  thereto,  had  the 
Dutch  occupied  or  settled  a  foot  of  ground  west  of  their  Essequibo  post. 

Sa/iie,  p.  Y4. 

12.  By  the  Treaty  of  Munster  the  Dutch  engaged  to  neither  sail  to  nor 
trade  in  any  places  held  and  possessed  by  the  King  of  Spain.        Same,  p.  22j. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  admitted.  B.  C.-C,  ij2. 

13.  By  the  same  treaty  the  Dutch  engaged  to  respect  the  sovereignty  of  Spain 
over  all  lordships,  towns,  castles,  fortresses,  commerce  and  countries  at  that  time 
held  or  possessed  by  Spain,  and  to  do  nothing  which  might  be  an  infraction  of 
the  treaty.  V.  C,  22J. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  admitted.  B.  C.-C,  /J2. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Twice,  during  the  latter  part  of  the  17th  century,  the  Dutch,  in  violation  of 
the  Treaty  of  Munster,  attempted  to  plant  settlements  west  of  the  Essequibo 
River,  on  the  banks  of  the  Pomeroon.  V.  C,  22j. 


228  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY   OF   MUNSTER,  1648- Continued^ 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

These  settlements  were  not  in  violation  of  tlie  Treaty  of  Munster,  but 

were  expressly  in  accordance  with  the  rights  reserved  to  the   Dutch  by  the  Vth 
Article  of  that  Treaty.  B.  C.-C,  ij2. 

■ .     Venezuelan  Case. 

Twice  during  the  1 8th  century  the  Dutch,  in  violation  of  the  Treaty  of 
Munster,  attempted  to  establish  slave  and  trading  posts  on  the  Cnyuni  river. 

V.  C,  223. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  inaccnrate  to  say  that  the  establishment  of  such  Posts  was  in  violation 
of  the  Treaty  of  Munster.  B.  C.-C,  ij2. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

At  various  times  during  the  1 8th  century,  the  Dutch,  in  violation  of  the 
Treaty  of  Munster,  attempted  to  establish,  and  in  some  instances  for  brief  pe- 
riods maintained,  sl.ave-tradina:  stations  near  the  mouths  of  the  Pomeroou  and 
Moruca  rivers.  V.  C,  224. 

- — .     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  ■wholly  untrue  that  these  stations  were  founded  in  violation  of  the 
Treaty  of  Munster,  B,  C.-C,  ijj. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

On  March  30,  1845,  Spain  recognized  Venezuela's  independence  and  formally 
renounced  in  her  favor  all  the  sovereignty,  rights  and  claims  previously  her 
own  in  the  territory  formerly  known  as  the  Captaincy-Ueneral  of  Venezuela. 
Said  territory  comprised  the  region  now  in  dispute.  V.  C,  22J. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  untrue  that  the  territory  renounced  by  Spain  comprised  the  region  now 
in  dispute.  B.  C.-C,  IJ4. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

During  a  portion  of  the  present  century,  in  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Mun- 
ster, (ireat  IJritain  lias  occupied  a  strip  of  land  along  the  coast  between  the 
Essequibo  and  the  Pomeroon  rivers,  known  as  the  Arabian  or  Arabisi  coast. 

V.  C,  22J. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  wholly  inaccurate.  Occupation  by  Great  Britain, 
which  always  extended  and  now  extends  far  beyond  the  strip  of  land  along  the 
coast  referred  to,  was  as  of  right  in  succession  to  the  Dutch,  and  by  virtue  of  their 
and  her  independent  right  of  colonization  and  settlement,  B.  C.-C,  IJ4, 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Subsequent  to  the  year  1880,  Cfreat  Britain,  in  violation  of  the  said  agree- 
ment of  1850,  and  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  forcibly  entered  upon  and  took 

possession  of  the  territory  lying  between   the  Essequibo  river  and  the  line  first' 
published  in  1886,  since  claimed  by  Great  Britain  to  be  the  Schomburgk  Line. 
Said  territory  included  not  only  the  entire  region  which  was  in  dispute  in  1850, 
but  also  territory  belonging  to  Venezuela,  the  title  to  which  had  never  been 
questioned  prior  to  1886.  V.  C.,226. 


li 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  229 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY    OF   MUNSTER,   1648-(Contlnued). 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  inaccurate.  The  hne  pubHshed  in  1886  was  the  original 
Schomburgk  line  as  it  exists  upon  the  map  drawn  by  him,  and  the  alleged  entry 
and  taking  possession  of  the  territory  lying  between  the  Essequibo  River  and 
that  line  was  no  violation  of  the  Arrangement  of  1850.  It  is  untrue  that  Great 
Britain  entered  any  territory  belonging  to  Venezuela,  or  any  territory,  the  title 
to  which  had  never  been  questioned  prior  to  1886.  B.  C.-C,  ijj. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  Dutcli  not  having  come  as  occupants  of  lerra  luillius,  but  as  mere  tres- 
passers on  territory  belonging  to  Spain,  no  valid  title  to  the  land  occupied  by 
them  in  the  Essequibo  river  rested  in  tlieni  until,  by  the  Treaty  of  Munster, 
Spain  released  and  confirmed  to  them  the  possession  of  such  land. 

V.  C,  231. 

.     British  Counter-Case. 

The  Dutch  were  in  no  sense  trespassers  on  territory  belonging  to  Spain. 
They  had  a  valid  title  to  the  lands  and  settlements  occupied  by  them  in  the 
Essequibo  River  and  elsewhere,  which  title  had  been  recog'nized  by  Spain  long' 
before  the  Treaty  of  Munster.  The  Treaty  of  Munster  was  not  a  release  and 
confirmation  to  the  Dutch,  but  a  recog:nition  of  the  fact  that  they  were  settled  in 
Guiana  as  elsewhere  by  virtue  of  their  own  rights  as  an  independent  nation.  The 
Treaty  of  Munster  was  much  more  a  protection  of  the  possessions  of  the 
Spaniards  against  the  Dutch  than  a  confirmation  of  any  Dutch  title. 

B.  C.-C,  ijS. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  Dutch  having  co.ne  to  the  Essequibo  as  disseizors,  and  the  Treaty  of 
Munster  having  released  and  confirmed  to  them  only  such  places  as  they  then 
actually  held  and  possessed,  the  territory  thus  released  and  confirmed  was 
limited  to  such  land  only  as  was  in  fact  then  physically  occupied  by  them. 

V.  C,  2JI. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Dutch  had  not  come  to  the  Essequibo  as  disseizors,  but  as  independent 
settlers.  The  Treaty  of  Munster  did  not  release  and  confirm  to  them  only 
such  places  as  they  then  actually  held  and  possessed  ;  on  the  contrarj%  it  recog- 
nized in  terms  their  right  to  acquire  further  possessions.  B.  C.-C,  ij8. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  places  actually  occupied  by  the  Dutch  in  the  river  Essequibo  at  the  date 
of  the  Treaty  of  Munster  having  been  limited  to  the  island  subsequently  known  as 
Kykoveral,  the  Treaty  of  3Iunster  i-eleased  and  confirmed  to  them  the  title 
to  that  island  only  and  the  right  of  free  ingress  thereto  and  egress  therefrom  by 
way  of  the  Essequibo  river  itself.  V.  C,  2ji. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  untrue  that  tlie  places  occupied  by  the  Dutch  in  the  River  Essequibo 
at  the  date  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster  were  limited  to  the  island  then,  and  sub- 
sequently known  as  Kijkoveral.  Their  possessions,  as  was  well  known  to  Spain, 
extended  to  many  other  places  in  Guiana.  B.  C.-C,  ijS. 


280  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY   OF   MUNSTER,  1648-(Continued). 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Said  Cuyuui-Mazaruni  liasin  bein^  a  tract  of  laud  geographically  separate 
from  and  iiidepeii«lent  of  the  Essequibo  river ;  and  no  part  of  said  basin  having 
been  in  the  possession,  occupation  or  control  of  the  Dutch  at  the  date  of  the 
Treaty  of  Munster,  that  treaty  conferred  upon  the  Dutch  no  right  or  title  what- 
soever thereto.  V.  C,  2j2. 

.     British  Counter-Case. 

The  Cuyiini-Mazaruni  Basin  is  not  a  tract  of  land  geograpliically  sepa- 
rated from  and  independent  of  the  Essequibo  River.  The  Dutch  were  at  the 
date  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster  in  occupation  of  part  of  the  said  basin,  and  had 
practically  control  over  the  whole.  B.  C.-C,  ijg. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  eflorts  of  the  Dutch  twice  during  the  latter  part  of  the  17th  century  to 
establish  settlements  on  or  near  the  Pomeroon,  having  been  ineffectual  as 
well  as  in  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  cannot  be  made  the  basis  of 
title  to  that  region.  V.  C,  2j2. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  settlements  of  the  Dutch  on  the  Pomeroon  were  not  a  yiolation  of 
the  Treaty  of  Munster.  On  the  contrary,  if  that  territory  was  not  in  the  occu- 
pation of  the  Dutch  at  the  date  of  the  Treaty,  these  settlements  were  directly  in 
accordance  with  the  power  of  settlement  possessed  by  them  as  recognized  by  the 
Treaty.  B.  C.-C,  ijg. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  efforts  of  the  Dutch  twice  during  the  i8th  century  to  establish  slave  and 
trading  posts  on  the  Cuyuni  river,  having  been  ineffectual  as  well  as  in  viola- 
tion of  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  cannot  be  made  the  basis  of  title  to  that  region. 

V.  C,  232-233. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Posts  established  by  the  Dutch  on  the  Cuyuni  River  were  not  in  vio- 
lation of  the  Treaty  of  Munster.  B.  C.-C,  140. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  present  occupation  by  Great  Britain  of  a  portion  of  the  territory  now 
in  dispute,  being  in  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster  and  of  the  agreement 
of  1850,  and  having  been  effected  subsequent  to  the  year  1880,  in  the  interior, 
and  subsequent  to  1884,  on  the  coast,  cannot  be  made  the  basis  of  title  to  that 
region.  V-  C.,  233. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  occupation  by  Great  Britain  of  the  territory  now  in  her  possession  was 
not  a  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster  or  of  the  Arrangement  of  1850. 
Great  Britain  never  undertook  to  abandon  territory  over  which  she  had  at  the 
time  of  the  said  Arrangement  complete  control,  or  to  abstain  from  continuing  the 
development  of  that  territory.  B.  C-C,  142. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  231 

MEANING    OF  TREATIES-TREATY   OF   MUNSTER,   1648-(Contlnued). 

.     British  Case. 

The  Treaty  of  Miinster  .  .  .  included  the  places  which  the  Portuguese 
had  taken  from  the  States-General  since  the  year  1641,  as  well  as  all  places 
which  the  States-General  should  thereafter  come  to  conquer  and  possess  without 
infraction  of  the  Treaty. 

Tlie  object  of  this  jn'ovisioii  was  that  the  Dutch  sliould  be  at  liberty 
to  recapture  from  the  Portuguese  all  places  which  the  latter  had  acquired  at 
their  expense  during  the  Portuguese  rebellion.  B.  C,  26. 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Munster  tlie  Dutch  received  from  Spain,  in  1648,  a 
quit-claim   to  i^hat  they  tlien  possessed,  not  to  any  subsequent  extension 

of    those   possessions   at    Spanish   expense.       By  that   Treaty   also   the   Dutch 
agreed  to  respect  Spanish  possessions,  and  to  acquire  no  more  Spanish  territory. 

V.  C.-C,  13. 
.     British  Counter  Case. 

At  the  time  of  the  truce  in  1609  the  Dutch  maintained  their  rigiit  to 
found  settlements  in  any  part  of  South  America  not  actually  occupied  and 
possessed  by  Spain,  and  never  abandoned  that  position.  It  was  maintained  by 
them  in  all  the  negotiations  leading  up  to  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  and  received 
sanction  once  again  in  the  definite  terms  established  by  that  Treaty. 

With  regard  to  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  Her  Majesty's  Government,     .     . 
submit  that  this  Treaty  cannot  possibly  be  regarded  as  a  "grant"  by  Spain  to 
the  Dutch  of  their  Settlements,  and  that  there  was  nothing  in  that  Treaty  to 
limit  the  expansion  of  the  Dutch  Settlements,  provided  they  did  not  encroach 
upon  territory  actually  held  and  possessed  by  Spain.  B.  C.-C.,j^. 

The  true  effect  of  the  Treaty  ofMiinster  was,  first,  to  confirm  the  Spauisli 
and  the  Dutch  respectively  as  equal  soTereign  powers  in  the  right  to  hold  undis- 
turbed and  without  molestation  the  possessions  which  they  respectively  held  in 
Guiana  at  the  time  of  the  Treaty ;  secondly,  to  control  tlie  trade  relations 
between  the  two  countries  as  regards  their  respective  possessions  ;  and  thirdly, 
to  specifically  recognize  the  right  of  the  Dutch  to  acquire  by  conquest  or 
otherwise  further  possessions  in  Guiana  from  Portugal  or  from  the  native  tribes, 
an  undertaking  being  given  by  the  Dutch  not  to  infringe  upon  or  interfere  with 
any  territory  actually  occupied  and  possessed  by  Spain.  Same,  p.  jS. 

In  considering  these  Articles  [of  the  Treaty  of  Munster]  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  .  .  .  that  the  Dutch  were  at  the  time  in  a  position  to  make  tlieir 
own  terms,  and  that  the  Spaniards  were  most  anxious  to  agree  to  a  Treaty 
at  any  price,  and  had  in  fact  given  instructions  to  their  Plenipotentiaries  to  that 
effect.  Same,  p.  jg. 

The  suggestion  that  the  rights  reserved  to  and  recognized  in  the  Dutch  by  the 
latter  provision  were  confined  to  a  right  to  gain  possessions  beyond  those 
which  they  already  occupied  only  from  that  part  of  South  America  which  the 
Portuguese  held,  is  contradicted  by  the  terms  of  the  Article  [V.]  itself. 

The  words  :  .  .  .  "  including  also  the  localities  and  places  which  the  same 
Lords  States  shall  hereafter  without  infraction  of  the  present  Treaty  come  to  con- 
quer and  possess,"     .     .     .     are  a  recognition  of  the  right  of  the  Dutch  to  extend 


232  REMONSTRANCES  AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-TREATY   OF   MUNSTER,  1648-(Continued). 

their  possessions  in  South  America  and  elsewhere,  only  so  long  as  they  did  not 
encroach  upon  the  territories  actually  possessed  and  enjoyed  by  Spain  at  the  date 
of  the  Treaty.  B.  C.-C,  41. 

The  words  which  give  the  Dutch  the  right  to  conquer  aud  possess  new 
places  "  without  infraction  of  the  present  Treaty  "  are  wholly  inconsistent  with 
the  view  that  the  Treaty  was  limited  by  or  made  subject  to  Spanish  rights  to 
claim  as  their  property  unoccupied  territories. 

The  words  "  without  infraction  of  the  present  Treaty,"  referred  to  the  recog- 
nition by  the  Dutch  of  the  actual  Spanish  possessions  contained  in  the  Treaty 
itself.  Same,  p.  4^. 

This  Article  [V.]  .  .  .  was  inserted  in  order  to  give  the  Dutch  the 
fullest  rig'ht  of  taking-  possession  of  any  territories,  including  Guiana,  not 
already  in  the  actual  occupation  of  Spain.  Same,  p.  4j. 

After  the  most  careful  examination  no  single  document  lias  been  found  to 
Justify  the  contention  that  Spain  considered  tliat  slie  >vas  making  a  grant 
to  Holland  by  virtue  of  any  paramount  title,  or  that  the  Dutch  understood  that 
they  were  receiving,  so  to  speak,  a  grant  from  Spain  of  their  possessions  in 
Guiana.  Same,  p.  46. 

MEANING  OF  TREATIES-TREATY  OF  UTRECHT,  1714. 

1760.     Confidential  Report  to  King  of  Spain. 

As  Spain,  by  the  Peace  of  Utrecht,  is  not  bound  to  maintain  the  Dntcli 
in  the  said  Colony,  she  may  in  good  conscience  and  Christian  policy,  consent 
and  contribute  to  their  expulsion  by  the  negroes.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  206 

MEANING  OF  TREATIES-TREATY  OF  ARANJUEZ,  1791. 

1791.     [1876]  Senor  Calcaiio. 

In  the  Convention  which  they  signed  at  Aranjuez  on  the  23d  June,  1791,  .  .  . 
where  it  is  clearly  expressed  that  just  as  Porto  Rico  is  Spanish  and  St.  Eustace 
Dutch,  Coro  Spanish  and  Curasao  Dutch,  so  all  the  establishments  of  the  Orinoco 
are  Spanish,  and  how  far  }  As  far  as  the  other  boundary  which  designates  what 
is  Dutch,  as  far  as  the  Essequibo,  Berbice,  and  Surinam. 

Here  it  is  settled  by  Holland  herself  that  her  limits  with  Spain  to  the 
north  only  reach  as  far  as  the  River  Essequibo.  B.  C,  VII,  g4. 

.     British  Case. 

Senor  Calcano  further  quoted  the  Cartel  of  Aranjuez  which  was  made  in  the 
year  1791. 

Senor  Calcano  [in  1880]  suggested  that  the  word  Essequibo  at  the 
end  of  the  above  Article  referred  to  the  river.  A  perusal  of  the  Treaty,  both 
in  the  French  and  in  the  Spanish  text,  shows  that  this  suggestion  is  unfounded, 
and,  further,  from  the  documents  which  passed  during  the  negotiations  for  the 
Treaty  it  is  clear  that  the  words  Essequibo,  Demerara,  Berbice  and  Surinam 
were  used  throughout  as  the  well-known  general  descriptions  of  the  Dutch 
Colonies,  Essequibo  being,  as  before  mentioned,  the  nanie  commonly  applied  to 
all  the  Dutch  possessions  between  the  Boerasirie  Creek,  situated  to  the  east  of 
the  River  Essequibo,  and  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  126-127. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  233 

MEANING  OF  TREATIES-TREATY  OF  LONDON,  1814. 

1814.  Convention  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Netherlands: — Signed  at  London, 
August  13,  1 8 14. 
Article  I.  His  Britannic  Majesty  engages  to  restore  to  the  Prince-Sovereign  of 
the  United  Netherlands  within  the  term  which  shall  be  hereafter  fixed,  the  Colonies, 
factories,  and  establishments  which  were  possessed  by  Holland  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  late  war,  viz.,  on  the  ist  January,  1803,  in  the  seas  and  on  the  continents 
of  America,  Africa,  and  Asia  :  with  the  exception  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and 
the  settlements  of  Demerara,  Essequibo,  and  Berbioe,  of  which  possessions  the 
High  Contracting  Parties  reserve  to  themselves  the  right  to  dispose  by  a  Supple- 
mentary Convention,  hereafter  to  be  negotiated,  according  to  their  mutual  in- 
terests. B.  C,  V,  228. 

Additional  Article  I.  In  consideration  and  in  satisfaction  of  the  above  engage- 
ments, as  taken  by  His  Britannic  Majesty,  the  Prince  Sovereign  of  the  Netherlands 
agrees  to  cede  in  full  sovereignty  to  His  Britannic  Majesty  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
and  the  settlements  of  Demerara,  Essequibo,  and  Berbice,  upon  the  condition, 
nevertheless,  that  the  subjects  of  the  said  Sovereign  Prince,  being  proprietors  in  the 
said  Colonies  or  settlements,  shall  be  at  liberty  (under  such  regulations  as  may 
hereafter  be  agreed  upon  in  a  Supplementary  Convention)  to  carry  on  trade  be- 
tween the  said  settlements  and  the  territories  in  Europe  of  the  said  Sovereign 
Prince.  Same,  p.  231. 

1839.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

By  an  Additional  Article  to  a  Convention,  signed  at  London,  the  13th  August, 
1 8 14,  Demerara,  Essequibo,  and  Berbice  were  finally  ceded  to  Great  Britain.  The 
British  Empire  acquired,  therefore,  Guiana,  with  the  same  claims  to  the  termini 
of  its  boundaries  as  held  by  the  Dutcli.  B.  C,  VII,  j. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-AGREEMENT  OF  1850. 

1850.     Venezuelan  Case. 

In  the  year  1850  Venezuela  and  Great  Britain  ag-reed  that,  pending  the 
settlement  of  the  boundary  question,  neither  would  occupy  or  encroach  upon 
the  territory  then  in  dispute.  V.  C,  226. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  existence  of  the  Arrangement  made  in  1850  is  admitted,  but  no 
definition  or  agreement  as  to  the  limits  of  the  disputed  territory  was  ever 
arrived  at,  and  at  no  time  did  Great  Britain  agree  to  abstain  from  the  develop- 
ment of  the  country  east  of  the  Schomburgk  line,  which  she  has  throughout 
maintained  was  her  disputed  property.  B.  C.-C,  IJ4. 

1850.     British  Charge  d'Affaires  in  Caracas. 

Letters  which  I  have  received  from  Mr.  Vice-Consul  Mathison,  stating  that 
orders  had  been  communicated  to  the  authorities  at  Bolivar  by  the  Supreme 
Government  to  place  the  Province  of  Guayana  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  .  .  . 
that  the  Governor  has  spoken  of  raising:  a  fort  at  Barinta.  a  point  to  wliich 
the  i-ig:ht  of  possession  is  in  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela. 

I  have  requested  Mr.  Mathison  ...  to  ascertain  correctly  and  report  to 
me  from  time  to  time  whether  .  .  .  any  occupation  be  effected  of  territory 
claimed  by  Great  Britain,  and  especially  whether  any  forts  or  buildings  be  erected 
or  military  posts  established  at  Point  Barima,  or  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amacura. 

B.  C,  VI,  179. 


23i  REMONSTRANCES   AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-AGREEMENT   OF  1850-(Continuecl). 

1850.     Lord  Palmerston. 

The  territory  in  dispute  between  Eiigrl.iiid  and  A'^enezuela  .  .  .  Her 
Majesty's  Government  lias  uo  iutentiou  of  occupying-  or  encroaching  upon. 

B.  C,  VI,  I  So. 

1850.     British  Charge  d 'Affaires  in  Caracas. 

Tlie  determination  of  Great  Britain  not  herself  to  occupy  or  encroacli 
upon  the  territory  in  dispute. 

The  mahcious  assertion  of  the  occupation  of  Fuerte  Viejo  by  British  troops. 

Same,  p.  iS^. 

1850.     British  Charge  d'Affaires  in  Caracas  to  Sefior  Lecuna. 

The  undersigned,  Her  Britannic  Majesty's  Charge  d'Affaires,  had  acquainted 
his  Lordship  with  the  steps  which  he  had  taken  to  contradict  a  rumour  mis- 
chievously circulated  in  Venezuela  that  Great  Britain  intends  to  lay  claim  to  the 
province  of  Venezuelan  Guiana. 

[This  rumour  is]  not  only  utterly  and  entirely  destitute  of  any  foundation 
whatever,  but     .     .     .     the  very  reverse  of  truth. 

Point  Barima,  the  right  of  possession  to  which  is  in  dispute  between  Great 
Britain  and  Venezuela.  Same,  p.  1S6. 


Her  Majesty's  Government  has  no  intention  of  occupying  or  encroacliing 
upon  the  disputed  territory. 

The  Venezuelan  Government,  cannot,  without  injustice  to  Great  Britain, 
distrust  for  a  moment  the  sincerity  of  the  formal  declaration,  now  made  in  the 
name  and  by  the  express  order  of  Her  Majesty's  Government,  that  Great  Britain 
has  no  intention  of  occupying  or  encroaching  upon  the  disputed  territory;  hence, 
in  a  like  spirit  of  good  faith  and  friendliness,  the  Venezuelan  Government  cannot 
object  to  make  a  similar  formal  declaration  to  Her  Majesty's  Government, 
namely,  that  Venezuela  herself  has  no  intention  of  occupying  or  encroaching  upon 
the  disputed  territory. 

Her  Majesty's  felovernment,  as  before  stated,  will  not  itself  direct  or  sanc- 
tion any  such  encroachments  or  occupation  on  the  part  of  British  authorities, 
and  should  there  ever  be  any  misapprehension  of  its  determination  in  this  respect, 
it  would,  the  Undersigned  is  persuaded,  willingly  renew  its  orders  upon  the  point; 
he  therefore  feels  satisfied  that  Venezuela  will  not  hesitate  to  send  positive  in- 
structions to  the  Venezuelan  authorities  in  Guiana  to  abstain  from  taking  any 
measures  which  may  be  justly  considered  aggressive  by  the  British  authorities. 

Same,  p.  iSj. 

1850.     Senor  Lecuna. 

Reposing  in  this  confidence,  fortified  by  the  protestations  contained  in  the 
note  under  reply,  the  Government  has  no  difficulty  in  replying  that  Venezuela 
has  no  intention  of  occupying:  or  encroaching  upon  any  part  of  the  terri- 
tory, the  dominion  of  which  is  in  dispute,  and  that  it  will  not  view  with  in- 
difference that  Great  Britain  shall  act  otherwise. 

Furthermore,  orders  will  be  issued  to  the  authorities  in  Guayana  to  abstain 
from  taking  steps  by  which  the  engagement  the  Venezuelan  Government  has 
hereby  contracted  may  be  violated.  bame,  p.  jSS. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  235 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-AGREEMENT  OF  1850-(Continued). 

1858.     Secretary  of  State  for  Colonies. 

The  Governor  ...  of  British  Guiana  .  .  .  will  not  make  grants  of 
any  land,  or  issue  Hcences  for  the  use  or  occupation  of  any  land,  lying  between 
the  boundaries  claimed  by  Great  Britain  and  Venezuela. 

If  any  British  trader  or  other  British  subject  shall  establish  himself  on 
Point  Bai'ima  or  in  any  other  part  of  the  dispnted  territory  without  grant  or 
licence,  the  Governor,  .  .  .  shall  warn  him  that  he  does  so  at  his  own  peril ; 
that  whilst  the  territory  shall  be  in  dispute,  it  would  be  inconsistent  with  the 
understanding  between  the  British  Government  and  that  of  Venezuela  that  it 
should  be  occupied.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  305. 

As  to  the  course  to  be  taken  with  any  applications  for  licences  to  cut  timber 
on  the  Barima,  the  Waini,  or  other  waters  in  that  neighborhood  ...  No 
portion  of  the  disputed  territory  can  be  occupied  for  such  purposes  consist- 
ently with  theengagments  entered  into  in  1850  with  the  Government  of  Venezuela 
by  the  British  Charge  d'Affaires.  Same,  p.  306. 

1863.     1 1894]  James  Rodway. 

In  the  first  half  of  the  year  18(>3,  the  dormant  gold  fever  again  showed 
signs  of  its  presence.  On  the  12th  of  June  a  number  of  gentlemen  .  .  . 
applied  to  Governor  Hincks  for  a  right  of  occupancy  of  a  tract  of  land  on  the 
Cuyuni.  Four  days  later  the  Governor  replied  that  he  was  precluded  from 
granting  them  a  license,  and  that  he  could  only  regard  them  as  a  community 
of  British  Adventurers.  V.  C,  III,  339. 

1867.     Government  Notice. 

Whereas  in  the  year  1850  a  mutual  engagement  was  entered  into  by 
the  Government  of  Clreat  Britain  and  that  of  Venezuela  to  the  effect  that 
neither  Government  would  occupy  or  encroach  upon  certain  tracts  of 
country  theretofore  in  dispute,  lying  between  the  boundary  of  British  Guiana, 
as  claimed  by  Great  Britain,  and  the  boundary  of  Venezuelan  Guiana,  as  claimed 
by  Venezuela : 

And  whereas  a  Company  has  been  lately  formed  ...  for  the  purpose  of 
seeking  for  gold  and  working  any  deposits  thereof  to  be  found  within  the  tracts 
aforesaid:  .  .  .  thisis  to  inform  those  British  subjects  and  all  others  concerned, 
.  .  .  that  Her  Majesty's  Government  cannot  undertake  to  afford  protection  to 
British  subjects  so  employed  in  these  tracts  as  aforesaid,  and  that  all  such  British 
subjects  can  only  be  recognized  as  a  community  of  British  adventurers,  acting  on 
their  own  responsibility  and  at  their  own  peril  and  cost.  Same,  pp.  148-149. 

1875.     Governor  Longden. 

Difficulties  arose  as  to  frontier  questions,  which  were  settled  in  1850. 

B.  C,  VI,  212. 

The  sole  question,  therefore,  connected  with  Garrett's  arrest  which  seems  to 
admit  of  doubt  is  whether  the  declaration  of  1850  does  or  does  not  preclude 
either  Great  Britain  or  Venezuela  from  entering  upon  the  territory  in  dis- 
pute between  them  to  arrest  a  criminal  flying  from  either  territory  to  evaed 
justice. 

It  would  be  a  misfortune  to  both  countries  if  it  should  be  held  that  the  territory 
lying  between  them  is  a  sanctuary  for  criminals  from  both  to  flee  to,     .     .     .     if 


236  REMONSTKANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-AGREEMENT    OF  1850-(Continued). 

it  be  publicly  held  that  no  criminal  can  be  arrested  in  the  disputed  territory,  it  is 
only  in  reason  to  expect  that  crime  will  be  encouraged  by  the  immunity  from  the 
punishment. 

A  party  of  constables  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  murderer,  and  he  was  ajt- 
prelieiided  in  a  house  on  the  banks  of  the  Amacura  River.  .  .  .  The 
country  appears  to  be  a  wilderness  .  .  .  It  is  in  fact  a  part  of  the  disputed 
territorj'  referred  to  by  Colonel  Wilson  in  his  despatch  to  Lord  Palmerston  of 
the  30th  December,  1850,  with  regard  to  which  he  exchanged  declarations  with 
the  Venezuelan  Government  that  "neither  Government  should  occupy  or  encroach 
upon  the  territory  in  dispute."  As  far  as  this  Government  is  concerned,  this  de- 
claration has  been  carefully  observed,  and  there  are  no  resident  British 
authorities  within  the  district. 

The  criminal  Garrett  was,  as  !  have  said,  arrested  in  the  wilderness,  in  a 
country  the  possession  of  which  has  by  the  Agreement  of  1850  been  acknowl- 
edged to  be  in  dispute.  B.  C,  VI,  21  j. 

1875.     Earl  of  Derby. 

Declarations  were  exchanged  in  1850. 

I  have  informed  Her  Majesty's  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies  that  in  my 
opinion  it  could  not  have  been  intended  that  this  agreement  should  preclude 
either  Government  from  arresting  criminals  iu  the  disputed  territory,  and 
that  it  would  be  most  undesirable  that  it  should  have  that  effect.      Same,  p.  21J. 

1879.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

A  murder  having  been  committed  at  the  Penal  Settlement,  which,  according 
to  the  convention  of  1850  and  the  proclamation  of  1867,  cannot  be  regarded 
as  within  British  territory,  the  company  employed  counsel  for  the  accused  to 
put  in  a  plea  of  jurisdiction,  the  crime  having  been  committed  in  disputed  terri- 
tory.    The  plea  was  of  course  overruled,  but,  equally  of  course,  inconsistently. 

V.  c,  111,154. 

1881.     British  Case. 

In  .  .  .  1881  .  .  .  the  Venezuelan  Government  had  granted 
a  concession  of  the  whole  disputed  territory  to  General  Pulgar.  ...  In 
1883  and  1884  ...  the  Venezuelan  Government  granted  the  whole  of  the 
territory  between  the  Orinoco  and  Essequibo  to  foreign  concessionnaires  in  two 
separate  grants,  which  covered  the  whole  area  of  the  territory  claimed  by  Great 
Britain. 

The  first  of  the  two  grants  was  to  C.  C.  Fitzgerald  who  established  the  Manoa 
Company.  The  grant  included  .  .  .  the  whole  of  the  coast  district  between 
the  Orinoco  and  the  Pomeroon. 

The  second  grant,  to  Herbert  Gordon,  covered  the  whole  area  between  the 
Manoa  grant  and  the  Essequibo  River,  with  the  exception  of  a  strip  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Lower  Essequibo. 

These  limits  were  not  expressly  stated  in  the  grants,  but  were  marked  upon 
the  maps  which  accompanied  them.  B.  C,  yj. 

1884.     Governor  Irving,  Demerara. 

The  line  is  not  defined  by  the  concession,  but  the  (Manoa)  Company  have 
defined  it  for  themselves  by  exhibiting  in  their  map  and  prospectus  the 
Moruca  River  as  the  limit  of  their  grant.  B.  C,  VI,  225. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  23T 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-AGREEMENT  OF  1850-(Continued). 

1884.     Governor  Irving,  Demerara. 

This  is  a  definition  against  which  the  Colonial  Government  is  bound  to 
protest.  Its  effect  would  be  to  sever  from  the  Colony  the  whole  of  tlie  terri- 
tory lying-  between  the  Monua  and  the  Aniacura  Rivers,  within  which  the 
Colonial  (Government  has  exercised  jurisdiction  for  a  Ions?  series  of  years, 
to  hand  over  to  the  tender  mercies  of  a  foreign  Joint  Stock  Company  a  consider- 
able population  of  aboriginal  Indians,  many  of  whom  have  taken  refuge  in  this 
territory  from  Venezuelan  ill-usage,  and  who  have  learnt  to  regard  themselves  as 
living  under  British  rule  and  under  the  protection  of  British  law ;  and  to  sur- 
render to  a  foreign  Power  a  control  over  the  inland  water  communication  of  the 
Colony  which  would  now  be  a  source  of  embarrassment  to  the  Government. 

B.  C,  VI,  22 J. 

1884.     [1895]   Lord  Salisbury. 

Early  in  1884  news  arrived  of  a  fourth  breach  by  Venezuela  of  the 
Ag-reement  of  1850,  through  two  different  grants  which  covered  the  whole 
of  the  territory  in  dispute.  V.  C.-C,  III,  2S1. 

1886.     British  Case. 

In  1886,  the  Venezuelan  Government  having  ceased  to  observe  this  arrange- 
ment [of  1850],  Her  Majesty's  Government  declared  itself  no  longer  bound 
by  it.  B.  C,  18. 

1886.     F.  R.  St.  John. 

I  was  .  .  .  able  ...  to  point  out  that  the  disputed  territory  com- 
menced at  tlie  Amacura  River,  ten  miles  westward  of  the  Barima,  and  .  .  . 
that  the  election  of  a  liglithouse  [at  Barima]  would  still  constitute  a  viola- 
tion of  disputed  ground.  ^-  C.,  VII,  117, 

I  stated  that  the  only  instances  of  British  authorities  visiting  the  disputed 
territories  had  been,  as  far  as  I  knew,  for  police  purposes.  Sa7ne,  p.  iiS. 

1886.     Minister  of  Venezuela. 

This  Agreement  [of  1850]  has  remained  unaltered  up  to  the  present  time. 
since  neither  of  the  parties  thereto  limited  it  in  any  way,  nor  have  they  made  to 
each  other  the  least  communication  on  the  subject  from  that  date. 

Now,  if  such  an  Agreement  means  anything,  it  has  not  been  lawful  either  for 
Great  Britain  or  Venezuela  to  occupy  disputed  places.  .  .  .  But  the  ra- 
tional meaning'  of  the  Agreement  is  that  it  was  intended  to  maintain  the 
status  quo.  It  has  thus  been  understood  by  the  Venezuelan  Republic,  who, 
though  claiming  as  her  own  places  possessed  dc  facto  by  Great  Britain  as  far  as 
the  Essequibo,  has  left  them  so  provisionally. 

On  the  contrary,  Great  Britain  has  continued  to  advance  her  occupations. 

V.  C,  III,  233-236. 

1887.     Lord  Iddesleigh. 

Her  Majesty's  Government  ...  do  not,  however,  wish  you  to  say  any- 
thing further  concerning  the  pursuit  of  fugitives  into  the  disputed  territory  by  the 
Venezuelan  police,  as  it  is  not  desirable  to  encourage  the  Venezuelan  Govern- 
ment to  adopt  such  action. 

An  attempt  to  erect  such  a  lig-hthouse  without  the  consent  of  Her  Majesty's 
Government  Avould  be  a  departure  from  the  reciprocal  engagement  taken  by 
the  (ilovernments  of  Venezuela  and  England  in  l.s.)0  not  to  occupy  or  en- 
croach upon  the  territory  in  dispute  between  the  two  countries.       B,  C,  VII,  iiS. 


238  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-AGREEMENT   OF  1850-(Continued). 

1887.     F.R.St.  John. 

Evacuation  by  us  of  territory  between  Orinoco  and  Pomeroon  is  required. 

B.  C,  VII,  121. 
1887.     Seuor  Urbaneja. 

It  is  clear  that  (xreat  Britain  has  violated  this  Agrreement  [of  IS.jO],  which 
was  her  work  ;  that  slie  has  penetrated  into  forbidden  places,  visited  the  Rivers 
Guainia  Morazuana,  and  Amacura,  and  Barinia  Creek,  affixing  Notices  on  the 
trees  on  the  river  banks  that  her  laws  were  there  enforced;  .  .  .  that  she 
established  in  Amacura  a  public  office,  .  .  .  sending  thither  a  magistrate  in 
order  to  inquire  into  and  decide  police  and  criminal  cases  ;  that  she  authorized 
the  woiking  of  mines  on  Venezuelan  territory,  and  Anally  appropriated  it 
on  the  g:round,  as  alleged,  that  the  dispute  of  limits  was  pending'. 

Same,  p.  124. 
1887.     F.  R.  St.  John. 

To  erect  such  a  lighthouse  [at  Barima  Point]  without  the  consent  of  Her 
Majesty's  Government  would  be  a  departure  from  the  reciprocal  agreement 
taken  by  the  Governments  of  Venezuela  and  England  in  1850  not  to  occupy  or 
encroach  upon  the  territory  in  dispute  between  the  two  countries.     Same,  p.  I2j. 

1887.     Lord  Salisbury. 

The  Venezuelan  Government  .  .  .  require  the  evacuation  by  this 
country  of  the  territory  situated  betMeenthe  Orinoco  and  Pomeroon  Rivers. 

Her  Majesty's  Giovernment  ...  are  not  prepared  to  accede  to  the 
demand.  Same,  p.  12^. 

1887.     Selior  Urbaneja. 

On  the  1 2th  instant,  .  .  .  you  communicate  to  me  by  order  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  Her  Majesty,  that  the  latter  having  been  informed  of  the  recent  visit  of 
two  Venezuelan  Commissioners  to  that  portion  of  the  territory  which  is  claimed 
by  Great  Britain  as  part  of  British  Guiana  and  of  what  they  there  did,  will  not 
permit  any  interference  with  British  subjects  in  those  places. 

Same,  p.  ij2. 

1887.     Lieutenant-Governor  Bruce. 

Among-  the  applications  which  have  been  received  for  mining  licenses 
.  .  .  are  many  which  apply  to  lands  which  are  within  the  territory  in  dis- 
pute ...  I  have  received  instructions  of  the  secretary  of  state  to  caution 
expressly  all  persons  interested  in  .  .  .  acquiring  an  interest  in  the  disputed 
territory,  that  all  licences  concessions  or  grants  applying  to  any  portion  of 
such  disputed  territory  will  be  issued  and  must  be  accepted  subject  to  the  i)ossi- 
bility  that,  in  the  event  of  a  settlement  of  the  present  disputed  boundary  line, 
the  land  ,  .  .  may  become  a  part  of  the  Venezuelan  territory,  in  which 
case  no  claim  to  compensation  from  the  colony  or  from  Her  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment can  be  recognized.  V.  C,  III,  164. 

1890.     Venezuelan  Case. 

In  1890,  the  Venezuelan  Government  received  an  intimation   from  Sir 

Andrew  Clarke  and  Captain  Lowther  that  (Jreat  Britain  was  disposed  "to 
evacuate  tlie  invaded  territory,  and  to  submit  the  case  to  the  aibitration  of  a 
friendly  Power,  provided  Venezuela  would  declare  diplomatic  relations  to  be  re- 
established between  the  two  countries."  V.  C,  217. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  239 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-AGREEMENT  OF  1850-(Continued). 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Subsequent  to  the  year  1880,  Great  Britain,  in  violation  of  tlie  said  aarrce- 
mcnt  of  1850,  and  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  forcibly  entered  upon  and  look 
possession  of  the  territory  lying  between  the  Essequibo  river  and  the  line  first 
published  in  1886,  since  claimed  by  Great  Britain  to  be  the  Schomburgk  line. 
Said  territory  included  not  only  the  entire  region  which  was  in  dispute  in  1850, 
but  also  territory  belonging  to  Venezuela,  the  title  to  which  had  never  been  ques- 
tioned prior  to  1886.  ^-  C.,  226. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

This  proposition  is  inaccurate.  The  line  published  in  1 886  was  the  original 
Schomburgk  line  as  it  exists  upon  the  map  drawn  by  him,  and  the  alleged  entry 
and  taking  possession  of  the  territory  lying  between  the  Essequibo  River  and 
that  line  was  no  violation  of  the  Arrangement  of  iH.'iO.  It  is  untrue  that 
Great  Britain  entered  any  territory  belonging  to  Venezuela,  or  any  territory,  the 
title  to  which  had  never  been  questioned  prior  to  1886.  B.  C.-C,  IJS- 

-.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  present  occupation  by  Great  Britain  of  a  portion  of  the  territory  now  in 
dispute,  being-  in  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  and  of  the  agreement  of 

IS.jO,  and  having  been  effected  subsequent  to  the  year  1880,  in  the  interior,  and 
subsequent  to  1884  on  the  coast,  cannot  be  made  the  basis  of  title  to  that  region. 

V.  C,  235. 

-.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  occupation  by  Great  Britain  of  the  territory  now  in  her  possession  was 
not  a  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster  or  of  the  Arrangement  of  1850. 

Great  Britain  never  undertook  to  abandon  territory  over  which  she  had  at  the 
time  of  the  said  Arrangement  complete  control,  or  to  abstain  from  continuing  the 
development  of  that  territory.  B.  C.-C,  142. 

—.     British  Case. 

The  line  which  had  been  provisionally  proclaimed  in  1886  was,  on  the 
whole,  fairly  observed  by  both  parties  until  the  aggressive  action  of  the 
Venezuelans,  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  the  Uruau  station  and  viola- 
tion of  ^/i/ar/^  British  territory  in  1894. 

The  only  event  of  importance  since  that  date  was  the  Harrison  incident  in 
1896,  v/hen  the  Venezuelans  again  violated  the  line  at  the  Acarabisi  and  arrested 
Mr.  Harrison,  a  Government  surveyor  engaged  in  making  surveys  for  a  road 
between  the  Barama  and  the  Cuyuni. 

At  the  time  of  the  signature  of  the  Treaty  of  Arbitration  the  same  status 
quo  was  tacitly  observed.  B.  C,  77-78. 

As  the  boundary  question  remained  for  so  many  years  unsettled,  it  became 
impossible  to  prevent  British  subjects  and  Indians  from  collecting  and  settling  in 
the  districts  between  the  aioruka  and  the  Amakuru,  believing  that  in  a  territory 
claimed  by  Great  Britain  where  she  had  for  years  past  exercised  jurisdiction 
and  granted  concessions  they  would  be  more  secure  than  under  the  unsettled 
rule  of  Venezuela.  Although  Great  Britain,  after  1850,  abstained  from 
encouraging  these  settlements,  she  could  not  prevent  them,  nor  could  she 
undertake  to  hand  them  over  to  a  nation  of  different  race  and  language. 

Same,  p.  ijj. 


240  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF  TREATIES-AGREEMENT   OF  1850-(Contlnued). 

.     British  Case. 

In  I.S80-87,  the  increase  of  population  and  the  danger  of  leaving  a  large 
tract  of  land  without  any  sort  of  government,  left  no  other  course  open  to  Her 
Majesty's  Government  but  to  determine   finally  on  the  Sdioniburgk  line   as 

indicating  the  territory  the  title  to  which  Great  Britain  would  not  admit  to  be  open 
to  question.  B.  C,  ijj. 

MEANING    OF    TREATIES-TREATY    OF    ARBITRATION,    1897. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Tlie  burden  is  upon  (ireat  Britain  to  establish  how  far  encroachments 
upon  territory,  originally  Spanish,  can,  under  the  stipulation  of  the  Treaty  of 
Munster  and  under  the  rules  adopted  by  the  present  treaty,  confer  title  upon 
herself.  In  the  meantime,  and  until  such  proof  shall  be  forthcoming,  Vene- 
zuela considers  it  unnecessary  to  set  forth  at  length  the  history  of  Spanish  and 
Venezuelan  occupation  and  control  during  the  present  century.  V.  C,  iqS. 

At  no  time,  either  before  or  after  the  date  of  the  Treaty  of  Munster,  did  the 
Dutch,  for  a  period  of  fifty  consecutive  years,  exercise  exclusive  political 
control  or  lawfully  occupy  any  part  of  the  territory  lying  between  theEssequibo 
and  Orinoco  rivers.  Same,  p.  22^. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Both  before  and  to  a  still  greater  extent  after  the  date  of  the  Treaty  of  Mun- 
ster the  Dutch  continuously  and  for  a  period  greatly  in  excess  of  fifty  years 
exercised  exclusive  political  control  over  the  territory  between  the  Esse- 
quibo  and  the  Orinoco  Rivers.  B.  C.-C,  ijj. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Venezuela  has  accepted  this  rule  {Rule  a,  Ariich  IV.\,  but  she  submits  and 
will  claim  that  time  is  but  one  of  many  elements  essential  to  create  title  by  pre- 
scription. Prescription  to  be  effective  against  nations,  as  against  individuals, 
must  be  bona-fide,  public,  notorious,  adverse,  exclusive,  peaceful,  continuous, 
uncontested,  and  maintained  under  a  claim  of  right.  Rule  (n)  fixes  50  years  as 
the  period  of  prescription,  but  leaves  its  other  elements  unimpaired. 

V.  C,  22g. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  proposition  herein  enunciated  is  not  accurately  stated.  Time  and  pos- 
session are,  broadly  speaking,  the  only  essential  elements  of  prescription. 

B.  C.-C,  137. 

It  is  clear  that  by  virtue  of  Article  IV,  Rule  (a)  of  the  Treaty  of  Arbitration, 
Great  Britain  is  entitled  to  retain  whatever  territory  lias  been  held  by  her, 
or  has  been  subject  to  her  exclusive  political  control  for  a  period  of  fifty 
years,  although  the  result  might  be  to  give  to  Great  Britain  territory  which  had 
never  been  Dutch,  and  might  even  conceivably  have  at  one  time  been  Spanish. 
Moreover,  there  has  been  nothing'  to  prevent  the  extension  of  British  settle- 
ment and  control,  if  tlie  regions  into  wliich  such  extension  was  made  were 
at  tlic  liinc  lying  vacant.  Territory  acKlecl  to  the  British  Colony  by  such  ex- 
tension cannot  be  awarded  to  Venezuela,  however  recent  the  British  possession 
may  have  been.  Same,  pp.  107-10S. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  241 

MEANING     OF    TREATIES-TREATY    OF    ARBITRATION,    1897- 

(Continued). 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  is  true  that  any  occupation  by  Great  Britain  since  1847  cannot  of  itself 
confer  a  valid  title  to  territory  which  may  be  adjudged  to  have  belonged  by  right 
to  Venezuela.  But  no  question  of  adverse  holding  or  prescription  esiu 
arise  except  where  one  Power  has  occupied  territory  by  right  belonging  to  the 
other ;  and,  except  in  such  cases,  present  possession,  however  recent,  cannot  be 
disturbed  ...  so  Her  Majesty's  (<overnmeut  would  be  entitled  to  retain 
the  whole  territory  up  to  the  Schomburg'k  line,  on  the  simple  ground  that  at  the 
date  of  the  Treaty  of  Arbitration  they  were  in  possession,  and  that  the  territory 
in  question  cannot  be  shown  to  have  ever  belonged  either  to  Spain  or  Venezuela. 

B.  C.-C,  114. 

There  is  no  rule  of  international  law  by  which  it  can  be  maintained  that 
whatever  part  of  Guiana  was  not  at  any  time  in  Dutch  or  British  possession  was 
therefore  necessarily  territory  of  Spain  or  Venezuela. 

The  lawfulness  or  unlawfulness  of  any  occupation  of  territory  is,  in  the 
present  dispute  and  by  virtue  of  Article  IV,  Rule  (a),  only  material  where 
it  has  been  maintained  for  less  than  fifty  years.  Savie,  p.  126. 

.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  present  occupation  by  British  subjects  and  persons  under  British  pro- 
tection having  been  effected  subsequent  to  1880  in  the  intei'ior,  and  subse- 
quent to  1884  on  the  coast,  and  having  been  undertaken  after  due  warning 
from  the  Venezuelan  Government  that  titles  thus  sought  to  be  acquired  would 
not  be  recognized  by  it,  and  after  notice  from  the  British  Government  that  per- 
sons so  entering  into  said  territory  must  do  so  at  their  own  peril,  said  subjects 
and  persons  may  be  regarded  by  Venezuela  as  mere  trespassers,  and  V^enezuela 
is  under  no  obligation  to  recognize  any  British  titles  which  such  subjects  or  per- 
sons may  have  acquired  to  lands  situate  within  said  territory.  V.  C,  2j6. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  present  occupation  by  British  subjects  and  persons  under  British  pro- 
tection has  been  lawfully  made  in  pursuance  of  the  natural  development  of 
territory  already  under  the  control  of  the  British  Government,  and  belonging  to 
them,  and  having  regard  to  the  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Arbitration,  Great  Britain 
cannot  on  any  ground  of  international  law  be  dispossessed  from  such  possession. 

B.  C.-C,  142. 

MEANING    OF   TREATIES-CHARTERS    OF    DUTCH    WEST    INDIA 

COMPANY. 

162 1.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  company  received  its  first  charter  on  June  3,  162 1. 

The  charter  was  meant    ...     to  include  the  entire  coast  of  America. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  iS. 

The  original  charter  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  in  1621,  granted 
in  its  second  article  :  That,  further,  the  aforesaid  Company  in  our  name  and 
by  our  authority,  within  the  limits  hereinbefore  prescribed,  shall  have  power  to 
make  contracts,  leagues,  and  alliances  with  the  princes  and  natives  of  the  lands 
therein  comprised,  as  well  as  to  build  there  any  fortresses  and  defenses     .     .     . 


242  REMONSTRANCES  AND  MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING    OF    TREATIES-CHARTERS    OF    DUTCH    WEST    INDIA 
COM  PANY-(Continued). 

for  the  preservation  of  the  places,  maintenance  of  good  order,  poUce  and  justice. 
.  .  .  Furthermore,  thi-y  may  ...  do  everjlliiiiJi-  tliat  the  service  of 
these  lands  (and  the)  prolit  and  increase  of  trade  shall  demand. 

Such  are  the  provisions  creating  and  limiting  the  territorial  jurisdiction 
of  the  West  India  Company.     They  were  never  changed.  V.  C.-C,  II,  24. 

1 62 1.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Pursuant  to  the  terms  of  this  charter  [of  1621]  the  Company  became  at  once 
vested  witli  whatever  rights  the  States-General  may  have  had  in  (ruiana. 

V.  C.,55. 
162 1.     British  Case, 

The  Company,  under  their  charter,  had  a  right  to  a  monopoly  of  trade. 

B.  C,  S2-83. 
1 62 1.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

The  States-General  .  .  .  granted  to  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  in 
1 62 1 ,  .  .  .  only  such  monopoly  of  trade  as  it  was  in  their  power  to  grant,  to  wit,  a 
monopoly  against  other  Dutchmen,  not  a  monopoly  against  the  world.  The 
territorial  limits  of  that  monopoly  were  no  less  than  the  whole  of  North  and 
South  America  and  a  good  part  of  Africa.  V.  C.-C,  74. 

1621.     British  Counter  Case. 

Tlie  Charter  of  the  West  India  Company  expressly  recognizes  the  riglit  of 
the  Company  to  acquire  territorial  jurisdiction.  B.  C.-C,  p.  40. 

1647.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  charter  of  1621  expired  in  1645.  On  March  22,  1647,  the  States-Gen- 
eral renewed  it  for  another  quarter  of  a  century.  The  limits  remained  un- 
changed, and  were  not  restated.  V.  C,  j6. 

1665.     [1896]  George  L.  Burr. 

For  the  Government  of  Guiana,  or  of  any  of  its  colonies,  no  enactment  of  the 
States-General  is  to  be  found.  The  control  of  its  possessions  in  this  quarter 
seems  left  wholly  to  the  Company.  And  in  none  of  these  enactments  of  the 
States-dreueral  .  .  .  have  I  found  any  provision  for  the  trade  outposts 
which  play  such  a  part  in  the  colonial  records  of  Guiana,  or  any  intimation  as  to 
the  territorial  claims  involved  in  the  establishment  of  these. 

However,  .  .  .  when  in  1665,  in  the  controversy  over  New  Netherland, 
the  British  ambassador  argued  that  the  West  India  Company's  charter  was  more 
limited  than  the  patents  granted  by  the  English  King,  the  States-General  replied 
that  "  that  granted  to  the  West  India  Company  is  as  ample  as  any  which  the  King 
hath  granted  or  can  grant.  And  the  Company  is  expressly  authorized  by  the 
second  article  of  its  cliarter  to  plant  c(>lonies,  occupy  lands,  and  furthermore, 
as  fully  and  amply  as  any  patent  from  the  King  can  extend,  and  such  is  expressly 
declared  under  the  Great  Seal  of  the  State."  V.  C.-C,  II,  26. 

1674.     Venezuelan  Case. 

A  new  Company,  created  by  fresh  charter  in  1674,  entered  on  the  inheritance 
of  the  old  at  the  beginning  of  1675.  The  territorial  limits  of  the  old  had  in- 
cluded the  entire  coast  of  both  North  and  South  America ;  those  of  the  new 
included,  on  the  mainland  of  those  continents,  nothing  but  "the  places  of  Jse- 
kepe  I  EssequiboJ  and  IJauwmerona  [romeroonj."  V.  C,^6. 


REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES.  243 

MEANING    OF    TREATIES-CHARTERS    OF    DUTCH    WEST     INDIA 
COM  PANY-(Continued). 

1674.     British  Case. 

In  1(>74  a  new  Chartered  Company  was  formed  with  the  same  rij^hts  and 
limits  as  those  possessed  by  the  former  Dutch  Company.  Pomeroon  and  Esse- 
quibo  are  specifically  mentioned  in  the  grant.  B.  C.,  2S-2g. 

1674.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

[In]  the  new  charter  of  1G74  .  .  .  tlie  limits  of  the  Company's 
monopoly  were  cnt  down  to  a  small  part  of  "  those  possessed  by  the  former 
Dutch  Company."  On  the  mainland  of  America  nothing:  was  granted  except 
Esseqnibo  and  Pomeroon.  V.  C.-C,  75. 

1674.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  fate  of  the  old  Company  had  long  been  sealed,  and  on  September  20, 
1674,  the  States-General  created  by  charter  an  entirely  new  one.  Its  territorial 
limits  were  vastly  narrower.  V.  C.-C,  II,  ig. 

As  the  new  and  flnal  charter  of  1674  granted  the  new  Company  formed  by 
it  notliing  else  on  the  American  mainland  than  "  the  places  of  Esseqnibo  and 
Pomeroon,"  the  Orinoco  could  hardly  again  come  into  question,  even  as  a  trade 
hmit,  unless  the  Orinoco  were  counted  the  boundary  of  Pomeroon.  That  it  was 
so  counted  never  appears  in  the  legislation  of  the  States-General,  and  seems  ex- 
pressly precluded  by  the  terms  ["  the  territory  of  the  State,  extending  ...  to 
beyond  the  river  Waini,  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  Orinoco  "]  of  the 
remonstrance  addressed  by  the  States-General  to  Spain  in  1769.         Same,  p.  2j. 

There  result,  then,  from  this  review  of  the  legislation  of  the  States-General 
the  conclusions : 

/.  That  neither  in  any  charter  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company,  nor  in 
any  "  reaffirmation  "  or  extension  of  any  charter,  is  there  mention  of  the 
Orinoco  as  a  limit. 

2.  That  in  none  of  the  published  legislation  in  behalf  of  that  Company,  is  the 
Orinoco  made  a  boundary  of  territorial  right,  possession,  or  jurisdiction. 

J.  That  its  second  and  flnal  charter  of  1()74  seems  to  exclude  the  Orinoco 
from  the  territorial  possessions  of  the  Company.  Same,  pp.  2J-24. 

But  what  became  of  Dutch  claims,  if  such  there  were,  to  those  portions  of 
the  Wild  Coast,  unoccupied  at  the  date  of  this  new  charter  [of  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company  of  1674]  is  a  question  for  the  lawyers.  No  light  is 
thrown  upon  it  by  the  contemporary  records  of  the  States-General's  action. 

Same,  p.  iSi. 
1674.     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  charter  of  1674  was  renewed  at  various  times;  first  on  November  30, 
1700;  again  on  August  8,  1730;  once  more  in  1760;  and  finally  on  January  i, 
1762.  Each  time  the  renewal  was  without  change  of  limits.  The  Company 
was  dissolved  at  the  close  of  the  year  1791.  V.  C,  57. 

175 1.     Memorial  of  Shareholders  of  West  India  Company. 

Of  not  the  least  support  can  be  the  .  .  .  pretexts  that  Essequibo  and 
Pomeroon  should  be  reckoned  among  the  common  possessions  of  the  General 
Company,  since,  ...  in  the  place  of  the  Charter,  where  mention  was  made 
of  Essequibo,  their  High  Mightinesses  only  fix  tlie  limits  of  the  dJeneral 
Company,  and  in  no  way  deflne  possessions  of  tlie  same.  B.  C,  II,  'j2. 


244  REMONSTRANCES  AND   MEANING  OF  TREATIES. 

MEANING   OF   TREATIES-DUTCH    TRADING    REGULATIONS. 

.     British  Case. 

They  [the  Dutch  West  India  Company]  from  time  to  time  made  orders 
asserting  their  exclusive  rig:ht  to  certain  inland  trades  also.  B.  C,  8j. 

1629.     [1897]   George  L.  Burr. 

The  States-General  .  .  .  on  October  13,  [1629],  .  .  .  issued  an  "  Order 
of  filovernment  both  as  to  policy  and  as  to  justice,  in  the  places  conquered  and 
to  conquer  in  the  West  Indies." 

"  The  Councillors,"  says  the  fifteenth  article,  "  shall  further  seek  at  every  op- 
portunity to  establish  friendship,  trade,  and  commerce  with  neighboring  and 
near-by  lords  and  peoples,  also  alliances  and  compacts,  to  the  damage  and  en- 
feebling of  the  King  of  Spain,  his  subjects  and  allies.  V.  C.-C,  II,  23. 

1632.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

The  so-called  "  sailing-  regulations  "  of  1632,  and  others  which  followed, 
,  .  ,  were  not  regulations  of  the  Company  for  its  own  trade,  but  regulations  of 
the  States-General  forbidding  Dutch  warships  from  visiting  the  coast  of  Guiana. 
.  .  .  They  could  not  and  did  not  prohibit  the  vessels  of  other  nations  from 
going  there. 

The  trading'  regulations  of  1648,  which  were  drawn  up  prior  to  the  Treaty 
of  Munster,  though  promulgated  a  little  later,  threw  open  to  free  trade  the  Span- 
ish coast  of  the  Carribean  and  the  Gulf,  and  the  Orinoco  served  merely  as  a  point 
of  departure  for  these,  there  being  still  reserved  for  the  Company,  not  Guiana 
only,  but  the  entire  remaining  coast  of  America  and  that  of  West  Africa. 

F.  C.-C,  74-75' 
1648.     British  Case. 

[In  1648]  the  States-General  again  issued  trading*  regulations  [in  which] 
.  .  .  the  whole  of  the  coast  between  the  Orinoco  and  the  Amazon  was 
treated  as  belonging  to  the  West  India  Company.  Same,  pp.  26-2J. 

1648.     George  L.  Burr. 

On  August  10,  1648,  the  Company  issued  yet  anothar  of  those  regulations  as 
to  trade.  .  .  .  It  is  clear  at  a  glance  that  what  is  here  thrown  open  to  free 
trade  is  again  the  Spanish  coasts  of  the  Carribean  and  the  Gulf,  and  that  the 
Orinoco  serves  as  a  point  of  departure  for  these,  while  what  is  reserved  for  the 
Company  is  the  entire  remaining  coast  of  America,  with  that  of  West  Africa. 
Were  this  a  territorial  claim,  it  would  imply  Dutch  ownership  of  all  America  and 
Africa.  It  is  in  fact  a  trade  restriction  implying  in  itself  no  territorial  claims 
whatever,  though  territorial  possessions  doubtless  had  their  share  in  determin- 
ing this  restriction  of  trade.  V.  C.-C,  II,  2j. 


CHAPTER  VL 
BRITISH   TRADE  AND  TIMBER  CUTTING* 

BRITISH    TRADE. 

-.     British  Case. 

From  the  early  part  of  the  17th  century  the  Dutch,  and  since  their  acquisition 
of  the  Colony  the  British,  controlled  the  trade  of  the  wliole  district  now  in 
dispute. 

As  early  as  the  17th  century  the  Dutch  had  a  station  at  Barima,  and  the  dis- 
trict there  and  its  inhabitants  and  trade  remained  throughout  under  the  control 
of  the  Dutch  and  British.  B.  C,  iig. 

-.     [1897]  H.  B.  Bridgewater. 

My  father  trafflclied  in  Barima  witli  the  Indians.  .  .  .  My  father  had 
been  trafficking  with  the  Indians  there  for  a  length  of  time.  B.  C,  VII,  21  j. 

-.     [1897]  Samuel  Josephs. 

I  first  came  to  the  Barima  and  Aruka  Rivers  eighteen  years  ago,  and  was 
trafficliing'  among  the  Indians  of  those  rivers.  Same,  p.  216. 

-.     [1897]  Angus  Campbell. 

I  am  a  native  of  British  Guiana.  .  .  .  I  am  48  years  old.  .  .  .  When 
I  was  from  8  to  10  years  old  I  remember  that  my  fatlier  used  to  leave  home  to 
travel  about  the   Barima  River.     He  used    to  traffic  with  the   Indians  of 

those  parts  and  used  to  bring  back  yams,  fowls,  and  so  on.  Sometimes  he  went 
alone  on  these  journeys,  sometimes  with  other  people,  especially  with  Robert 
Bridgewater.  Same,  p.  216. 

5.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Some  licenses— I  think  only  two— for  the  sale  of  liquor  and  other  j^oods, 

have  already  been  taken  out  in  the  [Barima]  district.  B.  C,  VI,  242. 

5.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Practically  for  the  first  time,  in  1889,  the  revenue  from  licences  has  been  col- 
lected in  the  Barima  Sub-district.  B.  C,  VII,  263-264. 

The  Barima  has  been  declared  a  port  of  entry,  with  a  custom  liouse  at 
Morawhanna.  Same,  p.  26^. 

1.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  stations  at  Amakooroo,  Barima  Sand,  and  Morawhanna  are  also  district 
custom  houses.  Same,  p.  26g. 

(245) 


246  BRITISH  TRADE  AND  TIMBER  CUTTING. 

BRITISH    TRADE-(Continued). 

1 891.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

IS  sloops  and  schooners,  of  a  total  tonnage  of  197  tons,  made  between  them 
141  jonrneys,  with  cargo,  from  3Iora>Yhanna  alone,  to  Georgetown  during: 
the  twelve  months  ending  March  31,  1891.  B.  C,  VII,  2S1. 

1892.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  collection  of  revenue,  has  for  the  first  time  during  1891-92,  as  far  as  the 
Northwestern  District  is  concerned,  been  carried  out  for  a  full  year.  .  .  . 
The  number  and  value  of  the  licences  collected  have  been  as  follows  :  Num- 
ber, 377  ;  Yalue,  $1,266.72.  Same,  p.  2S6. 

1894.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

License  Duties  on  dogs,  guns,  tobacco,  wine,  shops,  etc.,  collected  in  tlie 
North-Westeru  Fiscal  District  during  1892-93:  Number,  463 ;  value,  ^662.40; 
during  1893-94  :  Number  587  ;  value,  $899.03.  Same,  p.  311. 

BRITISH    TIMBER    CUTTING. 

.     British  Case. 

The  journals  and  reports  of  the  Superintendents  of  Rivers  and  Creeks  and 
of  the  Postholder  at  Moruka  also  show  that  planting,  boat-building,  and 
wood-cuttins^r  were  actively  prosecuted  in  the  Pomeroon  district,  .  .  . 
Mention  is  also  made  of  residents  and  woodcutters  in  the  Essequibo,  3Iassa- 
runi,  and  Cuyuni.  B.  C,  63. 

During  the  British  period  timber  was  regularly  cut  under  direction  of  the 
Government  in  Essequibo,  Massaruni  and  Cuyuni.  In  1823  there  was  a  "spar- 
cutting  place  "  up  the  Essequibo.  A  Petition  for  timber-cutting  rights  in  Waini 
was  presented  in  1836,  which  referred  to  the  grant  of  previous  licences  in  that 
river.  Much  wood-cutting  was  done  in  the  Pomeroon  during  the  present  cen- 
tury, giving  employment  to  large  numbers  of  Indians,  and  those  who  cut  wood 
without  a  licence  were  liable  to  be  prosecuted  by  the  Postholder  and  fined. 

Sajiie,  p.  112. 

The  timber  cutting  on  the  Essequibo,  Massaruni,  and  Cuyuni  was  eon- 
trolled  by  the  Dutch  and  British  Governments.  Same,  p.  162. 

Timber-cutting  has  been  licensed  on  the  Pomeroon,  the  Morulia,  the 
Waini  and  the  Barinia  by  the  Dutch  and  British  Governments,  and  by  them 
only.  Same,  p.  163. 

1832.     [1840]  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Timber  estates  in  Demerara  and  Essequibo  in  1832. 

Whole  Colony 9 

St.  John's  Parish 2 

Trinity   Parish i 

V.C.,III,3i4' 


BRITISH  TRADE  AND  TIMBER  CUTTING.  247 

BRITISH    TIMBER    CUTTI  NG-(Continued). 

1832.     G.  P.  Wishrope. 

Tliero  is  a  spar-ciittiiiff  place  up  the  Esscqiiibo.  Mr.  de  Brctton,  a  white 
person,  lives  there.  It  is  a  tide  above  the  Buck  place  where  I  saw  the  bo(Hes. 
I  have  known  that  place  of  De  Bretton's  eleven  years.  .  .  .  Mr.  De  Bretton  is 
an  Englishman.  B.  C,  VI,  48. 

1834.     Rev.  John  Duke. 

Further  up  where  there  is  a  juncture  of  the  Pomerooii  and  the  Arapiaoa 
I  preached  ...  at  Mr.  Justice  Pickersgiirs  wood  cutting  estahlisliment, 
and  a  little  higher  up  the  latter  river,  baptized  two  negro  children,  the  property  of 
a  colored  gentleman  named  Alstein,  who  owns  a  similar  establishment. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  27 s- 

1836.     British  Case. 

In  1836  there  were  many  plantations  in  the  Ponieroou  besides  hoat-lniilding 
and  wood-cutting-  establishments.  B.  C,  64. 

1836.     Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

There  are  no  other  settlements  [than  plantations  Dumbarton  Castle,  Cali- 
donia,  Chapel,  Phoenix  Park  and  Land  of  Promise]  until  you  arrive  at  a  hoat- 
huilding  establishment,  which  is  eight  hours  from  the  Post  [immediately  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Pomeroon  on  the  west  bank],  and  some  little  distance  above  that, 
there  are  several  MOod-cutting"  settlements.  B.  C,  VI,  61. 

1838.     Governor  Light. 

There  is  one  wood-cutting-  settlement  on  the  Pomaroon  which  may  be  con- 
sidered as  fit  for  mercantile  purposes,  and  is  prosperous.  V.  C.-C,  III,  lyy. 

1838.  Wm.  Crichton,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  .  .  .  Indians  settled  in  the  Morocco  Creek  and  .  .  .  the 
numerous  tribes  in  the  Wyena  River,  and  through  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Ba- 
rima  River,  .  .  .  benefit  .  .  .  the  Colony  ...  in  the  labour  they 
afford  as  woodcutters  on  the  various  establishments  of  that  nature. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  2S3-2S4. 

I  counted  200  hard  wood  posts  at  the  entrance  of  the  Creek  [Morocco], 
which  he  [Rev.  Mr.  HermantJ  acknowledged  were  his  property.       Same,  p.  2S4. 

1839.  R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

There  is  no  flag,  flag-staff,  ammunition,  or  arms  at  the  Post  [Ampa]  belong- 
ing to  the  Colony.  There  are  two  cannons  said  to  belong  to  the  former  Post- 
holder.  .  .  .  There  is  no  person  at  the  Post  but  the  Postholder  and  two 
servants. 

Messrs.  Clarke  and  Smith,  Mr.  Ansdele,  and  Mr.  Odwiu,  also  Mr.  Breton, 
are  the  only  woodcutters  on  at  all  a  large  scale.  B.  C,  VI,  87. 

The  establishments  in  the  Pomeroon  are  chiefly  boat-building  ones,  and 
troolie  establishments.  Same,  p.  88. 


248  BRITISH  TRADE  AND  TIMBER  CUTTING. 

BRITISH    TIMBER    CUTTING-(Continued). 

1840.     Local  Guide  of  British  Guiana. 

The  inhabited  part  of  the  coast  extends  from  the  mouth  of  the  Pomeroon 
...  to  the  mouth  of  the  Corentyn.  .  ,  .  The  banks  of  the  Essequibo 
are  inhabited  only  by  a  fen  scattered  wood-cntters,  V.  C,  168. 

1840.     R,  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

March  13.— For  cntting:  wood  on  Crown  land,  having  no  Ucence.  All 
pleaded  guilty  to  having  cut  the  wood,  but  stated  that  they  had  permission  from 
his  Excellency  the  Governor.     Fined  them  ten  dollars  each.  B.  C,  VI,  8g. 

March  15.— Went  ...  to  Tiger  Creek,  to  Messrs.  Smith  and  Clarke's 
wood-cutting- establishment.  .  .  .  There  is  another  vessel  about  to  proceed 
up  here  to  be  loaded  with  wood.  Same,  p.  go. 

April  5. — In  the  Pomeroon. 

Proceeded  to  Mrs.  McClintock's  place.  She  had  twenty-six  Warrows  at  work, 
chiefly  at  the  arnotto  cultivation  ;  also  cutting  firewood.  Same,  p.  pi. 

Mr.  George  Jeffry  has  also  a  large  wood-cutting  establishment  in 
Supinaam  Creek.  There  is  also  a  wood-cutting  establishment  carried  on  in 
Merteens'  Creeks  by  the  Messrs.  Casely.  The  two  last  establishments  have  saw- 
mills attached  thereto.  Almost  all  the  labour  of  these  establishments  is  carried 
on  by  Indians.  Same,  p.  104. 

The  wood-cutters  here  [Pomeroon]  are  Messrs.  Pickersgill,  Holmes  and 
Bunbury  ;  all  the  labour  performed  by  Indians.  Same,  p.  10^. 

Received  a  letter  from  the  Postholder  in  Essequibo,  stating  that  he  had  seized 
thirty-one  pieces  of  Grreen-heart  cut  above  Marshal's  Fall  in  the  Massa- 
ronny.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  sgi. 

There  are  no  wood-cutting  establishments  near  this  [Fort  Island]  Post. 

Messrs.  Smith  and  Clarke  woodcutting  establishment  is  near  the  Post 
[Ampa].  There  are  .also,  not  far  from  the  Post,  Mr.  Ansdell's  in  the  Massa- 
ronny,  and  Mr.  Breton  in  the  Esseauibo;  also  a  Mr.  Odwin  high  up  in  the 
Massaronnj. 

Most  of  the  establishments  [at  Pomeroon  Post]  are  Troolie  cutters  or  boat 
building.     There  is  no  wood  as  yet  brought  to  the  Post  by  the  Indians. 

Same,  p.  sgj. 
1841.     R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

May  30.— Arrived  at  the  Post  in  Pomeroon  .  .  .  The  Postholder  .  .  . 
has  cut  a  considerable  quantity  of  wood  for  sale.  B.  C,  VI,  112. 

At  the  Morocco  Mission  the  Indians  are  busily  engaged  cutting  timber 

for  the  erection  of  their  chapel. 

[At]  Mr.  Clarke's  wood-cutting  establishment,  [at  Post  Ampa]  .  .  .  four 
vessels  have  been  loaded  with  timber     ...     for  the  home  market. 

Same,  p.  iij. 


BRITISH  TRADE  AND  TIMBER  CUTTING.  249 

BRITISH    TIMBER    CUTTING-(Continued). 

1841.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

Your  reporter,  according  to  instructions  received,  did  .  .  .  employ  ten 
Indians  to  cut  materials  for  the  repairs  of  the  Post. 

The  gang  .  .  .  cut  as  many  Tacooba  posts,  1 2  feet,  as  paid  off  all  their 
expenses,  leaving  a  balance  of  400,  equal  to  400  guilders,  if  sold  in  the  river,  for 
the  repairs  of  the  Post.  B,  C,  VI,  irj. 


1 841.     A.  F.  Baird,  Postholder  at  Ampa  Post. 

May  30. — The  barque  Spence    .    .     .     having  completed  taking  in  a  load  of 
timber  at  Tig:er  Creek,  weighed  anchor    .     .     .     and  dropped  down  the  river. 
June  i8th. — Returned  to  the  Post     .     .     .     with  5,000  feet  W.  P.  lumber. 
June  19th. — Landed  the  lumber,  &c.,  from  the  schooner. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  2g4. 

1843.     Local  Guide  of  British  Guiana. 

The  bauksof  the  Essequibo  are  inhabited  only  by  a  few  scattered  wood- 
cutters; and  above  the  rapids,  which  occur  about  50  miles  from  its  mouth,  there 
are  no  inhabitants  except  Indians.  V.  C,  III,  406. 


1844.     A  F.  Baird,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

To  the  Industry  saw-mill,  the  property  of  Mr.  George  Jeffrey,  is  attached  a 
large  tract,  say  about  4,000  acres,  .  .  .  [near]  Duccalabba  Creek.  ...  On 
this  land  there  is  no  building  or  cultivation,  all  the  valuable  timber  has  been 
cut  except  spars;  there  is  still  abundance  of  firewood. 

The  Industry  is  one  of  the  oldest  settlements  in  the  Supenaam  River,  and  was 
first  established  by  a  Dutchman  of  the  name  of  Holtz,  who  erected  a  wooden 
saw-mill.  ...  A  Mr.  Kilderman  .  .  .  succeeded  him.  .  .  .  After 
his  death  the  Industry  was  purchased  by  the  late  Mr.  Hugh  Junor,  who  carried 
on  an  extensive  wood-cutting  establishment. 

George  Jeffrey  ...  a  few  years  after  .  .  .  erected  the  present  large  iron 
mill  with  two  frames  capable  of  driving  a  double  set  of  saws,  at  a  cost  of  ^1,750. 

A  Mr.  Henderson  was  proprietor  of  the  Grampian  Hills.  He  died  in  1819  or 
20.     He  had  a  large  gang  of  wood-cutters. 

Indiana  is  about  22  or  23  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Supenaam,  and  was 
first  settled  by  Messrs.  George  and  William  Jeffrey,  who  had  to  retire  that  length 
into  the  interior  to  procure  logs  for  the  mill,  all  the  large  timber  lower  down 
having  been  cut  away  by  the  former  named  settlers.        B,  C.-C,  App.,  2g8-2gg. 


The  only  wood-cutting  establishment  in  the  vicinity  of  the  [Ampa]  Post  is 
that  of  Mr.  Clarke,  at  Tiger  Creek,  on  the  opposite  shore.  B.  C,  VI,  ijo. 


1846.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

During  the  whole  of  this  quarter  he  was  occupied  looking  after  a  gang  of 
Worrow  Indians  whom  he  employed  to  cut  hardwood  posts  with  other  materials 
to  paal  off  the  front  dam  of  the  post.  Same,  p,  14J. 


250  BRITISH  TRADE  AND  TIMBER  CUTTING. 

BRITISH    TIMBER    CUTTING-(Continued). 

1850.     [1895]  Robert  Tennant. 

Timber  did  not  comnieiico  to  be  an  article  of  export  till  1850,  some  years 
after  the  cultivation  of  coffee  was  discontinued. 

All  the  timber  lands  belonged  to  Government,  and  a  "grant"  for  felling  is 
to  be  had  on  very  easy  terms— viz.,  the  cost  of  the  sur\-ey  and  a  royalty  of  a 
few  cents  ...  per  cubic  foot.  Nearly  all  the  best  timber  lands  adjoining 
the  navigable  rivers,  where  the  trees  can  be  felled  and  floated  easily  down  to 
market,  have  been  "gone  over,"  but  there  are  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
acres  in  the  interior  still  untouched  by  the  axe,  which  are  virgin  forests.  .  .  . 
Wood-cutters  are  paid  generally  by  piece-work.  V.  C.C.,  III,  2^6. 

1853.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Was  engaged  for  several  weeks  .  .  .  getting:  the  timber  intended 
for  the   repairs    of   the   Post  dwelling-honse    hauled    out    of    the    busli, 

and  also  in  having  as  much  thereof  conveyed  to  Moruca  mouth  as     .     .     .     [was] 
enabled. 

Moruca,  where  the  piles     .     .     .     were  cut. 

Feels  himself  compelled  ...  to  appeal  to  his  Excellency  for  .  .  . 
the  privilege  of    cutting   the  timber  and  plank  on  the  Crown  lands. 

B.  C,  VI,  jg3. 

Removing  large  timbers  from  Upper  Pomeroon  to  Moruca— upwards  of  50 
miles. 

The  timbers  intended  for  the  construction  of  a  lockup,  are  cut,  squared,  and 
hauled  out,  but  not  yet  conveyed.  Satne,  p.  194. 

1856.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

According  to  the  instructions  .  .  .  from  his  Excellency  the  Governor  he 
felt  himself  authorized  to  grant  permission  to  the  Indians  >vho  have  paid 
money  to  cut  wood  for  sale,  and  on  the  ungranted  lands  of  the  Crown,  .  .  . 
upon  Ciceka,  a  hill  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  Arapico  (or  Arrapiaco)  creek, 
one  of  the  principal  tributaries  of  the  Pomeroon  River.  Same,  p.  2or. 


1879.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  whole  of  the  western  bank  of  the  Essequibo  River,  which  from  the 
mouth  to  its  first  fall,  some  sixty  miles  above,  is  more  or  less  thickly  peopled  by 
British  subjects,  and  from  which  a  large  part  of  the  wood  used  in  and  ex- 
ported from  the  Colony  is  obtained.  V.  C,  III,  /jj. 

1880.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  timber  tract  .  .  .  extends  toward  the  interior  as  far  as  the  lowest 
cataracts  on  the  various  rivers.  Sa?nc,  p.  40S. 

The  forest  tract  immediately  succeeds  the  timber  tract,  and  ...  is 
everywhere  covered  by  dense  forest,  as  yet  untouched  by  the  wood-cutter. 

Same,  p.  4og. 


BRITISH  TRADE  AND  TIMBER  CUTTING.  251 

BRITISH    TIMBER    CUTTING-(Continued). 

1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Nominally  no  tinihcr  is  cut  in  the  district,  except  l)y  Indians.  The  latter 
carry  down  small  quantities  of  timber  to  the  Essequibo  coast  from  the  Arapiakroo 
and  Tapacooma  Creeks.  Some  is  also,  as  I  have  already  stated,  cut  in  the  same 
places  by  other  than  Indians.  But  there  has  been  no  timber  ^rant  in  the  dis- 
trict, at  least  for  very  many  years.  A  very  considerable  quantity  of  remarkably 
fine  cedar  was  till  recently  cut  from  the  Barima,  and  is  still  cut  from  the 
Amakooroo,  but  this,  practically,  has  all  found  its  way  to  Tenezuelau 
mai'kets,  without  benefiting  this  Colony  in  any  way.  B.  C,  VII,  2^g. 

1888.  Michael  McTurk. 

Owins?  to  the  falls  on  the  rivers,  only  a  comparatively  small  area  of 
country  can  be  used  for  timber-cutting,  and  this  space  has  been  cut  over 
twice,  and  in  some  places  three  times.  Same,  p.  j2o. 

The  timber  trade  on  the  river  [Essequibo]  has  been  a  little  better  last 
year  than  the  previous  one,  but  the  space  over  which  the  timber  is  being  cut  is 
a  limited  one  owing  to  the  short  distance  upward  the  rivers  are  navigable  for 
timber  craft.  Same,  p.  J24. 

1889.  Michael  McTurk. 

The  timber  trade  has  increased  during  the  past  year,  and  the  prices  are 
greater  than  they  have  been  for  very  many  years.  .  .  .  The  illegal  cutting 
of  timber  from  the  ungranted  Crown  lands  still  continues.         Same,  p.  324. 

1890.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

No  actual  step  has  been  taken  yet  towards  the  development  of  a  timber 
industry  in  the  district.  Same,  p.  263. 

1891.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

There  are  no  legalized  w  ood-cutting  operations  carried  on  in  the  Nortli- 
Western  District.  A  small  amount  of  red  cedar  has  been  taken  to  Georgetown 
from  the  Amakooroo  ;  but  this  was  nominally,  and  perhaps  really,  cut  on  the 
Venezuelan  side  of  that  river,  and  imported  into  the  Colony  from  there. 

Same,  p.  2'/^. 

No  timber  is  cut  except  for  local  use  by  the  Indians.  Same,  p.  2yg. 

1  1892.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  timber  trade  still  maintains  a  precarious  existence.  Same,  p.  331. 

The  Shipment  of  greenheart  timber  from  the  Essequibo  still  continues, 

and  several  cargoes  have  been  despatched  during  the  year.  Same,  p.  333. 

1896.     Michael  McTurk. 

During  the  year  a  line  of  rails  has  been  laid  and  a  truck  placed  on  it,  across 
the  portage  at  Little  Matop  on  the  Cuyuni  River,  for  the  use  of  persons  taking 
their  batteaux  and  stores  across  on  their  way  to  the  placers  above. 

B.  C,  VII,  336. 


252  BRITISH  TRADE  AND  TIMBER  CUTTING. 

BRITISH    TIMBER    CUTTI  NG-(Continued). 

1896.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  approach  to  the  upper  end  of  the  line  has  been  unavoidably  left  unfinished 
owing  to  the  want  of  material  in  the  shape  of  timber  to  complete  it.  The  many 
rapids  in  the  Cuyuni,  particularly  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  this  portage, 
renders  it  impossible,  except  at  very  great  risk  of  life  and  expense,  to  get  timber 
from  any  distance  above  to  the  spot.  The  timber  in  the  locality  has  been 
exhausted.  There  is  suitable  timber  below,  but  it  is  quite  impossible  to 
bring  it  up  against  the  stream  and  over  the  rapids.  B.  C,  VII,  jj6. 

The  timber  trade  has  shown  an  increase  over  the  previous  year. 

Greenheart  is  at  present  the  only  timber  exported  from  the  Colony.  Our 
forests  contain  many  varieties  of  both  useful  and  ornamental  woods,  but  they 
are  known  to  few,  and  rarely  made  use  of. 

It  is  a  matter  for  regret  that  in  a  Colony  like  British  Guiana,  covered 
as  it  is  for  many  miles  inland  with  dense  forests  of  fine  timber,  so  little  is  actually 
known  of  the  quality  of  its  woods,  even  by  the  regular  wood-cutters.  Attention 
is  entirely  devoted  to  greenheart,  walaba,  and  a  few  other  kinds  of  timber  used 
for  export  or  local  consumption,  and  other  kinds  are  not  considered. 

Same,  p.  jj8. 

1897. 

Wood-cutting-  licenses  in  existence  March  31,  1897,  in  county  of  Essequibo. 

Essequibo — Tiger  Creek 6 

— Bonasika  Creek 4 

— Scattering 7 — 17 

Mazaruni 5 

Pomeroon 3 

Total 25 

V,  C.-C,  III,  217. 


CHAPTER  VIL 

INDIANS, 

THE    INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    THEMSELVES-IN    GENERAL. 

1593.     Antonio  de  Berrio. 

Having  overrun  all  the  island  [Trinidad]  and  made  the  description  of  the 
natives  that  are  there,  there  are  found  7,000,  and  so  many  Indians  married  that 
they  would  exceed  35,000  souls.  B.  C,  I,  4. 

[1603].     W.  Usselinx. 

Especially  among  the  clothed  Indians  residing  a  few  days'  journey  inland. 

Same,  p.  2j. 

1638.     Corporation  of  Santo  Thome. 

One  grieves  for  so  many  women  and  children,  who  are  here  [Santo  Thome] 
looking  for  death  at  the  hands  of  inhuman  savages,  eaters  of  human  flesh,  and 
of  heretics,  enemies  of  our  Holy  Catholic  faith.  Same,  p.  loj. 

1684.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  war  which  various  [Indian]  nations  there  [in  Cuyuni]  carry  on  with 
one  another  has  been  the  cause,  etc.  Same,  p.  186. 

1688.     Jacob  De  Jonge. 

I  have  been  informed  by  his  Excellency  the  Heer  van  Sommersdijck,  in  a 
letter  of  the  5th  January,  1688,  that  since  the  Indian  war  was  spreading  itself 
in  the  neighbourhood,  it  was  advisable  for  me  to  proceed  to  River  Essequibo  to 
help  to  free  that  river,  .  .  .  The  greatest  "  Owls,"  or  Chiefs,  are  apparently 
on  the  side  of  Heer  Sommersdijck.  Same,  p.  206. 

1733.     Government  of  Trinidad. 

They  hinder  the  propagation  of  the  Catholic  faith  by  their  threats  and  wars, 
in  which  they  are  continually  and  exclusively  engaged,  with  the  object  of  eating 
human  flesh  and  satiating  their  cruelty.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  177. 

1755.  Don  Eugenio  de  Alvardo. 

There  is  not  merely  one  celebrated  Chief  of  the  Islands  of  Caroni,  but  sev- 
eral ;  the  second  is,  that  those  of  the  sources  of  the  Creek  Aquire  are  many,  and 
of  equal  reputation  and  strength.  B.  C.,II,  no. 

1756.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

No  Indian's  testimony  can  hold  ^ood  against  that  of  Christians  (a  custom 
that  rests  on  good  grounds,  because  most  of  them  are  not  to  be  trusted,  and 
many  of  them  can  be  made  to  say  whatever  one  wishes  for  drink,  or  other  con- 
siderations.) Same,  p.  123. 

1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

A  great  part  of  this  extensive  province  [Spanish  Guiana]  is  occupied, 
especially  towards  the  centre,  by  divers  nations  of  barbaric  Indians,  who 

are  but  little  known  and  very  difficult  to  reduce,  owing  to  their  wandering  life,  to 
their  sheltering  themselves  in  the  thickets  of  their  woods  and  forests,  and  to  their 
attachment  to,  and  extreme  love  of,  independence,  which  they  prefer  to  all  the 
greater  advantages  of  civilized  and  rational  life.  B.  C,  V,  J^- 

(253) 


f 


25i  INDIANS. 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    TH  EMSELVES-I N     GENERAL- 

(Continued). 

1790.     Don  Fermin  de  Sincinenea. 

The  numerons  tribes  of  Indians  who  dwell  between  the  said  Essequibo 
and  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco,  already  noted,  must  he  loolied  upon  ^vitli  sus- 
picion. -6'.  C,   V,  77. 

181 3.     D.  van  Sistema. 

The  manners  of  tlie  different  Indian  tribes  are  mucli  the  same.  Indo- 
lence is  the  prevailing  passion.  .  .  .  Their  residence,  in  general,  is  from  12  to 
20  miles  distant  from  the  river.  Same,  p.  2i§. 

1823.     Wm.  Hilhouse. 

The  Indians  are,  like  all  uncivilized  nations,  addicted  to  drunkenness.  The 
Warrows  the  most  so,  after  them  the  Arawaks,  then  the  Caribisce ;  and  the  most 
sober  are  the  Accavvays.  B.  C,  VJ,  2y. 

The  Indian,  though  in  peaceable  times  lounging  in  his  hammock  and  courting 
for  his  presents  any  hand  that  will  bestow  them,  becomes,  when  he  paints  for 
war,  a  new  subject.  The  only  commander  he  will  follow  is  the  man  tliat  cau 
hunt  and  march  througli  the  bush,  swim  the  flood,  and  live  like  him  and 
with  liim.  The  appointment  of  persons  to  this  capacity  [Protector  of  Indians] 
without  these  requisites  inspires  the  Indian  only  with  contempt — he  despises  the 
authority,  and  becomes  insubordinate  and  unmanageable.  Same,  p.  JT. 

1846.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  general  unproductiveness  of  the  hig'h  lauds  of  this  district  after  the 
first  crop  compels  the  Indians  to  wander  about  in  search  of  other  hills. 

Same,  p.  14S' 

1848.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Worrows  ...  are  designated  as  .  .  .  the  hewers  of  wood 
and  drawers  of  water.  The  Caribs  are  known  as  the  warriors,  the  Arrawaks 
the  aristocracy,  and  the  Accaways,  or  more  commonly  called  Waikas,  the 
agriculturists.  Same,  p.  171. 

1849.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

To  disappoint  the  Indian— who  is  already  fickle  and  suspicious— only  tends 
to  make  him  still  more  so.  Same,  p.  173. 

Indians  are  easily  led  and  willing  to  obey.  Same,  p.  176. 

1 86 1.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Missions,  Waramuri  and  Cabacaburie,  have  achieved  wonders  by  wean- 
ing the  Indians,  almost  completely,  of  their  previous  wandering  habits. 

/)'.  C.-C,  App.,  307. 

1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

These  people  [Indians  in  Pomeroon  judicial  district]  all  live  in  small  set- 
tlements, usually  consisting  only  of  a  single  family,  up  the  small  and  obscure 
side-creeks.  B.  C,  VII,  237. 


INDIANS.  255 

THE    INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    TH  EMSELVES-AKAWAYS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  principal  Indian  tribes  inhabiting  the  territory  known  as  Guiana  were  the 
Caribs,  the  Akawois  or  Waikas,  the  Arawaks,  and  the  Warows  or  Guaraunos. 

B.  C,  9. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  Caribs  were  the  Akawois. 

No  fixed  Hmits  are  indicated  for  the  area  of  the  Akawoi  settlement  in  earlier 
times.  The  tribe  was  found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Post  of  Arinda,  on  the 
Essequibo,  the  Upper  Cuyuni,  the  Demerara,  and  the  Pomeroon.  It  is  probable 
that  this  nation,  like  that  of  the  Caribs,  was  nomadic  in  its  habits,  and  was  to  be 
found  scattered  throughout  the  Dutch  Colonies  of  Essequibo,  Berbice,  and 
Surinam. 

In  the  early  years  of  the  British  occupation  the  Akawois  were  described  as 
the  most  pugnacious  of  the  Indian  tribes,  the  Caribs,  having  to  a  great  extent 
lost  their  ascendency  and  being  greatly  reduced  in  numbers.  The  Akawois 
were  at  that  period  described  as  occupying  the  country  between  the  great  fall  of 
the  River  Demerara,  the  Massaruni,  and  the  Upper  Pomeroon.  Same,  p.  10. 

1666.     Major  John  Scott. 

Matteson  .  .  .  had  managed  a  trade  22  yeares  for  the  Spaniard  from  ye 
Citty  of  St.  Thome,  in  Oranoque,  with  the  Shaliones,  Sepoyes,  and  Occowyes, 
[Akaways]  whose  habitacions  are  200  leagues  south-west  from  St.  Thome,  neare 
the  mountaines  of  the  sunne.  B.  C,  I,  16S, 

The  Occowyes  [Akaways]  Sliawliouns,  and  Seinicorals  are  great  powerful 
nacions,  that  live  in  the  uplands  of  Guiana.  Same,  p.  i6g. 

l68o.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Accoways  wlio  live  up  country.  Same,  p.  iSj. 

1767.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

E.  Athing,  .  .  .  faithfully  reported  all  that  took  place  amongst  the  In- 
dians and  especially  amongst  the  Acuways  living  up  in  Demerary— a  quarrelsome 
nation  which  will  not  endure  the  least  injustice  and  which  is  continually  at  war 
with  the  Caribs.  B.  C,  III,  150. 

1776.     Director-General  and  Councillors  of  Essequibo  and  Demerary. 

Some  nation  which,  according  to  old  custom  or  their  relations  with  us,  it  was 
not  permitted  to  bring  to  slavery,  such  as  the  Carib,  Arrowak,  Warrow  and 
Akowa  nations.  B.  C,  IV,  141. 

1778.     Government  Journal  at  Essequibo. 

In  Boumeron     ...     a  sort  of  Akuway  nation  named  Arenakottes. 

Same,  p.  IQO. 

The  Arenakotte  [Akaway]  nation  which  last  dwell  above  in  Caroeni,  a 
branch  of  the  Oronoque,  there  being  still  other  Arenakottes  who  dwell  in  Ciperoeni 
above  the  Post,  and  do  business  under  the  whites.  Same,  pp.  igo-igr. 

1778.     Court  of  PoHcy. 

A  sort  of  bastard  nation  of  the  Acuway  Indians  called  Arenakottes,  who 
live  inland  above  the  Creek  of  Supinaam.  Same,  p.  ig2. 


25C  INDIANS. 

THE    INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    TH  EMSELVES-AKAWAYS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1802.     Commandant  of  Berbice,  Demerary  and  Essequibo. 

The  interior  of  Guyana  is  inhabited  by  various  tribes  of  Indians,  who  are 
generally  termed  "  Buks."  Those  residing  nearest  the  sea  ...  are  the 
Arawaak,  the  Akawye,  the  Worrows  and  the  Charibbs.  But  of  late  ver>'  few  of 
them  have  made  their  appearance,  and  it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  this  circum- 
stance has  arisen  from  dissatisfaction.  It  would,  however,  be  better  policy  to 
keep  these  people  in  good  humour,  and  .  .  .  their  attachment  may  be  secured 
at  a  very  small  expense.  B.  C,  V,  IJ2-J7J. 

1 818.     Thomas  Cathrey,  Protector  of  Indians  of  Essequibo  River. 

These  people  [Akaways]  are  in  general  a  trading  and  wandering  tribe. 
They  go  every  year  to  the  Spanish  Savannah  and  Settlements  ;  to  the  Macusse 
and  Adray  nations  as  soon  as  their  cultivation  grounds  are  prepared  and  planted. 

B.  C,  VI,  13. 
1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  Accaways  are  the  most  warlike  of  any  tribe  in  the  Colony,  and,  not- 
withstanding the  smallness  of  their  number,  set  all  the  other  tribes  at  defiance. 
They  elect  their  own  Captains,  and  acknowledge  no  Protector,  and  are  particu- 
larly repugnant  to  the  interference  of  white  persons  in  their  domestic  govern- 
ment, or  the  settlement  of  whites  in  their  territory.  Same,  p.  2^. 

The  Aocaways  are  of  small  stature,  but  capable  of  bearing  great  fatigues  and 
priv'ations.  They  are  a  nation  of  pedlars,  carrying  on  a  constant  traffic  with  the 
coast  tribes  and  those  of  the  interior.  Sa7iie,p.  26. 

They  are  peculiar  in  treating  their  women  with  more  kindness  than  any  of  the 
other  tribes.  It  is  true  the  household,  and  great  part  of  the  field  labour,  devolves 
upon  the  females ;  but,  except  in  very  flagrant  cases,  they  do  not  treat  them  with 
severity,  and  in  all  family  arrangements  they  are  consulted  with  considerable  defer- 
ence. There  is  no  instance  on  record  of  an  admixture  of  their  blood  with  the 
negroes,  which  is  a  common  circumstance  amongst  the  other  tribes. 

The  men  are  uncouth  in  their  manners,  independent,  and  quarrelsome.  Their 
Captains  are  sure  to  be  men  capable  of  drubbing  their  followers  into  obedience, 
which  is  the  only  way  they  have  of  enforcing  respect. 

In  employing  them  care  must  be  taken  to  have  no  communication  whatever 
with  the  inferior  Indians.     This  is  also  applicable  to  all  the  tribes. 

They  occupy  the  country  between  the  rapids  and  the  Great  fall  of  Demerary, 
the  Massaroony,  and  Upper  Pomaroon.  Same,  p.  2y, 

The  Indians  are,  like  all  uncivilized  nations,  addicted  to  drunkenness.  The 
Warrows  the  most  so,  after  them  the  Arawaaks,  then  the  Caribisce  ;  and  the 
most  sober  are  the  Accaways.  Same,  p.  2j. 

1841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  Kaituma  is  inhabited  by  Warrau  and  Waika  [Akaway]  Indians. 

B.C.,  VII,  20. 
1845.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

In  consequence  of  the  general  indisposition  that  prevails  amongst  all  classes 
on  the  sugar  estates  of  the  Arabian  coast,  combined  with  the  very  great  scarcity 
of   provisions   that   at   present  exists   throughout    most    Indian  settlements,  the 


INDIANS.  25Y 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    TH  EMSELVES-AKAWAYS-(Con- 

tinued). 

Akuway  Indians  of  Winey  and  Barama  have  destroyed  their  habitations,  and 
gone  to  reside  with  other  Akaways  in  the  upper  parts  of  the  Rivers  Coyoney  and 
Massaruny.  />'.  C,  VI,  141. 

1846.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Your  reporter  is  gkid  to  be  able  to  announce  the  return  of  several  Accaway 
Indians  from  the  Upper  Coyoney  to  Barama  Creek,  where  they  formerly  resided. 

Same,  p.  144. 
1848.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Barama  is  a  large  tributary  of  the  Winey  River,  inhabited  by  Worrows,  Carra- 
beese,  and  Accaway  or  Waika  Indians.  Same,  p.  i-j2. 

1883.     E.  F.  imThurn. 

The  population  of  the  whole  district  is  very  scanty  and  is  very  scattered. 
Most  of  the  inhabitants  are  Red  men — True  Caribs  chiefly  on  the  Barama  and 
Upper  Barima,  Ackawoi  on  the  Morooka  and  upper  Waini,  Arawaks  on  the 
Morooka,  and  many  Warraus  everywhere  at  the  mouths  of  the  two  rivers. 

V.  C,   III,  317. 

1888.  E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Different  tribes  of  Indians  living  within  the  [Pomeroon  Judicial]  district,  as 
well  as  the  special  parts  inhabited  by  each. 

Ackawois  [dwell  at]  Pomeroon,  Issororoo  Branch ;  Waini,  upper  part. 

B.  C,  VII,  2S7. 

1889.  Michael  McTurk. 

The  Indians  now  inhabiting  these  parts  [Uruan  and  Yuruari]  are  principally 
Kamaracotas,  who,  although  they  do  not  call  themselves  Carabisce,  speak  that 
language.     There  are  also  a  few  of  the  Accawois  tribe  from  the  Mazaruni. 

Same,  p.  j22, 
1898.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Some  other  tribal  names  occur  in  the  documents  in  connection  with  the 
present  arbitration.  Some  of  them  are  merely  synonyms,  e.g.,  Guaraunos  for 
Warows,  and  Waikas  or  Guaycas  for  Akawois.  B,  C.-C,  App.,  408. 

ARAWAKS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  principal  Indian  tribes  inhabiting  the  territory  known  as  Guiana  were  the 
Caribs,  the  Akawois  or  Waikas,  the  Arawaks,  and  the  Warows  or  Guaraunos. 

B.  C,  g. 
1595-     Don  Felipe  de  Santiago. 

Entering  by  any  of  the  above-mentioned  mouths,  and  going  up  the  River 
Orinoco  in  the  direction  of  the  new  Kingdom  of  Granada,  various  territories  of 
several  tribes  of  natives  are  met  with,  such  as  the  Arnacas,  Yayos,  Sapoyos, 
Caribs,  and  Napuyos.  B.  C,  I,  p. 

1598.     A.  Cabeliau. 

On  the  17th  [February  1598]  there  came  on  board  from  the  continent,  out  of 
the  aforesaid  river  [Caurora]  three  other  canoes,  in  which  were  about  sixty 
persons — men,  women,  and  children,  and  this  tribe,  together  with  the  tribes 
Hebio  and  Arwacciis,  continued  to  come  on  board.  Same,  p.  ig. 


II 


258  INDIANS. 

THE     INDIANS     CONSIDERED     BY     TH  EMSELVES-ARAWAKS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1 615.     Report  on  the  West  Indies. 

The  savag-es  who  live  on  the  coasts  of  this  river  [Wiapoco]  had  fled — they 
are  called  Noruacas  [Arwacas].  B.  C,  I,  40. 

1 619.     Fray  Pedro  Simon. 

The  river  Baruma,  [Pomeroon]  which  is  the  first  in  those  provinces  where  the 
Arawak  Nation  dwells.  U.  S.  Com.,  I,  23S. 

1638.     Maldonado. 

The  Chaguana  Indians  dwell  about  these  territories  [lower  Orinoco],  where 
they  have  a  village  of  about  1,000  able-bodied  men,  and  another  village  of 
Tivitives,  and  on  this  bank  [north  bank  of  the  Orinoco],  the  village  of  the 
Guayanos  is  also.  .  .  .  And  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  [is]  the  town  of  the 
Aniacas,  a  very  powerful  people.  B.  C,  1, 120. 

1665.  British  Case. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  Akawois  was  the  tribe  known  as  the  Arawak 
nation,  who  were  described  by  Scott  in  1665  as  being  "  the  best-humoured  Indians 
of  America,"  being  both  very  just  and  generous-minded  people,  and  as  inhabiting 
the  region  between  the  Rivers  Corentin  and  Waini.  Nearly  two  hundred  years 
later  they  were  described  by  Hilhouseas  "  of  all  the  tribes  the  most  docile,  cleanly, 
and  of  the  best  stature  and  personal  appearance  "  but  at  the  same  time  as  being 
immoral,  fickle,  and  inconstant,  and  possessing  none  of  the  warlike  spirit  of  the 
Caribs  and  Akawois. 

The  Dutch  employed  them  at  the  Post  of  Moruka ;  for  the  fishery  in  the 
Orinoco,  and  the  salting  fishery  generally;  and  also  in  the  recapture  of  fugitive 
slaves. 

After  the  British  took  possession  of  the  Dutch  Colonies  the  Arawaks  readily 
sought  employment  as  laborers,  especially  on  the  plantations  up  the  rivers,  though 
averse  to  labour  among  the  negroes  on  the  coast.  The  Arawaks  were  regarded 
as  the  aristocracy  of  the  Indian  tribes  and  superior  to  all  of  them  in  the  scale  of 
civilization.     No  precise  locality  can  be  indicated  as  their  usual  place  of  abode. 

B.  C„  lo-ii. 

1666.  Major  John  Scott. 

From  the  west  side  of  Curianteen  to  Wina  there  lives  about  8,000  families  of 
Arawagoes  [Arawaks].  B.  C,  I,  i6g. 

1673.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Peace  had  been  made  with  the  Caribs  in  Barima  and  the  Arawaks,  and  they 
had  intercourse  with  each  other.  Satne,^,  JJJ. 

1758.     Commandant  of  Guayana, 

The  Ariiaca  Indians,  dwelling  there  [Moruca]  for  the  purposes  of  trade,  are 
divided  into  three  settlements  or  villages,  each  of  ten  or  twelve  small  houses,  for 
an  Indian  family.  And  the  villages  are  separated  the  one  from  the  other  by  a  dis- 
tance of  more  than  a  league,  and  are  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  said  River 
Moruca.  B.  C,  II,  142. 


INDIANS.  259 

THE    INDIANS     CONSIDERED     BY     TH  EMSELVES-ARAWAKS- Con- 
tinued). 

1776.     Director-General  and  Councillors  of  Essequibo  and  Demerary. 

Some  nation  which,  according  to  old  custom  or  their  relations  with  us,  it  was 
not  permitted  to  bring  to  slavery,  such  as  the  Carib,  Arrowjik,  Warrow  and 
Akowa  nations.  B,  C.,  IV,  141. 

\77g.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

Having  asked  the  said  Piache  [an  Arawak  Indian  doctor]  how  many  families 
there  were  in  the  Creek  of  the  said  Bauruma  |  Pomeroon],  he  told  me  that  there 
were  thirteen  of  his  relatives  alone,  the  total  as  he  showed  by  adding  them  to- 
gether might  reach  200  persons,  without  counting  boys  and  children. 

The  Ariiac  Indians  are  in  general  of  well  proportioned  stature,  most  of  them 
have  handsome  features,  and  are  not  greatly  enervated.  They  are  disposed  to 
farm  work,  but  still  more  to  barter  or  trade,  and  consequently  do  not  fly  like  the 
rest  when  they  see  white  people.  Their  clothing  is  simply  a  loin-cloth  of  linen, 
they  paint  themselves  slightly  with  annatto,  but  they  are  very  fond  of  turtle 
grease  for  anointing  their  heads,  to  protect  them,  as  they  say,  from  the  power  of 
the  sun. 

The  women  are  well  made  and  have  better  features  than  the  men,  they  are  very 
neat  and  wear  their  hair  in  Catalan  fashion,  making  a  plait  and  rolling  it  up  and 
sticking  a  large,  broad  silver  pin  through  it  to  keep  it  in  its  place.  Their  clothing 
is  simply  an  apron  of  one  span  square,  worked  and  woven  with  beads  of  various 
colors.  They  are  very  fond  of  combs,  scissors,  ribbons,  earrings,  finger  rings  of 
silver,  small  crosses  of  the  same,  garnets,  mirrors  and  other  trifles  ;  but  what  they 
appreciate  most  are  certain  kinds  of  beads  which  the  Maipures  Indians  make  out 
of  tiny  shells,  and  which  the  said  Aruacs  call  Quiripa.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  2j6. 

The  whole  of  the  aforesaid  Bauruma  is  inhabited  by  Indians  of  the  Aruaca 
tribe  who  have  most  beautiful  farms  of  yucca,  corn  and  other  fruits. 

V.  C,  II,  438. 
1802.     Commandant  of  Berbice,  Demerary  and  Essequibo. 

The  interior  of  Guyana  is  inhabited  by  various  tribes  of  Indians,  who  are  gen- 
erally termed  "  Buks."  Those  residing  nearest  the  sea,  and,  consequently  most 
frequently  come  among  the  settlers,  are  the  Arawaak,  the  Akawye,  the  Worrows 
and  the  Charibbs.  But  of  late  veiy  few  of  them  have  made  their  appearance,  and 
it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  this  circumstance  has  arisen  from  dissatisfaction. 
It  would,  however,  be  better  policy  to  keep  these  people  in  good  humour,  and 
as  their  wants  are  but  few,  and  of  the  most  trivial  description,  their  attachment 
may  be  secured  at  a  very  small  expense.  B.  C,  V,  i'/2-i'/j. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  Arawaaks. — Of  all  the  tribes  these  are  the  most  docile,  cleanly,  and  of 
the  best  stature  and  personal  appearance.  Living  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the 
white  settlements,  they  are  the  most  civilized,  but  they  are  also  the  most  indolent 
and  deceitful,  and  cowardly,  and  of  the  most  debauched  habits. 

They  have  no  scruple  in  forming  connection  with  the  whites,  negroes,  or  any 
colour,  and  have  not  the  least  idea  of  national  or  personal  pride  or  honour.  They 
treat  their  women  in  the  most  brutal  manner  on  the  slightest  grounds  of 
offence,  and  are  fickle  and  inconstant  to  a  proverb  amongst  the  other  tribes. 

Their  docility,  vicinity,  and  knowledge  of  fire-arms  makes  them  very  eligible 
for  sudden  calls  and  expeditions  of  no  great  duration  or  import ;  but  for  protected 


260  INDIANS. 

THE     INDIANS     CONSIDERED     BY    TH  EMSELVES-ARAWAKS-(Con- 

tinued). 

I  ?  protracted]  service,  or  one  in  which  resistance  is  expected,  they  are  not  to  be 
depended  upon.  They  are  prone  to  desertion,  and  have  none  of  the  warlike 
spirit  of  the  Caribisce  or  Accaways. 

Their  cultivation  is  very  trifling,  so  much  so  that  they  live  principally  on  plan- 
tains procured  from  the  plantations,  and  they  are  in  consequence  called  plantain- 
eaters  by  the  other  tribes.  They  are  good  fowlers,  but  indifferent  huntsmen,  and 
worse  fishers ;  their  principal  forte  is  making  pegals,  bows  and  arrows,  and  In- 
dian toys. 

It  is  of  these  Indians,  who  principally  compose  the  Missions  of  the  Oronoque, 
that  Father  Gomillo  [Gumilla]  speaks,  when  he  describes  them  as  deficient  in 
intellect,  poor  in  spirit,  and  in  every  way  inferior  to  the  negro,  whom  they  will 
readily  obey,  though  no  negro  will  acknowledge  obedience  to  them. 

B.  C,  VI,  2T. 
1 83 1.     William  Hilhouse. 

Many  Indians  live  between  the  Falls  of  the  Essequibo  and  the  mouth,  particu- 
larly Arrowacks  in  the  Tapacouma  Creek. 

There  are  tribes  of  Arrowacks  ;  .  .  .  there  are  upwards  of  thirty.  The 
tribes  move  much  about  from  place  to  place  amongst  each  other,  frequently 
change  their  residence.  Same,  p.  41. 

1833.  Protector  of  Indians  in  Pomeroon. 

In  the  district  of  your  reporter  the  principal  tribes  who  inhabit  nearest  the 
cultivation  are  Caribs,  Arrowacks,  Warrows,  and  some  Spanish  Indians. 

Same,  p.  4S. 

1834.  Wm.  Hilhouse. 

Of  the  Arawaaks  and  other  tribes  in  the  district  of  the  Pomeroon  Post  I  can 
only  say  that  the  last  ten  or  twelve  years  has  reduced  them  to  a  state  of  mental 
and  physical  degradation  which  has  no  parallel  in  any  other  European  pos- 
session. Same,  p.  J2. 

1836.     Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

There  are  three  tribes  of  Indians  within  twenty-four  hours'  journey  from  this 
Post,  say  Warrau,  Arawacks  and  Caribs.  There  are  in  all  about  from  700  to 
800,  including  males  and  females.  There  are  also  about  from  200  to  250  Spanish 
Indians,  residing  about  six  hours'  distance  from  this  Post  up  the  Morocco 
Creek.  Satne,  p.  61. 

1839.  Wm.  Crichton,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Indians  ...  of  the  Arawack  nation  .  .  .  are  decidedly  superior 
to  all  the  others  in  the  scale  of  civilization.  Same,  p.  yS. 

1840.  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  Arawaaks  and  Warraus  live  at  the  coast  regions,  and  their  small  settle- 
ments extend  scarcely  one  hundred  miles  inland  ;  I  estimate  their  number  at 

3,150-  v.c,  111,314. 

1843.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  in  Pomeroon. 

The  Arrawack  Indian,  although  so  frequently  employed  on  the  sugar  estates 
of  the  Arabian  coast,  have  notwithstanding  the  greatest  aversion  to  perform  any 
kind  of  labour  connected  with  the  manufacture  of  sugar,  but  however  averse  they 
may  be  to  field  work,  their  services  as  jobbers  are  greatly  valued  and  much 
encouraged  by  the  planter.  B.  C,  VI,  isy. 


i 


INDIANS.  .  261 

THE     INDIANS     CONSIDERED     BY    TH  EMSELVESARAWAKSHCon- 

tinued). 

1883.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  population  of  the  whole  district  is  very  scanty,  and  is  very  scattered. 
Most  of  the  inhabitants  are  Red  Men — True  Caribs  chiefly  on  the  Baraina  and 
upper  Barima,  Ackawoi  on  the  Morooka  and  upper  Waini,  Arauaaks  on  the 
Morooka,  and  many  Warraus  everywhere  at  the  mouths  of  the  two  rivers. 

V.  C,  111,317. 

1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Different  tribes  of  Indians  living  within  the  [Pomeroon  Judicial]  district,  as 
well  as  the  special  parts  inhabited  by  each. 

Arawaks  [dwell  at]  Tapacooma  Lake  ;  Arapiakroo  River  ;  Wakapoa  Lake  ; 
Arooka  River.  B.  C,  VII,  2jy. 

1897.  George  L.  Burr. 

For  the  earliest  period  .  .  .  the  Waini,  unlike  the  rivers  to  the  east  of  it, 
was  the  home,  not  of  the  mild  Arawak,  but  of  the  Carib.  V.  C.-C,  II,  no. 

Though  Arawaks,  like  Raleigh's  pilot,  lived  scattered  among  the  Warrows 
of  the  coast  to  the  west  of  the  Pomeroon,  yet,  according  to  all  the  early  narra- 
tors, this  region  was  mainly  Carib  ;  and  they  agree  ...  in  making  the 
Pomeroon,  or  its  little  neighbor,  the  Moruca,  the  first  occupied  by  the  Arawaks. 

Same,  p.  116. 

1898.  Michael  McTurk. 

The  Arrawacks,  who  appear  to  have  come  to  the  territory  in  question  from 
the  West  Indian  Islands,  appear  to  have  chiefly  occupied  the  territory  between 
the  Orinoco  and  the  Essequibo  wherever  they  found  any  place  of  some  elevation 
above  the  surrounding  flat  country.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  404. 

1898.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

There  are  three  chief  Indian  stocks  in  this  part  of  Guiana,  the  Warow, 
Arawak,  and  Carib,  each  using  a  distinct  language,  and  that  of  these  stocks  at 
least  one,  the  Carib,  is  distinguishable  into  a  number  of  sub-tribes — Macusis, 
Arekunas,  Akawois  or  Waikas,  Partamonas,  and  others — each  of  which  uses  a 
dialect  of  the  stock  Carib  language. 

The  geographical  position  of  these  tribes  within  the  area  seems  to  have  been 
much  the  same  in  the  earliest  recorded  times  as  now,  and  is  almost  certainly 
connected  with  the  history  of  their  respective  migrations  into  the  country.  .  .  . 
The  Arawaks,  probably  somewhat  late-comers,  who  formerly  occupied  some  or 
all  of  the  West  Indian  islands,  were  gradually  forced  southwards,  in  front  of 
the  great  Carib  migration,  down  that  chain  of  islands  and  on  to  the  mainland, 
when  they  occupied  the  coast-land,  from  the  Orinoco  to  the  Essequibo  and  be- 
yond, wherever  it  rose  a  little  above  the  swamps.  Same,  p.  40S. 

CARIBS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  principal  Indian  tribes  inhabiting  the  territory  known  as  Guiana  were  the 
Caril)S,  the  Akawois  or  Waikas,  the  Arawaks,  and  the  Warows  or  Guaraunos. 

B.  C,  g. 


262  INDIANS. 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED     BY    TH  EMSELVES-CARI  BS-(Con- 

tinued). 

.     British  Case. 

Of  the  above  tribes,  by  far  the  most  numerous  and  powerful  throughout  the 
whole  period  of  Dutch  occupation  of  Guiana  was  the  Carib  nation.  In  the  later 
period  of  British  occupation,  though  still  claiming  and  receiving  precedence 
among  the  aborigines  of  the  Colony,  and  known  as  the  warriors  among  the 
native  inhabitants,  their  numbers  had  become  greatly  reduced,  and  they  had 
become  in  some  instances  industrious  cultivators  of  the  soil.  But  in  the  early 
days  of  the  Colony  the  Caribs,  surpassing  as  they  did  all  other  nations  in  personal 
bravery,  were  the  great  freebooters  on  all  the  coast  from  the  Island  of  Trinidad 
to  the  Mouth  of  the  Amazon.  They  were  strong  enough  to  control  the  waterway 
of  the  Orinoco,  and  they  permanently  occupied  the  lower  portion  of  the  right 
bank  of  the  Orinoco  as  far  as  Barima. 

In  the  interior  of  Guiana  they  were  found  on  the  Upper  Essequibo,  the  Massa- 
runi,  the  Upper  Cuyuni,  the  Pomeroon,  and  the  Barima,  and  they  ranged  at  will 
through  the  forest  region.  B.  C,  lo. 

1593.     Don  Antonio  Berrio. 

All  the  conntry  [along  the  banks  of  the  upper  Orinoco]  is  withont  natives, 
on  account  of  the  fleets  of  the  Caribs,  who  ascend  the  river  and  have  eaten 
them  up,  and  the  others  have  abandoned  the  plain  and  gone  to  the  woods. 
.  .  .  All  the  Indians  assured  me  that  in  descending  the  Orinoco  I  should  find 
great  settlements  of  Caribs,  and  lower  still  I  should  find  a  great  river  which  is 
called  Caroni,  which  descends  from  Guayana,  and,  on  account  of  a  great  water- 
fall, cannot  be  navigated  ;  but  that  there,  and  a  little  above,  where  there  is  a 
Chief  called  Morquita,  the  Cordilleras  end.  .  .  .  God  was  pleased  to  send 
us  guides  in  tlie  form  of  two  pirogues  of  Caribs,  who  were  stealing  people 
for  their  cannibal  feasts  and  food,  and  who  came  with  me  for  presents. 
They  were  Caribs  of  Barima,  towards  which  I  journeyed  in  their  company, 
down  the  Orinoco  as  far  as  the  dwellings  of  the  River  Caroni,  which  will  be 
more  than  350  leagues;  and  during  this  voyage  we  experienced  much  friend- 
ship, and  two  of  their  Chiefs  came  into  my  pirogue,  and  I  gave  them  a  Spaniard, 
and  they  disclosed  to  me  great  secrets  of  the  country,  and  confirmed  all  the  in- 
formation that  I  had  received  above,  and  I  found  all  that  had  been  told  me  true. 
I  asked  these  Caribs  why  they  took  such  a  long  journey  with  so  much  labour, 
when  they  were  so  numerous  and  courageous,  and  had  Guayana  so  near. 
They  replied  that  the  Guayenese  were  numerous  and  were  very  near,  and  can 
make  war  upon  them  by  land,  and  for  this  reason  they  wish  to  be  friendly  with 
them.  B.  C,  I,  2. 

1595.     Don  Felipe  de  Santiago. 

Entering  .  .  .  and  going  up  the  River  Orinoco  .  .  .  various  terri- 
tories of  several  tribes  of  natives  are  met  with,  such  as  the  Aruacas,  Yayos,  Sapoyos, 
Caribs,  and  Napuyos.  Same,  p.  g. 

1598.     A.  Cabeliau. 

On  the  15th  February  [  1598]  we  perceived  a  boat,  called  by  the  Indians  a 
canoe,  which  came  about  2  miles  from  the  continent  out  of  the  River  Caurora, 
in  which  were  six  men,  one  woman,  and  a  little  child  of  the  (icribus  |  Carib] 
and  Jau  nation,  and  they  were  quite  naked,  and  it  was  long  before  they  dared 
to  come  on  board.  Same,  p.  iS. 


INDIANS.  203 

THE    INDIANS    CONSIDERED     BY    TH  EM  SELVES-CAR  I  BS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1612.     Sancho  de  Alqui§a. 

Boats  are  not  to  be  found  when  they  are  wanted  in  this  town  [St.  Joseph  de 
Oruna  in  Trinidad],  and  when  they  are  found,  Indian  rowers  are  not  to  lie  got, 
on  acconnt  of  their  having:  l^een  so  harried  hy  the  t'aribs,  that  in  con- 
sequence of  the  great  ravages  they  make  amongst  them  they  have  retired  inland, 
and  do  not  come  to  this  town  unless  they  are  fetched  ;  and  this  is  a  matter  of 
considerable  difficulty,  as  not  less  than  twenty-four  soldiers  can  go  at  a  time,  for 
if  less  go,  it  is  like  sending  them  to  destruction.  B.  C,  I,  2y. 

1621.     City  of  Santo  Thome. 

The  enemy  will  come  to  an  understanding  with  all  the  multitude  of  the  Carib 
nation,  which  dwells  in  those  islands  to  the  windward,  such  as  those  of 
Tobago,  Granada,  Matalino,  and  Dominica,  and  many  more  besides,  and  the 
sea-coast  to  the  River  Maranon,  uniting  with  all  the  €aribs,  natives  of  them, 
who  are  the  great  pirates  and  freebooters  and  cannibals  of  all  those  coasts. 

Same,  p.  j2. 
1624.     Sloane  MS. 

It  [Ezikebe]  is  inhabited  by  Caribs  and  Aruakas.  The  Caribs  inhabit  the 
upper  part  of  the  river  and  the  others  the  lower  part.  Same,  p.  61. 

1 63 1.     Marquis  de  Sofraga. 

They  [corsairs]  join  with  the  Carib  Indians  who  inhabit  those  coasts. 

Same,  p.  yo. 
1634.     Bishop  of  Porto  Rico. 

Taking  three  armed  vessels  at  my  own  cost  with  nearly  sixty  persons,  soldiers 
and  Indians  of  war,  as  a  protection  against  the  numbers  of  Caribs  who  infest 
these  coasts,  B.  C.-C,  App.,  11. 

1637.  Don  Juan  Desologuren. 

Between  the  coast  and  Cacanare  there   are  50,000  Indians,  mostly  Caribs, 

and  the  others  may  almost  be  counted  their  subjects  such  is  their  fear  of  them. 

B.  C,  I,  78. 

1638.  Maldonado. 

From  those  places  [Essequibo,  Berbice,  etc.]  referred  to  there  go  forth  every 
year  a  number  of  pirogues  of  Caribs  to  murder  and  rob  along  the  entire  coast 
during  the  summer,  which  is  the  most  favourable  time  to  do  so.       Same,  p.  124. 

1666.     Major  John  Scott. 

It  is  beyond  all  controversy  that  Gniana  hath  been  time  out  of  mind  ye 
station  of  ye  Carrebs,  and  all  the  Indians  on  the  island  [Guiana  is  here  taken 
to  be  an  island]  owe  their  oridginall  from  thence. 

The  most  numerous  nacion  of  Indians  in  Guiana  are  ye  Careebs,  and  these 
are  inhabited  in  Aricare  about  6,000  Careeb  families.  In  Wiapoca,  Macorea, 
and  Abrewaco,  11,000  Careebc  families. 

In  the  River  Marrawina,  about  800  Cireeb  families.  Same,  p.  168. 

In  Suranam,  Commowina,  Suramaco,  Copenham,  and  Currianteen  are  about 
0,000  Careeb  families. 

From  Wina  to  the  utmost  part  of  Awarabish,  on  the  west  syde  of  Oranoque 
and  the  Rivers  Oronoque,  Poraema,  and  Amacora,  are  about  20,000  Careebs 
families.  Same,  p.  i6g. 


204:  INDIANS. 

THE    INDIANS    CONSIDERED     BY    TH  EMSELVES-CARIBS-(Con- 

tlnued). 

1673.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Peace  had  been  made  with  the  Caribs  in  Bariiua  and  the  Arawaks,  and  they 
had  intercourse  with  each  other.  B.  C,  I,  lyj. 

1682.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Among:  the  natives  of  the  country,  thank  God,  there  is  peace  as  yet.  .  .  . 
On  account  of  the  war  between  tlie  Caribs  and  Accoways  the  River  Cuyuni  no 
longer  furnishes  provisions.  Same,  p.  iSj. 

1683.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  sent  a  negro  up  in  Cuyuni  in  order,  if  it  be  possible,  to  establish  peace 
between  the  Aliuways  and  tlie  Caribs.  Same,  p.  183. 

1686.     Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga. 

This  nation  [Carib]  is  very  numerous  (not,  however,  in  those  parts  about 
Guarapiche  or  the  Golfo  Triste,  described  by  the  Capuchins,  where  they  are  few 
in  number),  for  on  the  mainland  various  places  are  occupied  by  them,  as,  for  in- 
stance, Amana,  Pao,  Caura,  and  all  the  coast  from  the  River  Orinoco  to  the 
Maranon.  Same,  p.  ig^. 

1686.     Sancho  Fernandez  de  Angulo. 

The  Carib  Indians,  .  .  .  are  a  nation  very  numerous  in  various  parts, 
and  in  the  Island  of  St.  Vincent  (one  of  the  Windward  Islands)  they  are  proud, 
valiant,  warlike,  and  the  arbiters  of  peace  and  war,  and  trample  on  the  other  na- 
tions ;  they  eat  human  flesh  generally,  and  every  year  at  a  fixed  time  they  gather 
together  and  go  to  the  districts  of  the  River  Orinoco  to  make  war  on  other 
nations,  and  they  eat  the  Indians  whom  they  kill. 

In  these  [cannibal]  feasts  .  .  .  they  usually  decide  on  warlike  expeditions 
which  are  very  pernicious,  both  against  the  Spaniards  and  against  other  Indian 
nations.  Same,  pp.  igy-igS. 

1723.     Viceroy  of  New  Granada. 

On  the  banks  of  the  said  river  [Orinoco],  and  inland  from  it,  are  innumerable 
infidel  and  Carib  Indians  who  inhabit  and  people  that  region.       V.  C,  III,  j68. 

1733.     Father  Bernardo  Rotella. 

I  suppose,  fourthly,  that  the  Guayquiries,  including  the  Aguaricotas,  Mayopes, 
and  Salinas,  are  for  the  most  part  Caribs,  some,  because  they  are  the  sons  of 
Caribs,  others  through  inheritances,  marriages,  and  friendship ;  and  even  if  I 
were  to  say  that  part  of  the  Guayanese  are  the  same  I  should  not  be  wrong,  for 
from  Guayana  not  only  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  Meta,  but  up  to  the  Maypures, 
twenty-three  days'  sail  or  more,  these  are  Caribs  already,  and  consequently 
traitors.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  168. 

And  those  [Indians]  who  do  not  go  over  to  their  [Carib]  side,  they  will  sweep 
away  just  as  they  have  destroyed,  at  the  present  time,  more  than  forty-two  tribes, 
of  which  there  is  one,  namely,  that  of  the  Saypos,  which  was  very  numerous,  but 
whereof  no  more  than  one  boy  now  remains.  Same,  p.  i/o. 

The  Caribs,  my  friend,  are  overbearing,  insolent  and  bold,  and  if  they  had 
not  met  with  resistance  there  would  have  been  by  this  time  neither  Missions  nor 
missionaries.  Same,  p.  172. 


INDIANS.  265 

THE    INDIANS    CONSIDERED     BY     THEMSELVES-CARIBS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1733.     Father  Bernardo  Rotella. 

Respecting  what  I  say  against  Araguacare.  This  man,  my  friend,  was  loyal 
until  he  was  made  a  captain  ;  but  now  he  is  no  longer  Araguacare,  but  another 
Yaguaria,  and  through  him  and  the  rest  of  the  Caribs  it  is  already  known  for 
certain  that  the  Guayanese,  Guayquiries,  Mapoyes,  Agxiaricotes,  and  Salinas  are 
declared  Cai'ibs,  and  consequently  greater  traitors,  as  they  are  those  we  have 
in  the  Missions.  The  utmost  excess  appeared  to  be  reached  when  a  Salina  captain 
sold  one  of  his  uncles  ...  to  the  Caribs  ;  but  this  is  surpassed  by  a  chief  of 
these  Guayquiries  who  has  actually  sold  me  to  the  Caribs  of  Caura. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  172-173. 

The  worst  is  that  a  Guayquire  Chief  (not  the  one  who  sold  me)  through  such 
speeches,  and  through  being  the  son-in-law  of  a  Carib,  wanted  to  kick  me  in  the 
presence  of  the  said  Don  Feliz  and  the  other  soldiers  of  my  escort.    Same,  p.  174. 

1733.  Government  of  Trinidad. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  said  Caribs  are  not  natives  of  the  Orinoco, 
but  intruders,  and  that  Law  13,  Title  2,  Book  6,  allows  war  to  be  made  upon  those 
of  that  tribe  who  come  to  infest  these  provinces  with  armed  force,  and  who  eat 
human  flesh,  and  sanctions  the  enslavement  of  those  above  14  years,  except  the 
women.  Same,  p.  178. 

1734.  Father  Joseph  Gumilla. 

This  .  .  .  only  proved  the  means  of  aggravating  the  liaiig:hty  and  cruel 
cliaracter  of  tlie  Caribs.  B.  C,  III,  S6. 

1735.  Governor  of  Cumana. 

The  Carib  nation,  which  is  the  most  numerous  and  rules  over  all  the  other 
nations,  having  arrogated  to  itself  the  title  of  the  King  of  the  Orinoco,  and  being 
constantly  at  war  with  the  other  nations,  as  it  has  no  other  occupation  nor  way 
of  living,  for  they  neither  till  nor  cultivate  their  lands,  but  sustain  themselves  by 
waging  war  against  the  other  Indians,  whom  they  enslave  and  carry  away  to  sell 
to  the  Dutch  and  other  foreign  nations  ;  there  being  years  in  which  the  slaves  sold 
by  them  are  no  less  than  from  600  to  700.  V.  C.-C,  III,  42. 

1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

There  are  twenty  leagues  of  river  [below  Angostura]  on  which  many  Caribs 
are  established,  and  especially  those  of  Aguire,  Caroni  and  Tacorapo,  who  carry 
on  traffic,  the  latter  sailing  up  the  Caroni,  .  .  .  communicate  by  land  at  no 
great  distance  with  the  Indian  Caribs,  who  are  established  above  Angostura,  on 
the  rivers  Caura,  Rio  Tauca,  Puruey,  Curumutopo,  and  in  other  places. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  1S6. 

This  Fort  being  taken,  the  garrison  of  soldiers  will  without  doubt  die  or  be 
murdered,  because  the  Caribs  do  not  grant  any  kind  of  quarter.       Same,  p.  iSj. 

1747.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

The  Caribs  who  dwell  within  the  Orinoco  occupy  about  70  leagues  of  the 
south  bank  from  the  mouth  of  the  River  Caroni,  distant  6  leagues  to  the  west 
from  Guayana,  to  the  mouth  of  the  River  Caura.  B.  C,  II,  jj. 


266  INDIANS. 

THE    INDIANS    CONSIDERED     BY    THEMSELVES    CARIBS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1747.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

As  in  the  90  and  more  leagues  [up  the  Orinoco]  from  the  mouth  of  theCaroni 
the  Caribs  hold  sway,  the  navigation  is  dangerous  for  those  who  are  not  their 
friends,  or  who  are  not  accompanied  by  a  force  strong  enough  to  repulse  their 
attack. 

The  very  many  attacks  on  the  Missions,  their  desolation  and  destruction,  are 
proofs  of  the  dislike  with  which  they  [Caribs]  regard  them. 

The  threats  of  the  Carib.s,  which  some  Indians  fear,  their  suggestions,  which 
perturb  others,  and  the  free  life  of  the  forest,  which  appeals  to  all  those  recently 
settled,  are  likewise  causes  of  the  sudden  dispersement  which  they  have  been 
wont  to  suffer.  B.  C,  II,  34. 

1753.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

I  know  by  experience  that  the  Caribs  of  the  Orinoco  will  not  abandon  their 
territory  to  come  and  dwell  in  other  parts  of  the  banks  of  the  river,  however  much 
we  may  flatter  them  with  advantageous  offers,  nor  will  they  condescend  to  admit 
missionaries.  Same,  p.  go. 

1755.     Don  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

Assuming  then  that  the  savage  Carib  tribe  is  spread  along  the  tributaries  of 
the  Orinoco,  equally  towards  the  east  and  towards  the  west,  and  likewise  in 
the  woods  of  the  southern  slope  which  form  the  defence  of  Essequibo,  it  is  evi- 
dent that  they  will  be  continually  going  to  and  fro  through  all  parts,  attacking 
the  other  tribes  who  inhabit  both  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  and  also  in  the  interior, 
the  Missions  of  the  Capuchin  Fathers  and  of  the  Observants,  in  order  to  capture 
their  poitos  and  destroy  by  fire  and  sword  those  who  are  already  reduced. 

Same,  p.  log. 

With  them  [Caribs]  Chiefs  are  nothing  more  than  a  union  of  persons  of  both 
sexes,  composed  of  sons,  brothers,  first  cousins,  and  nephews,  who  form  an  asso- 
ciation and  occupy  a  certain  district  with  their  ranches  and  he  is  considered  the 
most  powerful  among  them  who  can  bring  together  the  greatest  number  of 
people.  They  have  no  respect  or  subordination  whatever  to  the  Headman,  and 
have  no  other  laws  than  those  of  their  own  fancy.  Same,  p.  ill. 

1758.  Prefect  of  Missions. 

I  am  unable  to  name  all  the  nations  which  the  Caribs  pursue  with  the  object 
of  enslaving  them.  But  the  tribes  dwelling  on  our  frontiers,  and  the  most 
generally  known,  are  the  Barinagotos,  Maos,  Macos,  Amarucotos,  Camaracotos, 
and  Anaos,  Paravinas,  Guaicas,  etc.  Same,  p.  14^. 

The  Paraman  where  the  Caribs  dwell  in  great  numbers. 

This  slave  trade  has  so  completely  changed  the  Caribs  that  their  only  occupa- 
tion is  constantly  going  to  and  returning  from  war,  selling  and  killing  the  Indians 
of  those  nations  already  mentioned.  And  not  only  the  Caribs  of  the  forests,  but 
even  those  of  the  Missions  participate  in  these  wars.  Same,  p.  148. 

1760.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

The  Caribs  from  the  Paragua  had  proceeded  to  the  River  Parime  ;  some 
from  Caura  had  likewise  gone  to  the  neighborhood  of  Essequibo,  and  the  rest 
were  moved  to  follow  them.  Same,  p.  1S4. 


INDIANS.  267 

THE    INDIANS    CONSIDERED     BY    TH  EMSELVES-CARI  BS-(Con- 

tinued.) 

1761.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

In  the  year  1758  the  Mission  of  Terepi  was  also  lost.  The  Caribs  of  whom 
it  was  composed,  48  in  number,  had  fled  the  preceding  year,  but  were  retaken, 
and  showed  signs  of  perseverance.  They  were  established  in  the  same  place; 
but  moved  by  their  iucoustaut  character,  they  again  fled.  V.  C,  II,  sjg. 

1 76 1.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  Caribs,  a  ferocious  and  warlike  tribe  overrunning  all  this  extensive 
province  [of  Guayana]  and  part  of  those  of  Barcelona,  Caracas  and  Santa  Fe. 

Same,  p.  J42. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

Various  separate  Carib  Indians,  ...  in  consequence  of  their  roving  and 
warlike  nature,  go  long  distances  from  their  settlements. 

In  some  of  the  said  ranges,  even  of  those  which  are  below  the  equinoctial 
line,  the  cold  is  excessive,  for  which  reason  the  said  Caribs  trade  little  therein, 
being  afraid  of  getting  benumbed,  as  they  say.  B.  C,  III,  60. 

1765.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  had  received  tidings  from  Upper  Massaruni  that  the  Carib  nation  was 
at  war  with  that  of  the  Acuways,  and  that  the  latter  had  massacred  all  the 
women  and  children  in  a  Carib  village  on  the  Massaruni.  Same,  p.  iig. 

1768.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  are  at  piesent  in  very  precarious  circumstances,  the  Acuways  and 
Caribs  being  now  in  open  war.  Same, p.  178. 

1770.     Postholder  in  Cuyuni. 

The  greater  part  of  the  Caribs  have  departed  from  Cuyuni  to  Masseroeny  to 
make  dwelling  places  there  [Moruca]  and  some  have  gone  to  Upper  Siepanamen 
to  live  there.  B.C.,  IV,  76. 


1776.     Director-General  and  Councillors  of  Essequibo  and  Demerary. 

Some  nation  which,  according  to  old  custom  or  their  relations  with  us,  it  was 
not  permitted  to  bring  to  slavery,  such  as  the  Carib,  Arrowak,  Warrow  and 
Akowa  nations.  Same,  p.  141. 


1785.     Diary  of  the  Commander  of  Revenue  Cutter  in  Orinoco. 

I  ordered  them  to  be  asked  whether  there  were  any  negroes  living  at 
Amacura  with  Carib  Indians  and  they  said  there  were  none,  nor  even  Carib  In- 
dians there. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Barima  .  .  .  some  Guaruano  Indians  had  a  hut 
inland;  and  .  .  .  some  Guaruano  Indians  appeared  .  .  .  and  .  .  . 
they  told  me  that  they  were  Indians  from  Sacupana  fleeing  from  the  Carib  In- 
dians, and  that  on  Barima  creek  and  Amacuro  there  were  about  three  thousand 
Indians  fleeing  from  the  severity  (the  floods  ?)  of  the  Orinoco. 

V.C.-C.,III,332-333' 


268  INDIANS. 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    THEMSELVES    CARIBS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1802.     Commandant  of  Berbice,  Demerary  and  Essequibo. 

The  interior  of  Guyana  is  inhabited  by  various  tribes  of  Indians,  who  are  gen- 
erally termed  "  Buks."  Those  residing  nearest  the  sea,  and,  consequently  most 
frequently  come  among  the  settlers,  are  the  Arawaak,  the  Akawye,  the  Worrows 
and  the  Charibbs.  But  of  late  very  few  of  them  have  made  their  appearance, 
and  it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  this  circumstance  has  arisen  from  dissatisfaction. 
It  would,  however,  be  better  policy  to  keep  these  people  in  good  humour,  and 
as  their  wants  are  but  few,  and  of  the  most  trivial  description,  their  attachment 
may  be  secured  at  a  very  small  expense.  B.  C,  V,  172-17 j. 

1 81 3.     D.  van  Sistema. 

The  Charaibes  are  generally  understood  to  be  the  most  warlike,  but  they  are 
less  numerous  than  the  Maconcies ;  it  is,  nevertheless,  certain  that  they  all 
acknowledge  the  Charaibe  Manerwa  to  be  their  Chief  in  time  of  v/ar. 

Same,  p.  21  j. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  Indian  tribes  within  the  limits  of  the  Colony  are  as  follows: — Caribisee, 
Accaway,  Arawaak,  Warrow,  Macouchi,  Indians  of  the  Savan,  which,  though 
nominally  Arawaaks,  have  some  peculiarities  which  constitute  them  a  separate 
tribe — Paramuna. 

The  Caribisee  are  generally  reputed  the  most  warlike  ;  but  it  is  certain  that, 
at  the  present  day,  they  have  no  ascendency  over  the  other  tribes.  Within  this 
Colony  they  are  far  from  numerous,  and  reside  so  far  in  the  interior  that  they  are 
almost  totally  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  firearms.  They  cultivate  the  soil, 
and  are  more  stationary  than  the  other  tribes,  and  though  of  good  stature,  they 
are  less  able  to  bear  the  fatigue  of  active  and  prolonged  service.  They,  however, 
claim  precedence,  which  the  other  nations  do  not  appear  to  object  to.  They  are 
found  in  the  Cayoni,  Upper  Essequibo,  Upper  Pomeroon,  and  Manawareena,  and 
Wackpow  Creeks,  but  not  one  in  the  Demerary  River.  B.  C,  VI,  26. 

1833.     Protector  of  Indians  in  Pomeroon. 

In  the  district  of  your  reporter  the  principal  tribes  who  inhabit  nearest  the 
cultivation  are  Caribs,  Arrowacks,  Warrows,  and  some  Spanish  Indians. 

Same,  p.  48. 

1836.     Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

There  are  three  tribes  of  Indians  within  twenty-four  hours'  journey  of  this 
Post,  say  Warrau,  Arawacks  and  Caribs.  There  are  in  all  about  from  700  to 
8oo,  including  males  and  females.  There  are  also  about  from  200  to  250  Span- 
ish Indians  residing  about  six  hours'  distance  from  this  Post  up  the  Morocco 
Creek.  Same,  p.  61. 


1840.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Of  the  Caribi,  the  once  widely-extended  people,  .  .  .  there  remain  but 
few  in  British  Guiana. 

The  Caribis  inhabit  the  lower  Mazaruni  and  Cuyuni ;  about  100  are  located 
at  the  Corentyn,  80  at  the  Rupununni,  30  at  the  Guidaru,  and  their  wliole  num- 
ber    .     .     .     does  not  at  present  surpass  300.  V.  C,  III,  JI4. 


INDIANS.  269 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED     BY    TH  EMSELVES-CARI BS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1848,     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Barama  is  a  large  tributary  of  the  Winey  River,  inhabited  by  Warrows, 
Carrabeese,  and  Accaway  or  Waika  Indians.  B.  C,  VI,  172. 

1883.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  population  of  the  whole  district  is  very  scanty  and  is  very  scattered. 
Most  of  the  inhabitants  are  Red  men — True  Caribs  chiefly  on  the  Barama  and 
upper  Barima,  Ackawoi  on  the  Morooka  and  upper  Waini,  Arawaaks  on  the 
Morooka,  and  many  Warraus  everywhere  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers. 

V.  C,  III,  317. 
1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Different  tribes  of  Indians  living  within  the  [Pomeroon  Judicial]  district,  as  well 
as  the  special  parts  inhabited  by  each, 

True  Caribs  [dwell  at]  Pomeroon,  upper  part ;  Manawarin  ;  Barama ; 
Barima,  upper  part.  B.  C,  VII,  2^7. 

1897,  George  L.  Burr. 

For  the  earliest  period  ...  the  Waini,  unHke  the  rivers  to  the  east  of 
it,  was  the  home,  not  of  the  mild  Arawak,  but  of  the  €arib. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  no. 

Though  Arawaks,  like  Raleigh's  pilot,  lived  scattered  among  the  Warrows  of 
the  coast  to  the  west  of  the  Pomeroon,  yet,  according  to  all  the  early  narrators, 
this  region  was  mainly  Carib  ;  and  they  agree  ...  in  making  the  Pome- 
roon, or  its  little  neighbor,  the  Moruca,  the  first  occupied  by  the  Arawaks. 

Same,  p.  116. 

1898.  Michael  McTurk. 

The  Carib  tribe,  which  can  be  divided  into  a  considerable  number  of  sub- 
tribes,  such  as  the  Macussies,  Arckunas,  Ackawois  or  Waikas,  and  others,  all  of 
which  use  different  dialects  of  the  Carib  language,  occupy  all  the  interior  parts  of 
the  Colony  beyond  the  country  occupied  by  the  Arrawacks.  The  true  Caribs 
are  to  be  found  more  or  less  on  all  the  large  rivers  of  the  Colony,  and  as  far 
inland  on  the  Essequibo  as  Apoeterie,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rupununi.  They  are, 
however,  more  numerous  on  the  Barama,  Barima,  and  Pomeroon  than  elsewhere. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  405. 
1898.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

There  are  three  chief  Indian  stocks  in  this  part  of  Guiana,  the  Warow,  Ara- 
wak, and  Carib,  each  using  a  distinct  language,  and  that  of  these  stocks  at  least 
one,  the  Carib,  is  distinguishable  into  a  number  of  sub-tribes— Macusis,  Areku- 
nas,  Akawois  or  Waikas,  Partamonas,  and  others— each  of  which  uses  a  dialect  of 
the  stock  Carib  language. 

The  geographical  position  of  these  tribes  within  the  area  seems  to  have  been 
much  the  same  in  the  earliest  recorded  times  as  now,  and  is  almost  certainly  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  their  respective  migrations  into  the  country.  The 
Warrows  .  .  .  represent  the  earliest  occupiers  .  .  .  The  Arawaks, 
probably  somewhat  later  comers,  who  formerly  occupied  some  or  all  of  the  West 
Indian  islands,  were  gradually  forced  southwards,  in  front  of  the  great  Carib 
migration,  down  that  chain  of  islands  and  on  the  mainland.  .  .  .  Lastly,  the 
great  migration  of  Carib  tribes  came  in  the  wake  of  the  Arawaks. 

Same,  p.  40S. 


270  INDIANS. 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED     BY   THEMSELVES-MAKUSIS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  last-named  tribe  [Maknsis]  was  much  raided  by  the  Caribsand  Akawois, 
and  it  was  from  this  nation  that  the  Indian  slaves,  or  "poitos,"  were  largely  ob- 
tained. What  precise  localities  this  tribe  occupied  it  is  difficult  to  trace,  but  in 
the  year  1833,  when  their  numbers  had  become  greatly  reduced,  they  were  found 
at  the  headwaters  of  the  Essequibo.  B.  C,  g-io. 

1765.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Postholder  of  Arinda  states  that  ...  he  had  intended  to  proceed 
up  the  River  Rupununi,  but  had  found  the  Maconssis  and  Wapissanes,  the  two 
nations  living  there,  at  war.  B.  C,  III,  120. 

1771.     Commandant  of  Guiana. 

Mount  Dorado  .  .  .  adjoining  the  aforesaid  lake  [Parime]  at  the  mouth 
of  the  creek  of  Guaricuru,  inhabited  or  guarded  by  the  Macusi,  Arecuna,  and 
many  other  nations  of  savage  Indians  from  the  interior  of  this  Province. 

B.  C,  IV,  97. 

1790.     Lopez  de  la  Puente. 

It  would  be  much  to  our  advantage  to  acquire  the  friendship  of  the  Macnsis, 
a  considerable  tribe,  and  the  largest  that  dwells  in  the  interior  of  the  country. 
This  would  not  be  difficult  by  means  of  the  Guaycas,  by  making  them  some 
presents,  such  as  looking-glasses  and  other  bagatelles  of  that  kind. 

B.  C,  V,  121. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  Macoiichis. — These  Indians  are  few  in  number,  and  but  little  known. 
They  live  in  great  terror  of,  and  alm.ost  in  subjection  to,  the  Caribisce  and  Acca- 
ways,  who  possess  many  slaves  of  this  tribe,  and  in  former  times  trafficked  in 
them  with  the  whites.  They  are  sulky  and  timorous,  but  cruel  and  revengeful, 
and  generally  dip  their  weapons  of  offence  in  the  Worali  poison,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  the  reason  why  the  other  tribes  have  leagued  against  them  to  their 
almost  total  extirpation. 

They  are  neither  numerically  or  physically  calculated  for  any  service. 

B.  C,  VI,  27. 

1839.  Rev.  Thomas  Youd. 

I  have  visited  the  Indians  who  lie  still  further  south  of  Pirara,  .  .  .  and 
between  the  Rivers  Essequibo  and  Rupununy. 

The  different  tribes  which  I  have  met  are  the  Maciisic,  Wapishana,  Attorie, 
and  Taruma  nations,  but  south  of  all  these  the  Wie-Wie  tribe  are  settled  upon 
the  source  of  the  Essequibo.  Same,  pp.  64-6J. 

1840.  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  most  powerful  tribes  now  extant  are  the  Maeusis  and  Arecunas,  who  in- 
habit the  extensive  plains  on  our  southern  and  southwestern  boundary. 

V.  c,  111,314. 

WARROWS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  principal  Indian  tribes  inhabiting  the  territory  known  as  Guiana  were  the 
Caribs,  the  Akawois  or  Waikas,  the  Arawaks,  and  the  Warows  or  Guaraunos. 

B.  C,  9. 


INDIANS.  271 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    TH  EMSELVES-WARROWS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1 666.     Major  John  Scott. 

In  little  villages  by  the  sea-side  lives  about  400  families  of  Waroocs  in  Ma- 
roea  and  Wiiia,  and  in  the  islands  of  Oranoque  River  and  near  the  mouth  of  that 
river,  lives  about  5,000  families  of  Warooes.  B.  C,  I,  i6g. 

1764.      Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Warouws,  who  inhabit  the  islands  in  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco. 

B.  C,  III,  Jir. 

1767.     British  Case. 

The  Warows  originally  inhabited  the  swampy  morasses  and  islands  in  the 
mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  as  well  as  the  lower  reaches  of  the  Barima.  ...  In 
1767  they  migrated  in  great  numbers  to  the  Barima  district.  ...  In  this 
locality  they  still  remained  after  the  British  had  taken  over  the  Dutch  Colonies, 
and  are  to  be  found  there  to  the  present  day. 

The  Warows  had  none  of  the  warlike  characteristics  of  the  Caribs  and 
Akawois.  They  are  described  as  a  nation  of  boat-builders  .  .  .  they 
were  expert  fishermen,  and  it  was  by  them  that  the  noted  Maracot  fishery  of 
the  Lower  Orinoco  was  kept  up.  The  women  were  skilful  in  the  manufacture 
of  baskets  and  .  .  .  hammocks,  .  .  .  Under  the  British  Government 
this  tribe  became  more  industrious,  and  contributed  more  labour  to  the  sugar 
plantations  than  any  Indian  tribe  of  Guiana,  and  though  despised  by  the  other 
nations,  and  regarded  as  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,  they  proved 
to  the  planter  the  most  useful  of  labourers.  B.  C,  11-12. 

1776.     Director-General  and  Councillors  of  Essequibo  and  Demerary. 

Some  nation  which,  according  to  old  custom  or  their  relations  with  us,  it  was 
not  permitted  to  bring  to  slavery,  such  as  the  Carib,  Arrowak,  Warrow  and 
Akowa  nations.  B.  C,  IV,  141. 

1802.     Commandant  of  Berbice,  Demerary  and  Essequibo. 

The  interior  of  Guayana  is  inhabited  by  various  tribes  of  Indians,  who  are 
generally  termed  "  Buks."  Those  residing  nearest  the  sea,  ...  are  the 
Arawaak,  the  Akawye,  the  Warrows  and  the  Charibbs.  But  of  late  very  few  of 
them  have  made  their  appearance,  and  it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  this  .  .  . 
has  arisen  from  dissatisfaction.  It  would,  however,  be  better  policy  to  keep  these 
people  in  good  humor,  and  .  .  .  their  attachment  may  be  secured  at  a  very 
small  expense.  ^-  ^•'  '^'  ^7^~^73- 

181 3.     Acting  Governor  Codd. 

Nothing  in  the  world,  for  example,  would  induce  a  Warrow  Indian  to  quit  the 
district  which  alike  furnishes  him  with  fish  and  his  beloved  eta,  or  wild  cabbage. 

Same,  p.  213. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  Warrows.— This  is  a  nation  of  shipwrights.  From  their  infancy  they  are 
trained  to  the  construction  of  canoes  and  corials,  and  it  is  truly  astonishing  with 
what  nicety,  perseverance,  and  ingenuity  they  excavate  the  most  immense  trees 
into  vessels  of  the  most  perfect  symmetry,  and,  without  any  instrument  but  the 
axe,  form  the  hull  capable  of  a  velocity  of  motion  superior  to  any  produced  by 
the  rules  of   European  art  or  practice.  -"•  ^•'  ^■''  ^7' 


272  INDIANS. 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    THEMSELVES-WARROWS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

Their  model  appears  to  be  the  body  of  a  fish,  say  the  querryman ;  but  they 
reverse  the  propelling  motion,  making  the  head  of  the  canoe  the  tail  of  the  fish, 
and  vice-versa. 

They  are  of  middling  stature,  and  very  dark  complexion.  They  derive  their 
subsistence  from  the  water,  being  all  expert  fishermen.  Their  cultivation  is  very 
trifling;  their  food  being  principally  fish  with  few  vegetables,  and,  at  a  pinch, 
they  make  a  kind  of  bread  of  the  pulp  of  the  Eta  tree. 

They  are,  for  Indians,  very  industrious,  but  of  filthy  habits,  and  of  no  great 
personal  courage,  but,  when  sober,  docile  and  submissive.  They  are  great  drunk- 
ards, and,  when  drunk,  excessively  quarrelsome  and  outrageous.  On  expeditions 
they  may  be  useful  where  the  country  is  swampy  and  overflowed,  as  they  are  very 
expert  in  forming  temporary  crafts,  and  are  almost  amphibious ;  but  they  have 
little  knowledge  of  fire-arms.  B.  C,  VI,  27. 

1833.     Protector  of  Indians  in  Pomeroon. 

In  the  district  of  your  reporter  the  principal  tribes  who  inhabit  nearest  the 
cultivation  are  Caribs,  Arrowacks,  Warrows,  and  some  Spanish  Indians. 

Same,  p.  48. 

1836.     Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

There  are  three  tribes  of  Indians  within  twenty-four  hours'  journey  from  this 
Post,  say  Warraii,  Arawacks  and  Caribs.  There  are  in  all,  about  from  700  to 
800,  including  males  and  females.  There  are  also  about  from  200  to  250  Spanish 
Indians  residing  about  six  hours'  distance  from  this  Post  up  the  Morocco  Creek. 

Same,  p.  61. 

1840.  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  Arawaaks  and  Warraus  live  at  the  coast  regions,  and  their  small  settle- 
ments extend  scarcely  one  hundred  miles  inland ;  I  estimate  their  number  at 
3,150.  V.  C,  111,314. 

1 841.  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  Kaituma  is  inhabited  by  Warrau  and  Waika  [Akaway]  Indians. 

B.  C,  VII,  20. 

There  are  several  Warrau  settlements  on  the  banks  of  the  Camwavu.  .  .  . 
The  Manari  is  mostly  inhabited  by  Warraus,  but  there  is  a  settlement  of  Waikas. 

Same,  p.  22, 

1846.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Worrow  Indians  who  are  the  most  numerous,  being,  as  they  are,  the 
principal  inhabitants  of  Morocco  Creek  and  its  tributaries,  as  also  of  the  Rivers 
Winey,  Bareema,  and  Amacoora  and  their  various  streams.  B.  C,  VI,  14^, 

1848.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Worrows  are  likewise  useful  in  the  fabrication  of  corials  and  canoes, 
and  the  celebrated  Spanish  launches,  sometimes  so  large  as  to  carry  seventy  per- 
sons, are  made  by  them  also. 

The  Worrows  .  .  .  inhabitiug  the  Rivers  Winey,  Bareema,  and  Auia- 
curu.  Same,  p.  ijo. 


INDIANS.  273 

THE     INDIANS    CONSIDERED    BY    TH  EMSELVES-WARROWS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1848.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  WoiTOWS  .  .  .  are  designated  .  .  .  the  hewers  of  wood  and 
carriers  of  water.  B.  C,  V/,  lyr. 

Barama  is  a  large  tributary  of  the  Winey  River,  inhabited  by  Worrows, 
Carrabeese,  and  Accaway  or  VVaika  Indians.  Same,  p.  1^2. 

1883.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  population  of  the  whole  district  is  very  scanty  and  is  very  scattered. 
Most  of  the  inhabitants  are  Red  men — True  Caribs  chiefly  on  the  Barama  and 
upper  Barima,  Ackawoi  on  the  Morooka  and  upper  Waini,  Arawaks  on  the 
Morooka,  and  many  Warraus  everywhere  at  the  mouths  of  the  rivers. 

V.  C,  III,  317. 
1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Different  tribes  of  Indians  living  within  the  [Pomeroon  Judicial]  district,  as 
well  as  the  special  parts  inhabited  by  each. 

Warraus  [dwell  at  ]  Amakooroo  ;  Barima,  near  mouth  ;  Morooka. 

B.  C,  VII,  237. 

1897.  George  L.  Burr. 

Though  Arawaks,  like  Raleigh's  pilot,  lived  scattered  among  the  Warrows 
of  the  coast  to  the  west  of  the  Pomeroon,  yet,  according  to  all  the  early  narrators, 
this  region  was  mainly  Carib  ;  and  they  agree  ...  in  making  the  Pomeroon, 
or  its  little  neighbor,  the  Moruca,  the  first  occupied  by  the  Arawaks  . 

V.  C.-C,  II,  116. 

1898.  Michael  McTurk. 

The  aboriginal  Indians  who  inhabit  the  country  between  the  Orinoco  and 
the  Essequibo,  although  apparently  divided  into  a  large  number  of  groups,  may 
be  classified  into  three  principal  stocks,  namely,  the  Warraus,  the  Arrawacks, 
and  the  Caribs,  each  of  which  use  a  distinct  language.  The  Warraus  appear 
to  have  been  the  earliest  occupiers  of  the  country,  and  they  inhabited,  as  they 
still  do,  the  swamps  both  in  the  actual  delta  of  the  Orinoco  and  eastwards  of 
that  river  almost  as  far  as  Pomeroon.  B,  C.-C,  App.,  404. 

1898,     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

There  are  three  chief  Indian  stocks  in  this  part  of  Guiana,  the  W^irow,  Ara- 
wak,  and  Carib,  each  using  a  distinct  language,  and  that  of  these  stocks  at  least 
one,  the  Carib,  is  distinguishable  into  a  number  of  sub-tribes — Macusis,  Areku- 
nas,  Akawois  or  Waikas,  Partamonas,  and  others — each  of  which  uses  a  dialect  of 
the  stock  Carib  language. 

The  geographical  position  of  these  tribes  within  the  area  seems  to  have 
been  much  the  same  in  the  earliest  recorded  times  as  now,  and  is  almost  cer- 
tainly connected  with  the  history  of  their  respective  migrations  into  the  country. 
The  Warows  .  .  .  represent  the  earliest  occupiers  of  the  country  of  whom 
any  trace  remains.  At  the  first  arrival  of  the  Europeans  they  occupied,  as  they 
still  do,  the  swamps  both  in  the  actual  deha  of  the  Orinoco,  and  eastward  of  that 
river  almost  to  the  Pomeroon.  Same,  p.  408. 

Some  other  tribal  names  occur  in  the  documents  in  connection  with  the  pres- 
ent arbitration.  Some  of  them  are  merely  syuouyius,  e.  g.,  Guarauos  for 
Warows,  and  Waikas  or  Gua}  cas  for  Akawois.  Same,  p.  40S, 


274  INDIANS. 

THE    INDIANS   CONSIDERED    BY   TH  EMSELVES-VARIOUS  TRIBES, 

UNCLASSIFIED. 

.     British  Case. 

Other  tribes  of  less  importance  [in  Guiana  were]  the  so-called  Arawak- 
Akawois,  or  Wauwejaus,  who  were  considered  descendants  of  both  the  former 
tribes,  though  distinct  from  each  of  them,  the  Mag'aiioiits,  or  Mauoas,  a  power- 
ful and  warlike  nation  dwelling  in  the  region  watered  by  the  Upper  Essequibo 
and  Massaruni,  the  Paramouas,  and  the  Macusis.  B.  C,  g. 

Mention  must  also  be  made  of  the  Panacays  who  appear  to  have  lived  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  Upper  Cuyuni,  and  of  the  Pariacots,  who  seem  also  to 
have  inhabited  the  same  district.  Same,  p.  lo. 

1 595.     Capt.  Felipe  de  Santiago. 

On  the  banks  of  all  these  mouths  [of  the  Orinoco]  mentioned  many  natives  of 
two  tribes,  known  as  the  Ciiag-iiaues  and  Tivitives,  dwell,  both  of  them  living  in 
swamps.  Entering  by  any  of  the  above-mentioned  mouths,  and  going  up  the 
River  Orinoco  in  the  direction  of  the  new  Kingdom  of  Granada  various  territories 
of  several  tribes  of  natives  are  met  with,  such  as  the  Aruacas,  Yayos,  Sapoyos, 
Caribs,  and  Napuyos.  B.  C,  I,  g. 

1638.     Maldonado. 

Under  tents  or  in  canoes,  covered  with  bihao  leaves  and  palm  mats,  which 
they  call  antivitives.  Same,  p.  i2j. 

1755.     Don  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

The  Pariag'oto  Indians,  who  inhabited  the  ramifications  of  the  Imataka 
Mountains.  ^.  C.-C,  III,  33. 

The  Parives  are  more  idle  than  the  other  Indians,  and  as  they  found  their 
courage  upon  being  continually  in  motion  and  attacking  other  tribes,  they  are  very 
roving,  and  work  their  farms  with  the  poitos  they  capture,  from  among  whom 
they  select  the  most  robust  men  and  the  best-looking  women,  and  sell  the  rest  to 
the  Dutch.  B.  C,  II,  ui. 


1755.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Some  Indians  of  the  Cliiama  nation,  by  us  [Dutch]  called  Sliiamacolte,  and 
who  have  already  (over  ten  years)  been  dwelling  under  the  [Moruka]  Post. 

Same,  p.  121. 

1755.     Postholder  in  Wacquepo. 

Some  Indian  Cliianias  living  in  these  parts  .  .  .  The  aforesaid  Indians 
have  been  living  here  already  some  years,  and  being  free  men  I  cannot  compel 
them  to  depart  from  here.  B,  C,  II,  122, 

1763.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  nation  of  3Ianoas  (called  here  along  the  bank  Magrnouws)  being  dissat- 
isfied with  the  treatment  they  received  from  the  Portuguese  of  Brazil,  had  resolved 
to  come  to  this  Colony  to  make  a  Treaty  of  Commerce  with  us.         Same,  p.  222, 


INDIA.NS.  275 

THE    INDIANS   CONSIDERED    BY   TH  EMSELVES-VARIOUS   TRIBES, 
UNCLASSIFIED-Continued). 

1767.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Creole  Tampoko  ,  .  .  reported  that  the  Postholder  and  assistant  at 
Arinda  had  not  run  away,  nor  been  killed,  but  that  the  nation  of  the  Maiioas,  here 
called  Mjigiiamvs,  had  been  making  a  raid  through  the  country  and  had  come  to 
the  Post  and  carried  off  both  the  Postholder  and  the  assistant ;  that  they  had 
taken  all  the  goods  and  destroyed  the  buildings.  This  nation  is  an  ally  of  the 
Portuguese  of  Brazil.  B.  C,  III,  1^2. 

1767.     Commandeur  in  Demerary. 

[The  Arowak  Acuways]  are  far  superior  to  the  Caribs  in  courage  and  daring ; 
they  are  at  the  present  moment  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Caribs,  and  are  the 
sworn  enemies  of  the  real  Acuways,  who  live  up  in  the  river  Rupununi ;  here  in 
the  river  they  are  called  the  Aruwak  Acuways,  because  they  are  descended  from 
Aruwaks  and  Acuways,  but  their  right  name  is  Wauwejaus.  Same,  p.  160. 

1769.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

We  thus  prevented  the  attack  which  was  plotted  against  the  Indian  tribe  of 
Cueuicotos,  who  are  on  the  southern  boundary  of  these  Missions,  and  to  the 
north  of  the  river  Apononi.  B.  C,  IV,  22. 

1 77 1.     Commandant  of  Guiana. 

The  Purueotas    ...     of  the  River  Parime.  Same,  p.  pp. 

1779.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

The  Gfuarauna  tribe  is  the  most  inconstant  and  variable  among  almost  all  the 
tribes  that  occupy  all  the  creeks  of  the  Orinoco.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  2J4. 

1788.     Don  Miguel  Marmion. 

The  Meta  from  its  mouth  up  to  the  first  settlements  ...  is  nearly  a  desert, 
or  at  most  inhabited  by  the  (liiiajibos  Indians,  a  nomadic  nation,  impossible  to 
subdue,  cowardly  and  very  treacherous.  B.  C,  V,  jj. 

1802.     Commandant  of  Berbice,  Demerary  and  Essequibo. 

The  interior  of  Guyana  is  inhabited  by  various  tribes  of  Indians,  who  are 
generally  termed  "  Buks."  Those  residing  nearest  the  sea,  .  .  .  are  the 
Arawaak,  the  Akawye,  the  Worrows  and  the  Charibbs.  But  of  late  vei-y  few  of 
them  have  made  their  appearance,  and  it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  this  circum- 
stance has  arisen  from  dissatisfaction.  It  would,  however,  be  better  policy  to 
keep  these  people  in  good  humour,  and  ,  .  .  their  attachment  may  be 
secured  at  a  very  small  expense.  Same,  pp.  //'2-i/j. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  Paraimiiia  inhabit  the  interior  between  the  Upper  Demerary  and 
Essequibo  ;  they  are  subservient  to  the  Accaways  and  Caribisce,  few  in  number, 
and  not  qualified  for  service.  B.  C,  VI,  2y. 

1833.     Protector  of  Indians  in  Pomeroon. 

In  the  district  of  your  reporter  the  principal  tribes  who  inhabit  nearest  the 
cultivation  are  Caribs,  Arrowacks,  Warrows,  and  Some  Spauisli  Indians. 

Same,  p.  48. 


2Y0  INDIANS. 

THE    INDIANS   CONSIDERED    BY   TH  EMSELVES-VARIOUS  TRIBES, 
UNCLASSIFIED-(Continued). 

1840.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The     .     .     .     Aborigiiiocs  within  the  boundaries  of  British  Guiana     .     .    . 

consist  of  the  following  tribes  :  Arawaak,  Warrau,  Caribi  or  Carribisi,  Accawai  or 
Waccawaio,  Taruma,  Macusi,  Arecuna,  Wapisiana,  Atorai  or  Atoria,  and 
Woyawai.  V.  C,  III,  314. 

1853.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Indians  of  the  Maiong-nng  nation     .     .     .     settled  on  the  River  Wieney. 

B.  C,  VI,  igj. 

1865.     Editor  of  British  Counter  Case. 

[Four  Maiong-kong's],  a  tribe  residing  about  the  source  of  Cuyuni  River. 

B.  C.-C,  A  pp.,  30S. 

[Arecnnas]  A  tribe  living  about  Roraima,  and  north  of  the  source  of  the 
Cuyuni.  Same,  p.  jog. 

1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

Different  tribes  of  Indians  within  the  [Pomeroon-Judicial]  district  as  well 
as  the  special  parts  inhabited  by  each.  Spanish  Arawaks  [dwell  at]  Morooka, 
upper.  B.  C,  VII,  237. 

RELATIONS    TO    ESSEQUIBO    DUTCH-HOSTILITY    TO. 

1637.     Jacques  Ousiel. 

The  great  fort  [of  the  Dutch  in  Trinidad],  which  is  likewise  a  stockade,  built 
only  as  a  defence  ag-ainst  the  €aribs.  B.  C,  I,  S3. 

1679.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

There  lately  came  tidings  of  the  approach  of  a  strong  fleet  of  Caribs  from 
the  Corentyn  with  intent  to  visit  this  [Essequibo]  river  and  Pomeroon,  having 
perhaps  a  secret  understanding  with  the  Caribs  dwelling  here  to  make  a  common 
attack  upon  us.  Satne,  pp.  1S1-1S2. 

1680.  Pitri  Dirguian. 

He  stated  that  they  had  left  Berbis  in  quest  of  some  Caribs  who  had  killed 
SCYcral  Hollanders;  that  they  had  found  said  Caribs  at  the  mouth  of  the  river 
Orinoco  and  killed  them.  V.  C.-C,  III,  14. 

1681.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

By  reason  of  the  Accoway  war  in  Cuyuni,  ...  No  one  dares  to  trust 
himself  among  that  faithless  tribe.  B.  C,  1, 1S4. 

1684.  Commandeur  and  Planters  in  Essequibo. 

Two  or  three  hostile  [bands  of  natives  J]  from  Coppenani  surprised  and  at- 
tacked the  barque  of  Captain  Gideon  Biscop,  lying  in  the  Barima  .  .  .  and 
killed  the  said  Captain  with  all  his  men.  Same,  p.  jSS, 

1685.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  dispersed  and  hunted-away  Caribs  from  the  Copename  River  are  flying 
to  leeward  about  Barima,  Weyni,  Amacoora,  often  alarming  this  coast,  and 

sometimes  slaying  some  unlucky  Arowak  Indians  or  Christians.       Same,  p.  iSS. 


INDIANS.  277 

RELATIONS     TO     ESSEQUIBO     DUTCH-HOSTILITY     TO-(Continued). 

1689.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

It  was  at  tlie  hands  of  French  and  Caribs  from  Barima  that  the  Poincroon 
colony  fell,  in  April  of  1689.  V.  C.-C,  II,  i2j. 

1723.  Court  of  Policy  in  Esseqiiibo. 

Necessary  to  send  two  equipped  boats  up  in  the  falls  of  Esseqiiibo  for  a 
month,  with  three  or  four  Christians,  in  order  to  keep  an  eye  upon  the  Mag:a- 
nouts,  since  evil  reports  were  daily  heard  from  that  nation.  B.  C„  I,  2jj. 

1724.  Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

According  to  reports  received  the  Maganout  nation  were  killing  all  whom 
they  could  lay  hands  on  up  in  Essequibo,  and  they  were  driving  away  all 
other  nations  who  were  our  friends.  His  Honour  maintained  that  it  was  very 
necessary  foi'  the  protection  of  the  wliole  Colony  to  extirpate  and  annihilate 
these  rebels,  if  possible.  B.  C,  II,  2. 

1725.  Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

Reports  are  daily  received  concerning*  the  Maganout  nation,  and    .      .     . 

attention  should  be  paid  to  the  matter,  whereupon  it  was  resolved  to  send  two 
proper  soldiers  to  the  Plantation  Nieuw  Cortrijk  [about  20  miles  up  the 
Essequibo  from  its  junction  with  the  Cuyuni-Mazaruni  and  on  the  east  bank] 
.  .  .  to  keep  a  good  lookout,  ...  in  case  of  treason  they  are  ordered  to 
give  immediate  information  to  Mr.  van  derKaay,  as  well  as  to  the  nearest  planta- 
tion, which  is  Oosterbeek  [about  15  miles  up  the  Essequibo  from  its  junction  with 
the  Cuyuni-Mazariuni  and  on  the  east  bankj,  and  which  shall  further  be  obliged 
to  send  immediate  warning  to  the  Commandeur,  and  to  give  these  soldiers  a  3-pr. 
and  ammunition,  this  being  considered  necessary,  since  the  Mag"anouts  must 
first  pass  tliere  if  tliey  wish  to  come  by  water  and  injure  this  river. 

Same,  p.  J. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Postholder  of  Wacquepo  and  Moruka  came  the  day  before  yesterday 
[July  18,  1746J,  to  inform  me  that  a  nation  of  Indians  have  come  down  from 
Orinoco  and  have  attacked  tlie  Caribs   subject    to  us  in  the  River  Wayni 

[  }  the  Akawaini,  a  small  tributary  of  the  Pomeroon.  See  V .  S.  Com.  Rep.,  Ill, 
pp.  2SJ-2S4.  Also  B.  C,  II,  pp.  4S  D  and  JO  C],  have  killed  several,  and  have 
threatened  that  they  would  extirpate  them  all.  ...  I  have  strong  reasons  to 
suspect  that  the  Indians  have  been  sent  by  the  Spaniards  of  Cumana. 

Same,  p.  4^. 

1748.     Court  of  Justice. 

Upon  the  charges  of  Gerrit  van  Leeuwen,  a  colonist,  .  .  .  Gerrit  van 
Leeuwen  .  .  .  deposed  that  the  Indian  named  Tobias,  being  his  slave,  had 
had  the  audacity  to  strike  liim  on  the  head  with  a  piece  of  timber  and  grievously 
wound  him  whilst  he  lay  asleep  at  night  in  the  River  Cuyuni. 

The  Indian  .  .  ,  did  openly  confess  without  being  put  to  any  kind  of 
torture  that  he  had  done  so  .  .  .  we  considered  the  aforesaid  Indian  de- 
serving of  death,  and  therefore  passed  the  following  sentence. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  I  go. 

1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

A  war  witli  tlie  natives  would  be  the  ruin  of  tlie  Colony.        B.  C,  II,  6s. 


27S  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS     TO     ESSEQUIBO      DUTCH-HOSTILITY    TO-(Continued). 

1 75 1.     Acting  Commandeur  in  Essequibo, 

The  aforesaid  Postholder  [in  Arinda]  has  also  reported  to  me  that  those  of 
the  Magrauoiit  nation  are  attacking?  and  driving-  away  the  otlier  nations 
far  up  in  the  Essequibo,  and  that,  .  .  .  they  liad  killed  a  certain  trader 
named  Pieter  Lons.  ^-  C.,  II,  71. 


1752.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Since  my  return  here  they  [the  Caribs]  pitifully  murdered  a  certain  B.  de 
Beaumont,  as  well  as  six  of  the  men  he  had  with  him  when  on  their  return 
journey  with  tobacco.  The  other  two,  although  severely  wounded,  were  rescued 
by  our  colonist,  J.  Smit,  who  was  returning  from  Orinoco  with  horses. 

Same,  p.  76. 

1755.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  nation  of  the  Acnways,  which  is  very  strong  in  the  interior,  and  some  of 
whose  villages  both  in  Essequibo  and  in  Massaruni  and  Demerary  are  situated 
next  to  our  plantations,  commenced  by  attacking  the  dwellin8:s  of  some  free 
Creoles  belonging  to  the  plantation  Oosterbeek  and  massacring  those  they 
found  there.  S^"^^'  P-  ^^o. 


1756.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

As  peace  has  not  yet  been  made  with  the  Acuways  of  Mazaruni  and  Esse- 
quibo, I  am  obliged  to  leave  the  garrison  at  the  old  fort.  Same,  p.  i2g. 


1756.     Assistant  at  Arinda. 

On  the  27th  May,  [1756J,  I  was  told  by  an  Ackewey  of  Demerara  that  the 
Ackeways,  who  did  so  much  mischief  last  year,  are  again  getting  themselves 
and  their  slaves  ready  to  war  against  the  Christians.  Same,  p.  130. 


1758.     Stephen  Hiz,  postholder  in  Cuyuni. 

Asked  .  .  .  what  was  the  object  of  occupying  that  Post  [on  the  Cuyunij,  he 
answered  ...  to  apprehend  negro  slaves  who  escaped  from  Essequibo  ;  and 
to  obstruct  and  restrain  tlie  Carib  tribe,  so  tliat  they  miglit  not  do  any 
injury,  by  way  of  that  river,  either  to  those  of  the  said  Colony  or  to  the  neigh- 
bouring Spaniards  and  domesticated  Indians. 

Asked  with  what  motive  he  took  up  arms  against  the  Spaniards,  ...  he 
answered  .  .  .  that  he  wished  to  rise  in  order  to  escape,  being  under  the 
impression  they  were  Caribs.  Same,  p.  i6j. 


1769.     Postholder  in  Cuyuni. 

I  have  heard  from  a  Carib  that  the  Caribs  of  the  Mazaruni  were  coming  down 
with  this  flood  to  carry  off  the  Caribs  of  Cuyuni  to  the  Mazaruni,  and  were  also 
coming  to  llic  Post  to  kill  me  and  Gerrit  van  Leeuw.  ...  It  is  my  in- 
tention ...  to  remove  the  Post  to  an  island  Toenamoeto,  lying  between  two 
falls,  and  on  that  island  the  post  will  be  better  and  healthier.  I  have  already 
commenced  to  make  a  clearing  there.  V.  C,  II,  iSg. 


INDIANS.  279 

RELATIONS    TO     ESSEQUIBO     DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE    OF,    AS 
ALLEGED    IN    CASES    AND    COUNTER    CASES. 

.     British  Case. 

The  policy  of  maintaining  an  alliance  with  the  Iiuliaiis  and  of  protecting 
them  from  outrage  and  wrong  either  at  the  hands  of  Europeans  or  of  one  another 
was  continued  [by  the  British].  B.  C,  //. 

In  1(>38  it  was  reported  to  the  King  of  Spain  that  tliC  Dutch  .  .  .  were 
in  close  alliance  with  tlie  Caribs.  Same,  pp.  2^-26. 

At  the  time  of  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  (1714)  the  Dutch  .  .  .  had  estab- 
lished friendly  relations  with  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  interior,  who  looked  to  them 
as  their  arbiters  in  tribal  disputes,  and  offered  them  assistance  in  time  of  hostile 
attack.  Same,  p.  j2. 

As  early  as  the  seventeenth  century  and  thenceforward,  the  Company  found  it 
necessary,  not  only  to  regulate  trade  itself,  but  also  to  exercise  control  of  a 
political  nature  over  the  district  in  which  trade  was  carried  on.  It  was  impera- 
tive that  the  Indians  with  whom  the  trade  was  carried  on  should  be  prevented 
from  making  war  upon  one  another,  and  should  be  protected  from  outrag-e  at 
tiie  hands  of  Europeans.  Same,  p.  S4. 

The  Dutch  considered  the  Indians  of  Guiana  as  their  subjects,  and  tlie  In- 
dians, on  their  part,  looked  to  the  Dutch  Ciovernment  in  the  Colony  for 
protection  against  any  ill  treatment  at  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  Thus, 
in  1724,  the  Court  of  Policy,  on  learning  that  the  Maganouts  (Manoas)  had  at- 
tacked the  Caribs  and  Akawois,  gave  instructions  for  the  commencement  of  hos- 
tilities, because  the  Akawois  and  Caribs  killed  were  "  under  the  protection  of  this 
river."  Same,  p.  gy. 

In  their  relations  with  the  Spaniards  and  with  other  tribes  of  Indians,  the 
Caribs  .  .  .  acted  under  the  control  of  the  Dutch,  and  recognized  their  pro- 
tectorate. The  Dutch  on  their  part  assumed  the  responsibilities  of  a  Protect- 
ing' Power.  Same,  p.  gS. 

The  Indians  of  that  district  [Mazaruni]  shared  in  the  subsidy  given  by  the 
Dutch,  and  had  their  Captains  appointed  by  them,  like  the  Indians  of  Cuyuni 
and  Essequibo. 

In  the  Upper  Cuyuni  as  early  as  1746,  and  again  in  1757,  the  Caribs  were 
prevented  from  attacking-  the  Spanish  Missions  in  that  neighbourhood,  because 
the  Dutcli  Commandeur  regarded  tliem,  and  had  reason  to  believe  that  the 
Spaniards  also  regarded  them,  as  belonging-  to  Dutch  jurisdiction. 

Same,  p.  iij. 

The  Indians  of  Guiana  submitted  to,  acknowledged,  and  supported  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  Dutcli  and  IJritish  respectively  within  the  territory  now  in  dis- 
pute. 

The  Dutch  and,  subsequently,  the  British,  claimed  and  exercised  the  right 
of  appointing  the  Captains  of  the  Indians  who  were  officially  recognized  as 
such  by  the  Government  of  the  Colony.  Same,  p.  iig. 

The  Indian  Captains  were  appointed  by  the  Dutch  and  British  Govern- 
ments. Same,  p.  162. 


280  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    ESSEQUIBO    DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE    OF,     AS 
ALLEGED   IN  CASES  AND  COUNTER  CASES-(Continued). 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

In  1701  the  Dutch,  who  had  then  made  peace  with  them  [Caribs],  called 
upon  them  for  their  aid  against  the  French  and  the  Spaniards  in  the  war 

which  then  threatened  the  Colony.  B.  C.-C,  64. 

Dutch  subjects  were  resident  at  different  times  in  various  parts  of  the  Up- 
per Cuj  uni  Valley,  and  were  in  alliance  with  the  Indians  there. 

Sajue,  p.  7J. 

All  the  Indians  of  the  [Bariiua]  district  considered  themselves  to  be  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  Dutch.  Same,  p.  77. 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

Dutch  relations  witli  the  Indians  .  .  .  were  never  of  such  a  character 
as  to  afford  a  foundation  for  a  claim  of  Dutch  sovereignty  to  the  territory  in 
dispute.  V.  C.-C,  24. 

The  Dutch  did  not  attempt  to  exercise  jurisdiction  over  the  Indians,  but 

only  over  Dutchmen.  .  .  .  So  in  the  case  of  Marichal ;  the  Carib  chief  who 
appeared  before  the  Court  and  confessed  .  .  .  ^  saying  .  .  .  "  /  com- 
mitted the  deed,"  the  Court  found  that  Marichal  had  not  instigated  him  to  do 
the  deed,  acquitted  the  Dutch  colonist,  and  took  no  notice  whatever  of  the  con- 
fessed crime  of  the  Carib  chief.  Satve,  pp.  94-Qj. 

Except  over  the  Indians  living  in  the  Colony  itself,  or  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  the  posts,  the  Dutch  authorities  exercised  no  political  control  whatever ;  and 
.  .  .  even  over  the  Indians  at  the  posts,  such  control  as  was  exercised 
depended  largely,  if  not  entirely,  on  the  permission  of  the  Indians  themselves. 

Same,  p.  gj. 

That  the  Dutch  did  not  control  a//,  but  merely  some  of  these  Indians  .  .  . 
would  certainly  be  nearer  the  truth.  .  .  .  The  fact  is  that  no  such  general 
control  was  ever  exercised,  either  with  the  consent  of  the  Indians  or  otherwise. 
.  .  .  The  only  Indians  who  ever  came  under  any  sort  of  Dutch  control 
were  the  Indians  who  were  settled  within  the  Colony,  or  wlio  were  collected 
about  the  posts.  Same,  p.  pp. 

That  the  Dutch  exercised  no  jurisdiction  over  the  Indians  beyond  these 
posts  seems  clear.  Same,  p.  102. 

The  Dutch  did  not  assume  over  the  Indians  tliat  command  which  is  an  es- 
sential element  of  sovereignty. 

This  manner  of  dealing  with  the  Indians  implies  a  state  oi  friendship  rather 
than  a  condition  of  allegiance  or  servitude.  This  was  in  fact  what  was  sought 
by  the  Dutch  and  what  actually  at  times  existed.  It  was  a  friendship  without 
any  obligation  to  assist  on  the  part  of  the  Indians.  It  was  an  alliance  for  the 
mutual  benefit  of  both  without  any  thought  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  that  they 
were  surrendering  their  freedom  or  that  they  were  recognizing  Dutch  sovereignty. 

Same,  p.  loj. 


INDIANS.  281 

RELATIONS     TO        ESSEQUIBO     DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE     OF,     AS 
ALLEGED  IN  CASES  AND  COUNTER  CASES-(Continued). 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

The  Dutch  never  claimed  to  be  sovereigns  over  the  Indians,  .  .  . 
they  never  treated  the  Indians  sis  subjects,  ...  the  two  were  at  times 
bitter  enemies  and  ...  at  best  they  were  quondam  friends  and  allies, 
nothing  more.  V.  C.-C,  /oj. 

In  Dutch  times  the  Indians  selected  their  own  Chiefs,  and  such  authority  as 
was  vested  in  them  emanated  from  the  Indians  themselves.  The  gewgaws, 
which  these  Chiefs  at  times  received  from  the  Dutch  authorities,  tickled  their 
vanity,  and  their  recogititio7i  as  Chiefs  by  the  Dutch  probably  gave  them  a  feel- 
ing of  still  greater  satisfaction  ;  but  never  did  they,  nor  the  Dutch  for  that  mat- 
ter, suppose  that  such  act  conferred  any  authority  on  the  Chief.  The  Chief  was 
the  principal  man  of  his  family  or  tribe,  and  it  was  precisely  because  lie  was 
Chief  that  the  Dutch  courted  his  friendshii).  Same,  p.  loS. 

RELATIONS     TO      ESSEQUIBO     DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE      OF,      AS 
SHOWN  BY  THE  WORDS  INVITE,  PERSUADE.  INDUCE,   ETC. 

1637.     Don  Juan  Desologuren. 

The  licence  of  their  lives  has  made  them  masters  of  all  the  people  of  those 
islands  from  which  their  merchandize  is  drawn,     .     .     .     the  Indians  embrace 

their  company,  because  they  imitate  the  barbarity  of  their  lives  and  allow  them 
to  enjoy  full  liberty  without  constraint  of  tributes,  labour,  or  the  sweet  yoke  of 
the  Gospel,  heavy  in  their  opinion.  B.  C,  I,  yy. 

1680.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  trade  in  hammocks  and  letter-wood  has  this  year  not  had  the  desired 
success,  on  account  of  the  war  between  those  [Indians]  of  Cuyuni,  Esse- 
quibo, and  Mazaruni,  and  the  Accoways  who  live  up  country  ;  and  we  have  re- 
peatedly .  .  .  tried  to  persuade  the  highest  Chief  to  make  peace  ...  to 
that  end  offering  axes  and  other  wares.  They  even  tJireatened,  if  we  would  not 
let  them  continue  the  war,  to  depart  in  great  numbers  to  Barima  and  elsewhere. 
These  being  the  most  important  traders  in  dye,  I  was,  to  my  sorrow,  compelled  to 
desist;  and  hereby  [/.  c,  by  the  Indian  war]  the  River  Cuyuni,  our  provision 
Chamber,  is  closed.  In  addition  we  lately  have  been  embittered  by  the  death  of 
Gilles,  an  old  negro  of  the  Company,  recently  poisoned  up  in  the  Cuyuni,  as  the 
Caribs  pretend,  by  the  Accoways.  On  that  account  the  aforesaid  old  negroes 
have  become  afraid  to  have  intercourse  with  that  tribe ;  I  shall,  however,  be- 
think me  of  means  for  conciliating  that  tribe.  Same,  pp.  1SJ-1S4. 

1686.     Essequibo  Council  Minutes. 

Another  Carib  Captain  in  Mazaruni,  named  Makourawacke,  .  .  .  had 
slain,  at  a  Carib  [village]  .  .  .  some  Akuwayas  dwelling  not  far  from  the 
annato  store  before  mentioned,  and  friends  of  ours  and  of  the  Caribs. 

Friends  [of  the  slain  Akuways]  seeking  revenge,  .  .  .  having  killed  both 
married  women  and  children  of  the  Caribs,  have  so  intimidated  the  rest  that  they 
.     .     .     have  fled  to  the  forest. 

When  Makourawacke,  with  his  tribe,  were  wishing  to  go  to  war  with  the 
Akuwayas  up  in  Demerara,  they  were  then  dissuaded  .  .  .  and  advised 
to  .  .  .  make  war  far  away  in  Mazaruni,  and  moreover  inland  against  their 
common  enemy,  not  against  their  and  our  friends  who  dwelt  close  by  the 
Caribs  and  the  aunatto  store.  Same,  p.  202. 


282  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE  OF,  AS 
SHOWN  BY  THE  WORDS,  INVITE,  PERSUADE,  INDUCE,  ETC- 
(Continued). 

1696.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  have  resolved  to  instruct  you  hereby  ...  to  ...  do  everything 
to  preserve  quiet  and  peace  among  the  Indians.  B.  C,  I,  213. 

1755.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Council  has  sent  to  Barima    ...     to  invite  hither  the  Chief  of  tlie 

Carihs  who  murdered  the  Acuways  in  Mazaruni,  to  be  present  at  the  Session. 

B.  C,  //,  123. 

1763.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  shall  write  to  Post  Arinda  as  soon  as  possible  to  instruct  the  Postholder  to 
induce  the  Carib  nation,  by  the  promise  of  a  recompense,  to  take  up  arms  in 
this  matter  (mutiny  of  slaves  in  Berbice).  Safne,  p.  223. 

At  the  beginning  of  these  troubles  [slave  rising  in  Berbice]  I  had  sent  to  Up- 
per Essequibo  to  warn  the  Indian  nations,  and,  if  possible,  to  g:et  theui  to 
take  up  arms.  They  did,  indeed,  hold  their  arms  in  readiness,  but  went  no 
farther.  Same,  p.  224.   \ 

1764.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Colonist  E.  Pipersberg  is  the  only  man  to  my  knowledge  who  has  been 
any  distance  up  the  river  [Mazaruni]  in  pursuit  of  thirteen  of  his  runaway 
slaves,  whom  he  got  back,  too,  from  a  nation  wliicli  liad  never  seen  a  white 
man,  and  which  refused  him  admittance  to  its  land,  he  having  got  his  slaves 
back  through  the  medium  of  a  free  Indian  known  to  that  nation,  and  by  means 
of  payment.  ^-  <^->  ^^  ^og. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  get  any  Indians  up  to  the  present  to  aid  me  in  re- 
establishing the  Post  in  Cnyuni,  and  without  tlieir  help  it  cannot  be  done, 

.     I  am  in  great  difficulties  with  this  work,  and  the  re-establishment  of  that 
Post  is,  in  my  opinion,  of  the  greatest  necessity.  Same,  p.  117. 

1765.  Director-General  m  Essequibo. 

A  murder  .  .  .  having  been  committed  by  the  Indians  themselves.  One 
of  the  murderers,  brought  here  and  imprisoned,  has  killed  himself  before  being 
brought  to  trial,  wherein  he  would  probably  have  been  acquitted,  and  his  corpse 
has  been  hung  on  the  gallows  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  deceased's  friends.  The 
principal  one  has  not  been  apprehended,  and  I  have  told  the  complainants  that 
they  must  themselves  apprehend  him  and  bring  him  here,  in  which  case  he 
should  receive  his  well-deserved  punishment.  Same,  p.  126. 

1767.     Commandeur  in  Demerary. 

Had  I  not  proposed  that  we  ought  to  try  and  persuade  tlic  Owl  of  the  Aru- 
wak  Acuways,  either  by  promises  or  presents,  to  come  down  below  the  falls 
with  his  force  of  Indians,  and  there  to  wait  for  the  coming  of  the  negroes,  or  to 
go  and  meet  them  with  his  people.  Same,  p.  160. 

1767.     British  Case. 

I  In]  1767  .  .  .  the  Arowak-Akawois  were  ready  to  give  their  help  to 
the  Dutch.  ^-  C.,  94- 


w 


INDIANS.  2R3 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE  OF,  AS 
SHOWN  BY  THE  WORDS,  INVITE,  PERSUADE,  INDUCE,  ETC- 
(Continued). 

1768.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Having  also  been  obligred  to  remove  Pierre  Martin,  the  Postliolder  of  Cuy- 
uni  (because  the  Indians  will  on  no  account  have  a  Frenclinian  there)  as 

well  as  the  one  in  Maroco,  I  have  no  one  there  now  but  the  two  assistants. 

B.  C,  ///,  164. 

1772.     British  Case. 

This  assistance  the  Akawois  again  ofifered  in  1772  on  the  outbreak  of  a 
fresh  revolt.  B.  C,  pj. 

1772.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  never  seen  any  Acuways  come  to  onr  assistance  Avith  arms.  They 
are  good  friends,  but  nothing  further.  Last  week,  however,  five  of  them  came 
down  and  went  to  Van  der  Heyde,  saying  that  their  nation  would  come  down 
the  Denierary  to  aid  us.  B.  C,  IV,  loj. 

1776.     West  India  Company. 

Means  of  protection  will  have  to  be  resorted  to  [to  stop  slaves  deserting]  either 
by  well  manning  the  posts,  or  by  small  forts,  or  by  outliers,  or  all  of  these, 
together  with  the  aid  of  the  free  Indians,  from  whom  it  seems  to  this  body  that 
probably  the  most  advantage  is  to  be  expected,  and  whose  friendship  must 
thei'efore  be  cultivated  by  all  available  means,  and  all  causes  for  offence 
avoided.  Same,  p.  161. 

1778.     Court  of  Policy,  Essequibo. 

The  Indians  [were]    .    .    .    asked    ...    to  accept  of  the  presents. 

Sa7ne,  p.  iSy. 

If  they  have  any  grievance  amongst  them,  to  come  forward  and  make 
it  known,  and  that  if  they  are  wishful  of  visiting  here,  they  shall  always  be  wel- 
come and  be  well  received.  Same,  p.  188. 

1778.     Essequibo  Letter. 

If  they  [Dutch]  should  there  [Moruka  Post]  among  the  Indians,  instead  of 
flattering  them  in  a  friendly  way,  introduce  military  rule,  and  become 
feared  and  dreaded  by  these  last,  the  Indians  who  till  this  day  have  remained 
will  forever  place  themselves  at  a  distance  from  us.  Same,  p.  igj. 

1790.     Report  of  Commissioners  on  Condition  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara. 

Since  these  [Indians]  are  free-born  people,  and  not  to  be  brought  under 
subordination,  and  not  always  to  be  won  even  by  money  or  presents,  it  follows 
that  one  must  in  this  matter  act  with  circumspection.  The  service  which  can 
be  expected  of  them  must  take  its  origin  only  in  good  will  and  inclination  toward 
their  neighbours,  or  even  in  the  rudiments  of  pride  ;  that  is  to  say,  in  their  consider- 
ing themselves  honoured  by  being  able  to  render  service  to  the  whites.  For  this 
reason,  it  should  not  be  looked  upon  as  an  act  for  which  we  pay  them,  but 
as  a  favour  received  from  them,  in  return  for  which  we  make  them  a  present  as  a 
remembrance  and  to  foster  friendship  for  the  future.  And  especially  must 
care  be  taken  that  no  Indian  be  ever  cheated  or  ill-treated  by  a  white. 

B.  C,  V,  80-Si. 


284  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS     TO     ESSEQUIBO      DUTCH-DEPENDENCE     UPON,     AS 
SHOWN  BY  THE  WORDS  ORDER,  THREAT,  DEMAND. 

1733.  British  Case.  j  9 

In  1733  the  Caribs  of  Barima    •    •     •    had  received  directions  from  them    '^ 
[Dutch]  to  prevent  any  settlement  of  Swedes  in  that  district.  B.  C,  11^. 

1734.  The  King  of  Spain. 

I  The  Dutch]  told  the  aforesaid  [Carib]  Indians  [in  Barima]  not  to  show  the 
Swedes  a  j?ood  place  for  their  settlement,  and  they  themselves  would  give  them    , 
all  they  required.  B.  C,  III,  81.    jl 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

They  [Caribs]  have  also  expressed  a  desire  to  surprise  the  Mission 
[reported  to  have  been  founded,  by  the  Spaniards,  on  the  Cuyuni]  and  level  it  to 
the  ground,  which  I,  not  without  trouble  have  prevented,  because  they  belong 
to  our  jurisdiction,  and  all  their  trade  being  carried  on  in  the  Dutch  Colonies,  such 
a  step  would  certainly  be  revenged  upon  us  by  the  Spaniards.  It  is  very  perilous 
for  this  Colony  to  have  such  neighbours  so  close  by.  B.  C,  II,  46. 

1752.     Court  of  Justice. 

Some  Caribs  from  the  Barima  came  and  complained  that  one  Christian  Tonsel 
continually  tyrannizes  over  them  all,  and  that  he  took  away  their  children  and 
friends  as  pledges  for  debts. 

Tonsil  is  sent  for,  and,  .  .  .  reprimanded  and  ordered  to  deliver 
to  the  Carib  his  children,  .  .  .  The  Caribs  being  at  the  same  time  sharply 
admonished  not  to  detain  or  conceal  any  slaves  belonging  to  Christians,  under 
pain  of  bein^  heavily  punished  therefor.  Same,  p.  yj. 

1755.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  already  sent  several  orders  for  some  of  the  Arnwaks  ...  to 
come  to  me  in  order  that  I  may  examine  them  and  send  them  to  the  Chiefs 
of  the  Acuways  to  try  and  establish  peace.  ...  I  have  sent  orders  .  .  . 
everywhere  to  bring  me  some  Acuways  here  either  by  persuasive  or  forcible 
measures,  and  I  have  hopes  that  when  I  get  some  to  speak  to  I  shall  be  able  to 
make  peace  with  them.  Same,  p.  121. 

1755.  Arraytana,  a  Carib  Chief. 

Performed  the  journey  to  Essequibo  .  .  .  because  I  had  been  summoned 
by  the  orders  of  my  ally,  His  Excellency,  who  told  me  .  .  .  that  .  .  . 
the  reason  why  he  had  summoned  me  [was]  in  order  to  tell  me  that  I  must  hold 
myself  in  readijiess  to  come  and  help  him  resist  the  Spaniards. 

I  asked  my  ally,  his  Excellency,  for  permission  to  go  to  Upper  Essequibo 
\boven  Essequibo]  in  order  to  make  my  bread  in  Masseroeny  before  my  journey 
to  Essequibo. 

Would  you  not  kill  those  who  seek  you.?  I  answered,  No;  because  your 
Lord,  my  ally,  only  recently  forbade  me  most  expressly  to  do  no  harm  to  the 
nation,  who  are  his  friends  or  allies.  Same,  p.  126. 

1756.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 
The  Carib  Chief,  Aretanna,     .     .     .     appeared  in  person,  in  consequence  of 

my  orders  sent  to  liim. 

I  had  charged  Adriaen  Christiaense  .  .  ,  to  summon  the  aforesaid 
Indian.  Same,  p.  125. 


INDIANS.  285 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-DEPENDENCE  UPON,  AS 
SHOWN  BY  THE  WORDS  ORDER,  THREAT,  DEMAND-(Con- 
tinued). 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  Caribs  are  deserting  them  [DiitcliJ  because  they  compel  them  to  fell 
large  forest  trees  with  great  labour.  B.  C,  //,  146. 

1758.     Military  Commandant  in  Essequibo  to  Spanish  Commandant  in  Orinoco. 

Our  Governor  has  always  striven  to  keep  up  good  relations  and  friendship 
with  his  neighbours ;  you  yourself,  Sir,  have  had  a  convincing  proof  of  this  when 
he  took  the  trouble  to  write  to  you  to  warn  you,  as  soon  as  he  had  received 
advice  that  the  Caribs  had  formed  the  plan  to  attack  your  Missions;  which 
warning,  and  his  repeated  interdictions  to  tlie  Caribs,  even  accompanied 
witli  threats,  have  prevented  the  execution.  Same,  p.  lyj. 

1758.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  ever  tried  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  the  Spanish  nation,  our  nearest 
neighbors.  I  have  always  used  all  my  power  to  prevent  the  savage  Caribs 
doing"  tliem  the  least  wrong-.  Same,  p.  iy8. 

1767.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  received  a  report  from  the  Post  in  Cuyuni  that  the  Indians  are  being  bribed 
and  incited  to  such  a  degree  that  they  are  unwilling  to  do  the  least  thing:  for 
the  Postholder,  and  that  when  he  orders  them  to  go  alongside  the  passing  boats 
to  see  whether  there  are  any  runaways  in  them,  they  obstinately  refuse  to  do  so, 
and  when  he  tlireatens  to  shoot  upon  them  they  reply  that  they  have  bows 
and  arrows  with  which  to  answer.  B.  C,  III,  143. 

1768.  British  Case. 

These  [Barima]  Caribs  were  so  thoroughly  under  the  control  of  the  Dutch 
Commandeur  that  when  attacked  by  the  Spaniards  and  certain  Dutch  deserters 
they  did  not  dare  to  defend  themselves  without  his  permission.       B.  C,  116. 

1769.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  also  fully  approve  of  the  orders  your  Honour  gave  to  the  Caribs  of  Barima. 

B.  C,  IV,  2g. 

1803.    Court  of  Policy. 

Tne  vexatious  treatment  which  has  been  received  by  the  Indians  on  the 
part  of  the  Postholders  by  demanding  labour  from  them,  for  which  they  are  not 
obliged,  neither  can  they  be  forced  to  do,  I3-  C.,  V,  iSi. 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH  -  INDEPENDENCE  OF,  AS 
SHOWN    BY    THE    WORDS    FRIEND,    ALLY^    NEIGHBOR,    ETC. 

1714.     West  India  Company  (Secret  instructions). 

They  shall  meet  the  same  as  far  as  possible  in  a  peaceful  manner,  and  seek  to 
gain  the  friendship  of  the  natives.  B.  C,  I,  242. 

He  shall  then  represent  .  .  .  that  they  have  come  there  as  friends,  in 
order  to  deal  in  friendship  with  those  people,  and  to  establish  a  trade  with  them. 

Same,  pp.  242-24J. 


286  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE  OF,  AS 
SHOWN  BY  THE  WORDS  FRIEND,  ALLY,  NEIGHBOR,  ETC- 
(Continued). 

1 7 14.     West  India  Company  (Secret  instructions).  l 

The   aforesaid   persons    [servants   of    the   W.   I.    Co.]    shall     .     .     .    note 

,     .     .     with  what   nation   or   people  they  [Indians  of  the  Upper  EsseqniboJ 

carry  on  trade,  and  whether  they  are  free  men  or  vassals  of  others,  and  if 

the  latter,  under  «hose  command  they  stand. 

AVliether  it  would  be  possible   to  take  possession  in  their  country,  and 

whether  it  would  be  possible  to  keep  such  possession.  B.  C,  I,  243. 

1732.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  sent  him  [Jacobus  van  der  Burg  one  of  the  Company's  servants]  ahoTC  the 
falls  in  Essequibo  on  the  15th  October,  1731,  with  orders  to  go  as  far  as  he  pos- 
sibly could,  to  deal  with  the  Indians  in  a  most  friendly  manner,  and  further  to 
see  whether  he  could  not  induce  any  Chiefs  to  come  here,  so  that  I  might  talk 
to  them  myself  by  means  of  interpreters.  B.  C,  II,  16. 

1740.     Court  of  Policy. 

[Granted]  to  J.  la  Riviere,  to  cut  a  bread-garden  in  the  upper  parts  of  the 
Creek  Itterbicie  without  interfering  with  the  Indians.  B.  C,  VII,  igi. 

1756.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Your  action  with  respect  to  the  Acuways  also  has  our  approval,  since  we  are 
fully  convinced  that  nothing  can  contribute  more  to  the  safety  of  the  colonies, 
than  a  kind,  but  at  the  same  time  circumspect,  treatment  of  the  neig-hbouriug 
native  tribes.  B.C.,  II,  127. 

1763.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Rivers  of  Pomeroon  and  Weyni,  full  of  Indians  of  the  Carib,  Arawak 
and  Warouw  nations,  whose  help  is  always  required  .  .  .  and  who  have 
also  to  be  kept  in  a  continual  sort  of  subjection  in  order  to  prevent  the  escape 
of  runaway  slaves,  and  to  facilitate  their  capture.  Same,  p.  226. 

1764.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Our  Caribs,  both  from  these  rivers  and  even  from  Barima,  have  loyally  done 
their  best  and  are  yet  doing  it,  constantly  roving  about  between  the  two  Colo- 
nies [Essequibo  and  Berbice].  B.  C,  III,  10^. 

1765.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Nothing  has  yet  been  heard  of  any  strangers  in  the  interior,  and  he  has  made 
such  arrangements  with  the  Indians  that  whoever  might  turn  up  would  be 
immediately  seized  and  sent  to  the  fort.  Same,  p.  J 20, 

1767.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  told  him  [the  Creole  Tampoko]  that  he  must  .  .  .  expressly  forbid 
the  Caribs,  in  my  name,  to  molest  our  Acuway  subjects.  Same,  p.  142. 

ll^^l-     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chambers). 

We  likewise  approve  of  the  hint  which  you  caused  to  be  given  in  your  name 
to  the  Caiibs,  namely,  that  they  must  not  molest  the  Acuways  subject  to  the 
Company.  Same,  p.  Jjo. 


INDIANS.  287 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE  OF,  AS 
SHOWN  BY  THE  WORDS  FRIEND,  ALLY,  NEIGHBOR,  ETC- 
(Continued). 

1767.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

He  [Moruka  Poslholder]  shall  treat  the  free  Indians  friendly  and  gently, 
and  not  wrong  them  in  any  way,  nor  shall  he  allow  them  to  be  ill-treated, 
wronged,  or  oppressed  by  any  one  else,  but  endeavour  as  much  as  possible  to 
entice  them  to  live  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Post. 

He  shall  also  make  the  Indians  keep  a  strict  look-out  after  the  runaway  red 
and  black  slaves.  B.  C,  III,  134. 

1768.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Our  colonies  here  on  the  coast  having  on  the  one  side  restless  neigrhhours 
who  cannot  long  remain  still,  and  on  the  other  side  the  Spaniards,  who  have  al- 
ready given  us  and  still  give  us  so  many  reasons  for  suspicion  that  we  can  really 
not  be  careful  enough.  Same,  p.  164. 

Now  our  Caribs  of  Essequibo  and  Massaruni  will  take  up  arms  [against  the 
Acuways].  Same,  p.  lyS. 

1768.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  friendship  of  the  Carihs,  though  otherwise  to  be  fostered  by  all  possible 
and  permissible  means,  might,  instead  of  being  advantageous  to  the  Colony,  be- 
come very  disadvantageous.  Same, p.  180. 

1768.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Carihs  of  Barinia  .  .  .  complained  that  some  of  our  deserters  with 
a  party  of  Spaniards  were  continually  molesting  them  in  Barima  and  robbing 
them  of  everything.  I  asked  them  whether  they  were  not  men  and  had  no  hands 
to  defend  themselves.  They  answered  "  Indeed,  they  had,"  but  that  they  did  not 
know  whether  they  might  do  so.  I  replied  that  they  must  indeed  be  careful 
to  give  the  Spaniards  not  the  slightest  reason  for  complaint,  but  that  if  they 
were  unjustifiably  attacked  they  might  stoutly  defend  themselves.  This  pleased 
them  very  much,  because  1  had  not  yet  been  willing-  to  grant  them  so  much 
liberty.  Same,  p.  183. 

\\    1769.     Remonstrance  of  States-General. 

Caribs  [in  Mazaruni]  (an  Indian  nation,  allies  of  the  Dutch  and  under  their 
jurisdiction).  B.  C,  IV,  29. 

1769.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  nation  of  the  Cai'ibs,  my  Lords,  are  looked  upon  as  nobles  among  the 
Indians.  It  is  a  very  good  thing  to  have  them  as  allies  or  friends,  for  they 
render  excellent  services,  but  they  are  formidable  enemies,  capable  of  more 
bravery  and  resistance  than  one  would  think.  When  their  principal  or  great  Owls 
come  to  me,  they  immediately  take  a  chair  and  sit  down,  and  will  eat  and  drink 
nothing  but  what  I  have  myself,  and  they  call  me  by  no  other  name  than  that  of 
"  mate  "  or  "  brother."  A  good  way  up  the  river  there  are  several  villages  of  that 
nation  which  white  people  have  never  seen.  These  are  well  populated,  and  the 
inhabitants  get  what  they  want  through  those  of  their  nation  who  deal  with  us, 
We  can  rely  upon  them  as  friends  in  case  of  need.  Same,  p.  j. 


288  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-INDEPENDENCE  OF,  AS 
SHOWN  BY  THE  WORDS  FRIEND,  ALLY,  NEIGHBOR,  ETC- 
(Continued). 

1769.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  chief  of  the  Caribs,  who  is  now  here,  goes  up  the  river  to-day.  He  has 
promised  me  to  attack  the  murderers  of  the  Postholder,  and  to  hold  all  his  people 
in  readiness  in  case  we  might  have  need  of  them.  Commandant  Backer  told 
him  this  morning  that  he  would  like  to  come  up  the  river,  and  asked  him 
whether  he  would  then  let  him  be  master.  He  answered,  "  No ;  I  am  mas- 
ter of  the  Caribs.  You  can  be  master  of  the  whites  and  of  the  other  nations, 
and  then  we  can  together  becomes  masters  of  everything."  I  let  him  see  one  of 
the  silver  ring-collars  which  I  still  have,  and  promised  to  give  it  to  him,  and  to 
give  him  some  clothes  (of  which  they  are  very  fond)  if  he  behaved  well. 

B.  C.,IV,  II. 

1772.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

[The  slaves  having  revolted,  IJ  immediately  sent  to  my  good  friends  the 
Caribs  on  all  sides  asking  tliem  to  come  to  our  help,  which  they  did  not  fail  to 
do,  for  they  came  down  from  all  parts,  and  as  I  write  they  are  three  hundred 
strong  on  the  coast  under  Councillor  Van  der  Heyde.  Same,  p.  lOj. 

1774.  Court  of  Policy  in  Demerary. 

Indians  ...  of  a  nation  whom  we  regard  as  free,  and  whose  help,  as- 
sistance, and  friendship  is  of  such  importance  to  us  that  your  Lordships  your- 
selves very  earnestly  recommended  us  to  live  in  harmony  with  them  but  a  short 
time  ago.  Same,  p.  123. 

1775.  Memorial  to  Director-General  and  Councillors  of  Essequibo. 

Pirates  and  evil-intentioned  persons,  who,  incited  by  and  allied  with  the 
Spaniards  make  raids  upon  our  coasts  and  kill,  carry  off,  and  drive  away  our  In- 
dians, our  protectors,  from  our  verj'  Posts  and  territory.  Same,  p.  i2g. 

1778.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  chief  task  of  a  Postholder  consists  in  trying,  by  friendly  and  familiar 
intercourse  to  win  over  the  Indians  more  and  more,  and  accustom  them  to  us. 

Same,  p.  1S6. 

1779.  Journal  kept  for  the  Government  in  Demerary. 

The  following  Indians  were  presented  with  commissions  as  Captains  or 
Owls  of  their  nation  : 

Carrouwe,  of  the  Aruwak  nation. 

Perivuris,  Arroywaynyma,  Maycoanaree,  Morabu,  Moraru  and  Morawarj-,  of 
the  Carib  nation. 

Abraham  and  Cloos,  of  the  Warouw  nation.  Same,  p.  2oy. 

1785.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  must  gratify  these  people  [CaribsJ  in  every  respect,  for  they,  on  onr  side, 
are  our  only  resource  against  the  negroes.  B.  C,  V,  36. 

I  am  laying  myself  out  for  again  winning  the  friendship  of  the   Indians 

again  entirely  for  our  nation,  notwithstanding  manifold  evil-treatment  in  previous 
times  and  manifold  changes  since  1781.  Same,  p.  jS. 


INDIANS.  289 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-INSOLENCE,  DEMANDS  MADE 
AND  DUTCH  TREATMENT  OF  INDIAN  COMPLAINTS. 

1729.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Coiuiiiaiidenr  lias  received   divers  complaints  from  the  free  Indians 

dwelling-  in  the  lower  portion  of  this  Colony  concerning  the  great  tyranny  to 
which  they  are  subjected  by  some  inhabitants,  from  which  it  is  to  be  feared  that 
if  those  vexations  are  not  prevented  and  put  a  stop  to  the  Indians,  following  the 
example  of  others,  will  also  leave  their  dwellings  and  proceed  elsewhere, 
thus  occasioning  great  embarrassment  here.  The  Commandeur  and  Councillors 
have,  therefore  .  .  .  expressly  forbid  all  servants  of  the  Honourable  Com- 
pany, as  well  as  the  respective  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  to  exercise  any  or  the 
least  tyranny  over  the  free  Indians  dwelling  in  or  around  this  river  or  further 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Honourable  Company,  or  to  employ  force  in  com- 
pelling them  to  work.  B.  C,  II,  g. 

1748.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Indians  were  in  the  highest  state  of  indignation  [against  the  Spaniards]  ; 
.  .  .  four  of  their  chiefs  were  on  the  point  of  coming  down  in  order  once 
more  to  come  and  complain  to  me. 

I  intend  to  tell  the  Chiefs  of  the  Indians  when  they  come  to  me,  that  I  can 
provide  no  redress  for  them,  and  that  they  must  take  measures  for  their 
own  security.  Same,  p.  38. 

1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  .  .  .  caused  the  natives  to  be  informed  of  this  [order  to  arrest 
Jan  Stok  who  raided  Arinda  Post],  and  caused  them  to  be  promised  satisfac- 
tion, with  a  request  to  send  their  Chiefs,  so  that  they  may  be  personally  present. 
This  some  have  already  assented  to,  ...  I  believe,  however,  that  as  soon 
as  they  learn  of  the  arrest  of  this  man  they  will  quite  return  to  calmness. 

However,  to  obviate  all  further  misfortunes  (for  a  war  with  the  natives  would 
be  the  ruin  of  the  Colony),  I  think  it  would  be  best  ...  to  prohibit  until 
further  orders  traffic  with  the  Indians  on  the  Rivers  Essequibo,  Massaruni,  and 
Cuyuni.  Same,  p.  dj. 

1756.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Accusations  made  against  Pieter  Marschal  concerning  the  war  v/ith  the 
Acuways. 

3Iarschal  was  declared  innocent  of  the  charges,  although  I,  and  many 
with  me,  think  him  really  guilty. 

He,  consequently,  returned  to  his  plantation,  but  on  his  arrival  there  the 
Acuways  .  .  .  appeared  again  in  large  numbers,  and  compelled  him,  if  he 
wished  to  save  his  life,  to  take  flig'ht  as  speedily  as  possible,  so  that  he  was 
obliged  to  leave.  ...  I  should  by  no  means  advise  him  to  think  of  returning 
to  his  place,  because,  whether  he  be  guilty  or  not  guilty,  the  Acuways  would 
certainly  kill  him.  Same,  p.  123. 

1761.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Spaniards  and  Spanish  Indians  in  Cuyuni  have  been  down  to  the  lowest  fall, 
where  your  Lordships'  indigo  plantation  is  situated,  driving  all  the  Indians  thence 
and  even  it  is  said,  having  killed  several.  The  Indians  sent  in  complaint  upon 
complaint.  Same,  p.  201. 


290  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-INSOLENCE,  DEMANDS 
MADE  AND  DUTCH  TREATMENT  OF  INDIAN  COMPLAINTS- 
(Continued). 

1 76 1.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

So  long  as  I  have  [held]  .  .  .  command  here  I  have  embraced  every  op- 
portunity of  preventing  the  Indians  from  annoying  them.  B.  C,  II,  202. 

1768.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

All  the  Indians  have  declared  that  they  will  liave  no  French  at  the  Posts, 

a  troop  of  more  than  100  Warouwans,  all  well  armed,  having  already  arrived  at 
the  Post  Maroco,  saying  that  they  came  to  see  whether  there  was  a  Frenchman 
there,  and  intending  to  kill  him  if  it  were  so.  B.  C,  III,  161. 

Pierre  Martin  has  come  down  the  river  from  Cuyuni,  the  Indians  flatly  refns- 
ing  to  come  and  live  anywhere  near  the  Post  so  long-  as  he  is  there  [he  being 
a  Frenchman].     They  will  have  a  Dutchman,  they  say.  Same, p.  162. 

1768.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

It  being  hard  to  catch  hares  with  unwilling  hounds,  you  cannot  do  otherwise 
than  accede  to  the  wish  of  the  Indians  in  Cuyuni  and  Moruca,  and  send  no 
Frenchmen  thither  as  Postholders.  Sa7ne,  p.  iSo. 

1785.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  had  the  honour  some  days  ago  to  have  here  some  (who  were  Caribs)  who 
were  very  insolent,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  negroes  said  that  if  they  obtain 
no  presents,  tliey,  if  once  again  a  revolt  occurred,  would  not  alone  abstain  from 
helping  the  whites,  but  would  assist  the  negroes  and  murder  tJie  wliites  with 
their  bananas,  salt  fish,  men  ;  so  much  they  desired  gifts  and  salempour  (clothes), 
cotton,  knives,  mirrors,  &c.,  out  of  the  store-house.  B.  C,  V,  36. 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-TREATIES  WITH  INDIANS. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

It  can  be  established  beyond  all  question  that  at  the  date  of  the  Treaty  the 
Dutch,  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Spaniards,  were  in  friendship  and  had  made 
alliances  with  the  native  races  of  Guiana,  especially  with  the  Caribs  who 

held  the  country  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Lower  Orinoco.  B.  C.-C,  40-41. 

1763.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Tlie  nation  of  Manoas  (called  here  along  the  bank  Mag-nouws)  being  dis- 
satisfied with  the  treatment  they  received  from  the  Portuguese  of  Brazil,  had  re- 
solved to  come  to  this  Colony  to  make  a  Treaty  of  Commerce  with  us. 

B.  C,  II,  222. 

1776.     Commandant  in  Rio  Essequibo. 

De  Bt'sc/iryvi/ige  Van  Guiana  ...  by  Hartsinck  ...  in  describing 
the    River  Berbice     .     .     .     states : — 

These  rivers  and  creeks  were  inhabited  by  the  Arawakas,  Warouwas,  and 
Schotjes  .  .  .  and  higher  up  by  the  Akuwayas  and  Caribs.  .  .  .  We 
Iiave  made  Treaties  of  Friendsliip  witli  all  these  races,  and  they  may  not  be 
sold  as  staves. 

"At  the  commencement  of  this  century  some  Captains  of  the  Schotjes  were 
sent  to  the  Netherlands  to  conclude  Treaties  of  Peace  with  our  people.    They 


INDIANS.  291 

RELATIONS    TO    ESSEQUIBO    DUTCH-TREATIES    WITH     INDIANS- 

(Continued). 

were  well  received,  and  sent  back  with  presents  and  with  clothes  and  handsome 
furnishings.  .  .  .  However,  .  .  .  in  .  .  .  1672  they  owned  a 
trading  house  on  the  River  Canje,  but  they  could  not  withstand  the  firearms  of 
the  Netherlanders,  being  compelled  to  retreat,  .  .  .  leaving  their  coasts  to 
their  conquerors,  who  thenceforth  lived  in  peace  and  friendship  with  the  remain- 
ing Indians.  They  left  them  in  an  entire  freedom,  and  promised  by  the  Treaty 
of  Peace  that  no  Caribs  of  that  coast,  or  Aruwakas,  Warauwas,  or  Akuwayas 
should  ever  be  reduced  to  slavery.  B.  C,  IV,  142-14J. 

1776.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

About  the  half-free  slaves  I  have  repeatedly  inquired,  but  I  can  nowhere  find 
proofs  that  this  half-freedom  is  hereditary. 

There  must  have  been  made  in  the  old  times,  a  Couveiitioii  between  the 
Europeans  and  the  free  Indian  natives,  of  which  he,  (Hartsinck)  also  makes 
mendon,  but  of  which,  likewise,  nothing  can  be  found  here.  Same,  p.  14J. 

1813.     Protector  of  Indians. 

Though  my  appointment  as  Protector  of  the  Indians  is  of  no  more  than  three 
or  four  years'  standing,  yet  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  calling,  on  the  behalf  of 
Government,  for  the  assistance  of  the  Indians  at  different  periods  since  the  year 
1795,  during  which  space  of  time  I  know  of  no  Treaty  or  Ag'reement  with  the 
Chiefs  of  Indian  tribes  implying  anything  of  the  nature  of  subsidy  or  tribute  ; 
nor  in  my  intercourse  with  these  nations  was  I  ever  authorized  by  this  Govern- 
ment to  make  any  promise  of  the  kind,  though  I  know,  from  a  residence  of 
thirty-three  years  in  the  country,  presents  were  generally  made  by  the  Dutch 
Government,  and  as  often  expected.  B.  C,  V,  204. 

1897.     George  L.  Burr. 

Tlie  treaties  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  with  native  tribes  are 
carefully  preserved  ;  but  tliere  is  none  with  the  Indians  of  (Guiana  No  such 
treaty  is  known  to  the  extant  records  of  the  Company  or  to  the  documents  trans- 
mitted from  the  colony.  .  .  .  Nor  have  I  found  anything  in  the  records  to 
suggest  that  the  Dutch  here  ever  looked  on  the  Indians  as  possessing  any  owner- 
ship of  land.  V.  C.-C,  II,  Sj. 

Of  treaties  with  the  Indians  there  is  no  record.  Same,  p.  SS. 

RELATIONS   TO    ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-ATTITUDE  ASSUMED  BY  THE 
DUTCH  TOWARDS  OTHERS  AS  TO  INDIAN  RELATIONS. 

1730.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

On  the  26th  May  of  last  year  [1729]  I  received  an  unexpected  visit  from  a 
French  gentlemen  named  Nicolas  Gervais,  Bishop  of  Orran,  coming  from  the 
Orinoco. 

He  expressed  to  me  his  intention  of  making  a  stay  in  or  about  this  Colony 
and  seeing-  whether  there  might  not  be  some  means  of  converting'  the  Indians 
of  these  lands  to  Christianity,  ...  I  demonstrated  to  him  tlie  impossibility 
thereof,  and,  furthermore,  that  it  was  not  in  my  power  to  grant  him  such 
permission. 

You  will  see  from  the  enclosed  letter,  .  ,  .  how  that  prelate  has  unhap- 
pily been  murdered  by  the  Indians  in  Aguirre.  B.  C,  II,  lo-ir. 


292  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH-ATTITUDE  ASSUMED  BY 
THE  DUTCH  TOWARDS  OTHERS  AS  TO  INDIAN  RELATIONS- 
(Continued). 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Carib  Indians  .  .  .  desire  to  surprise  the  [new]  Mission  [in 
Cuyuni]  and  level  it  to  the  ground,  which  I,  not  without  trouble,  have  pre- 
vented, because  they  belong  to  our  jurisdiction,  and  .  ,  .  such  a  step  would 
certainly  be  revenged  upon  us  by  the  Spaniards.  B.  C,  II,  46. 

1748.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Seeing  that  all  my  remonstrances  and  letters  to  the  Spaniards  are  of  no  avail, 
and  no  redress  is  obtainable,  I  intend  to  tell  tlie  Chiefs  of  the  Indians  when 
they  come  to  me,  that  I  can  provide  no  redress  for  them,  and  that  tliej  must 
take  measures  for  their  own  security.  Then  I  feel  assured  that  in  a  short  time 
no  Spaniard  will  be  visible  any  more  above  in  Cuyuni.  I  have  always,  but  with 
great  difficulty,  restrained  them,  and  prevented  all  hostilities  by  fair  promises. 

Same,  p.  ^S. 

The  Spaniards  were  beginning  to  approach  more  and  more  up  in  Cuyuni; 
but  a  war  having  some  weeks  ago  arisen  between  the  Carib  nation  and  that  of 
the  Warrows,  which  is  carried  on  very  obstinately,  this  will  stop  their  further 
progress,  and  possibly,  if  the  Caribs  obtain  the  upper  hand,  they  will  be  driven 
somewhat  farther  away,  witliout  our  liaving-  in  the  least  degree  to  meddle 
therewith.  V.  C,  II,  loi. 

1755.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Many  of  the  colonists    .     .     .     have  requested  me  to  send  out  an  invitation 

to  the  Carib  Indians  to  take  the  field  against  the  Acuways,  but  ...     I  have 

not  yet  decided  to  do  so.  B.  C,  II,  120. 

1757.     Court  of  Justice. 

Resolved,  ...  to  strictly  refuse  the  Caribs  .  .  .  powder  and  shot 
in  the  event  of  their  coming  down,  and  to  request  his  Excellency  to  give  in- 
formation of  this  rumour  [as  to  the  Caribs  attacli  upon  the  Mission]  as  speedily 
as  possible  to  the  Commandant  of  Guayana  in  order  to  avert  all  suspicions 
which  the  Spaniards  might  form  with  regard  to  this  colony.  Same,  p.  131. 

1763.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Postholder  of  Arinda  has  reported  .  .  .  that  the  nation  of  Manoas  (called 
here  along  the  bank  Magnouws)  being  dissatisfied  with  the  treatment  they  received 
from  the  Portuguese  of  Brazil,  had  resolved  to  come  to  this  Colony  to  make  a 
Treaty  of  Commerce  with  us,  and  that  a  strong  body  had  set  out  with  that  ob- 
ject. Also  that  the  Carib  nation,  jealous  of  its  trade,  .  .  .  had  now  assembled. 
.  .  .  and  had  lain  in  ambush  for  the  Manoas  in  order  to  prevent  their  progress. 
This  caused  a  sharp  fight,  in  which  both  sides  lost  heavily ;  but  the  Caribs  were 
totally  defeated  and  put  to  flight.  The  Manoas  .  .  .  postponed  their  journey 
till  this  year,  and  sent  word  to  the  Postholder  that  they  would  come  down  in  such 
numbers  as  to  have  no  fear  of  the  Caribs.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Caribs  are 
assembling  from  all  sides  in  order  to  oppose  them,  so  that  it  is  possible  that  we 
shall  this  year  see  one  of  the  bloodiest  and  most  obstinate  fights  that  has  probably 
taken  place  in  these  parts  for  100  years  or  more.  I  hope  the  Caribs  may  j?et 
a  good  Iiidiug,  because  1  have  always  wished  to  see  a  few  Manoas  here. 

Same,  pp.  222-223. 


INDIANS.  203 

RELATIONS  TO  ESSEQUIBO  DUTCH -ATTITUDE  ASSUMED  BY 
THE  DUTCH  TOWARDS  OTHERS  AS  TO  INDIAN  RELATIONS- 
i^Continued). 

1765.     Director-General  is  Essequibo. 

I  had  received  tidings  from  Upper  Massaruni  that  the  Carib  nation  was 
at  war  with  that  of  the  Actiways,  and  that  the  latter  had  massacred  all  the 
women  and  children  in  a  Carib  village  on  the  Massaruni. 

Not  without  some  reason  did  I  fear  that  we  should  ag-aiu  be  mixed  up 
in  this  as  we  were  a  few  years  ago,  especially  through  the  indiscretion  of  some 
itinerant  traders  and  avaricious  settlers,  who  allow  themselves  to  be  drawn  into 
these  quarrels  upon  the  slightest  inducement  of  profit,  supporting  one  or  other 
of  the  parties  either  with  arms  or  with  advice,  which  being  discovered  by  the 
other  side,  always  leads  to  fatal  results,  and  might  be  of  great  danger  to  the 
Colony  itself. 

I  .  .  .  set  out  upon  my  journey,  leaving  Commandant  Bakker  written 
instructions  ...  in  case  he  should  be  compelled  ...  to  send  any  sol- 
diers there,  to  give  .  .  .  strict  orders  to  act  simply  on  the  defensive,  and  not 
to  interfere  directly  or  indirectly  in  tlie  quarrels  of  the  Indians. 

The  .  .  .  Caribs  .  .  .  were  .  .  .  waiting  ...  to  fall  upon 
the  Acuways,  .  .  .  Wherefore  he  had  done  all  that  he  possibly  could  to  pacify 
the  two  nations,  and  had  fairly  succeeded.  B.  C,  II,  iig-120. 

1765.     West  India  Company. 

We  are  perfectly  at  one  with  your  Honour  that  the  restoration  of  the  Post  in 
Cuyuni  is  of  the  highest  necessity,  and  accordingly  it  was  most  acceptable  to  us 
to  learn  finally  that  Indians  had  been  found  to  oiFer  a  helping-  hand,  provided 
an  assurance  of  protection  against  the  Spaniards  was  griveu  them,  wliich  it 
was  easy  to  promise.  Same, p.  122. 

1765.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

In  the  war  between  the  Carib  and  Acuway  nations,  observe  a  strict  neu- 
trality, which  we  agree  with  you  in  thinking  extremely  important. 

Saincp,  I2j. 

1766.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  are  expecting  a  bloody  battle  every  day  [between  the  Caribs  and  Acuways]. 

I  have  charg'ed  the  Commandeur  ...  to  proceed  to  Upper  Demerary 
in  order  to  be  on  the  spot,  .  .  .  and  to  take  especial  care  that  strict 
neutrality  is  maintained  by  the  citizens.  I  have  further  charged  him  not  to 
interfere,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  the  matter,  nor  to  help  either  of  the  nations  in 
the  slightest  manner,  and  to  make  an  effort,  if  there  be  still  time,  to  reconcile  the 
two  parties  and  prevent  bloodshed,  through  the  mediation  of  the  Arawaks,  who 
are  friends  of  both  sides.  I  have  myself  succeeded  in  doing  this  several  times 
already,  both  by  persuasion  and  threats.  Same,  p.  ijj. 

I  S3 1.     A.  van  Ryck  de  Groot. 

I  am  a  Protector  of  Indians.  If  an  Indian  made  complaint  to  me  I  should 
act  as  a  mediator,  not  as  a  Mag-istrate.  If  the  injuring  party  did  not  choose 
to  appear,  I  should  not  feel  myself  authorized  to  compel  him  to  do  so.  In  their 
quarrels  I  should  consider  I  had  nothing  to  do  unless  they  called  on  me  as 
mediator.  B.  C,  VI,  41. 


204  INDIANS. 

NATURE    AND    PURPOSE    OF    DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS;    ALLI- 
ANCES  FOR    HOSTILE    PURPOSES-IN    GENERAL. 

1613.     Capt.  Melchor  Cortes. 

The  Dutch  .  .  .  [in  their  fort  on  the  Corentine  river]  (lefonded  themselves 
courageously  with  the  assistance  of  the  (!arib  folli,  who  likewise  fought  with 
equal  courage,  until  it  became  evident  that  they  were  doing  great  damage  to  the 
Spanish  troops  from  the  fort,  owing  to  the  large  number  of  Caribs  who  were 
]ieli>iiig  them ;  so  it  was  necessary  to  set  fire  to  the  fortress,  .  .  .  and  when 
the  fort  was  burnt  out  they  found  inside  it  six  men  dead  and  burnt.  And  .  .  . 
a  very  large  quantity  of  booty,  axes,  knives,  cutlasses,  and  other  things,  with 
which  they  kept  the  Carib  race  at  their  disposal,  whose  daughters  they  used  to 
marry.  .  .  .  Eight  [Spaniards]  were  wounded  .  .  .  tlirong'h  tlie  Caribs 
having'  fought  so  valiantly  and  being  so  numerous  that  on  all  sides  they  en- 
deavoured to  prevent  the  dislodgement  of  the  said  Dutch,  on  account  of  the  great 
advantage  they  derived  from  them.  B.  C,  I,jj. 

161 3.  Don  Juan  Tostado. 

In  June  of  1613  he  of  Guiana  .  .  .  while  disarmed  and  (sailing)  for  a  run 
along  the  coast,  encountered  the  €aribs  and  riemings.  Same,  p.  j6. 

1 61 4.  Lieutenant  of  Guiana. 

The  insolence  and  ill-treatment  which  the  Aruacas  suffered  from  the 
Flemish  and  Caribs  were  such,  etc.  Same,  p.  j6. 

1614.     Don  Juan  Tostado. 

Which  comes  of  their  [Carib]  strong  alliance  with  the  Flemish,  always  moving 
together  as  they  did  when  they  attacked  the  Aruacas.  Same,  p.  jy. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Butcli  were  allied  with  the  Indians  ag'ainst  the  Spaniards  of  Santo 
Thome  and  Trinidad.  B.  C,  12. 

1614.     British  Case. 

In  1614  the  Dntch  invested     .     .     .    Trinidad  in  conjunction  with  tlie 

Caribs.     Reinforcements  and  ammunition  were  sent  from  Spain  with  a  view  to 
protecting  that  island,  which  was  in  imminent  danger.  Same,  p.  22. 

The  English  and  Dutch  allied  themselves  witli  the  Carib  Indians  against 
the  Spaniards.  Same,  p.  23. 

\6yj.     Corporation  of  Trinidad. 

The  said  town  [Santo  Thome]  has  been  taken,  burnt  and  plundered  by  the 
enemy,  the  Dutch  and  Indian  Caribs  from  the  River  IJervis,  and  other  tribes 
from  Orinoco,  Amacuro,  and  Essequibo.  The  Dutch  threaten  this  Island  of 
Trinidad  with  a  powerful  fleet,  and  are  in  league  with  the  numerous  Indian 
tribes,  and  with  the  very  natives  of  this  island,  who  are  all  risen,  the  Dutch 
being  so  mixed  with  the  Indians  that  they  marry  with  the  Indian  Carib  women, 
as  well  as  with  those  of  the  other  tribes. 

On  the  14th  October  of  this  year,  1637,  the  Governor,  Don  Diego  de  Escobar 
being  in  Guiana,  the  Dutch  and  the  Indian  tribes  of  Aruacas,  Caribs,  Tibe- 
tibes  and  Nepuyos  came  in  great  numbers  to  this  Island  of  Trinidad. 

B.  C,  I,  SS. 


INDIANS.  295 

NATURE    AND    PURPOSE    OF    DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS;     ALLI- 
ANCES   FOR    HOSTILE    PURPOSES-IN    GEN  ERAL-(Continued). 

1637.     Governor  of  Margarita. 

The  Dutch  enemy,  on  the  14th  October  of  this  year  [1637]  burned  and 
sacked  the  town  of  San  Josepli  de  Oruna,  the  principal  settlement  of  the 
Spaniards  in  the  said  Island  of  Trinidad,  bringing:  with  them  for  this  purpose 
a  number  of  Indians,  Caribs,  Aruacas,  and  Neyuyos.  B.  C,  I,  go. 

1637.     Miguel  de  Morillas. 

The  Dutch  enemy  with  a  number  of  Indians  of  the  Carib  and  other 
tribes,  attacked  the  said  place  [Santo  Thome]  and  burned  the  houses. 

The  fact  was  that  on  the  14th  October  of  this  same  year  [1637]  being  Wed- 
nesday, early  in  the  morning,  the  enemy  [Dutch,]  attacked  the  town  of  San 
Joseph  de  Oruna  in  the  said  Island  of  Trinidad,  with  twenty  pirogues,  bring-iug' 
with  them  a^reat  numbers  of  Carib  Indians  and  Aruacas  and  Napuyos,  the 
latter  being  natives  of  the  Island  of  Trinidad.  Same,  p.  gi. 

All  the  Aruacas  and  Caribs  were  allied  with  them.  Same, p.  g2. 

1637.     Jacinto  de  Mendoca. 

On  the  14th  October,  being  St.  Calixtus'  Day,  early  in  the  morning,  tlie 
enemy  came  with  twenty  pirogues,  and  coming  up  the  Ri\er  Caroni,  assaulted 
the  town  of  San  Joseph  de  Oruna,  a  settlement  of  Spaniards  on  the  said  Island 
of  Trinidad,  with  a  great  number  of  Carib  Indians  and  Aruacas  and  Nepuyos, 
who  are  natives  of  the  same  island.  Same,  p.  g2. 

1637.     Lorenzo  Manuel. 

The  enemy  [Dutch]  had  assaulted  the  said  place  of  Santo  Thome  de  la 
Guayana  with  a  large  force  of  Carib  Indians. 

On  the  14th  October  of  this  year  [1637],  early  in  the  morning,  the  said 
Dutch  enemy  came  up  the  River  Caroni  to  the  Island  of  Trinidad,  with  twenty 
pirogues,  and  attacked  the  town  of  San  Joseph  de  Oruna,  a  settlement  of  the 
Spaniards  of  about  twenty-eight  or  thirty  inhabitants,  bringing"  Avith  tlieni  a 
great  number  of  Indian  bowmen,  Caribs,  Aruacas,  and  Nepuyos,  which  latter 
are  natives  of  the  Island  of  Trinidad.  Same,  pp.gj-g4. 

An  Indian,  named  Andres,  .  .  .  captured  at  the  assault  on  Guayana, 
[Santo  Thome]  .  .  .  said  in  Spanish  that  the  enemy  had  .  .  .  many 
men  and  many  tribes  of  Indians  who  assisted  them.  Same,  p.  g4. 

1637.     Corporation  of  Trinidad. 

On  Wednesday  morning,  the  14th  October  [1637],  the  Dutch,  allied  with 
corsairs  of  the  Carib  and  otlier  tribes,  attacked  this  town  [St.  Joseph  de  Oruna 

in  Trinidad],     .     .     .     and  burned   the  town  and  the  principal  church,  so  that 
nothing  escaped. 

He  [Andres]  is  a  Spanish-speaking  Indian  in  the  service  of  Captain  Cristobal 
de  Vera,  whom  the  enemy  took  from  Guayana  [Santo  Thome]  when  they  seized 
the  place.  Same,  pp.  g4-gS- 

An  Indian  was  taken  belonging  to  Cristobal  de  Vera,  speaking  Spanish,  and 
a  Christian,  called  Andres,  otherwise  Cabeza  de  Bagre  [Fish  Head]. 

Same,  p.  gg. 


206  INDIANS. 

NATURE    AND    PURPOSE    OF    DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS;    ALLI- 
ANCES   FOR    HOSTILE    PURPOSES-IN    GENERAL-(Contlnued). 

1637.     Don  Lopez  de  Escobar,  Governor  of  Guiana. 

The  Dutch  arc  fortified  in  Esscquibo,  in  imioii  ivith  the  Indians  their 
confederates,  who  are  many,  for  they  collect  all  the  nations  of  those  parts,  and 
all  the  coast  of  Guayana  and  of  Orinoco  propose  to  come  and  attack  the  said 
town  [Santo  Thome]. 

The  Indians  frequent  them  [Dutcli  trading:  sliips]  very  willingly  for  the 
sake  of  the  considerable  articles  of  barter  they  give  them. 

A  powerful  enemy  who  is  confederated  with  all  the  Indians.       B.  C.,I,  loy. 

I  am  informed  that  tlie  Dutch  continue  to  approach  nearer  to  this  town  [Santo 
Thome]  and  that  some  of  them  have  settled  among  the  Caribs  their  allies. 

Satiic,  p.  loS. 

1637.  Archives  of  the  Indies. 

The  enemy  [Dutch]  who  came  in  such  strength,  combined  with  the  Carib 
Indians,  and,  like  robbers,  they  knew  all  the  entrances  so  well  that  they  were 
not  perceived  until  they  knocked  at  the  doors  and  began  setting  fire  to  the  houses. 

Although  the  enemy  remained  for  some  days  in  the  river,  on  account  of 
the  preparations  which  they  heard  of  from  the  Indians,  whom  we  regarded  as 
friends  but  who  were  much  more  devoted  to  them  than  to  us,  they  did  not  ven- 
ture to  come  to  close  quarters.  Same,  p.  Uj. 

1638.  Governor  of  Caracas. 

Escobar,  Governor  of  Guayana  and  the  Corporation  of  that  city,  have  informed 
me  ...  of  the  distress  and  trouble  in  which  they  are  placed  througli  tlie 
hostility  of  the  Hollanders,  and  the  Indians  and  Caribs  and  other  nations 
joined  with  tliem.  Satne,  p.  100. 

1638.     Corporation  of  Santo  Thome. 

The  enemy  [Dutch]  hold  seven  towns  on  this  coast,  and  all  the  Caribs  are 
joined  with  them,  and  form  a  league  and  confederation  with  the  object  of  de- 
stroying us,  in  order  to  occupy  tliis  river  [Orinoco]. 

There  are  many  natives  of  different  tribes,  all  of  whom  the  Dutch  enemy  try 
to  attract  with  large  quantities  of  articles  of  barter,  which  they  distribute  on  all 
sides,  merely  with  a  view  of  attaining  their  object.  Same,  pp.  103-ioj. 

1638.     Maldonado. 

The  number  of  Christians  who  meet  their  death  so  cruelly  at  the  hands  of 
these  savages  [Caribs]  will  excite  sympathy  for  making  this  concession,  and  num- 
bers of  poor  residents  will  wiUingly  go  forth  for  the  purpose  of  having  security  in 
all  the  coasts  and  farms,  and  on  this  remedy  depends  their  removal  from  al- 
liance with  tlie  Lutlierans. 

This  Island  of  Trinidad  has  been  very  frequently  visited  by  the  peoples  of 
different  nations,  and  they  have  tried  to  settle  the  Punta  de  la  Galera  situated  at 
the  head  of  the  island,  and  in  order  to  have  greater  security  in  making  the  settle- 
ment, the  Dutch  have  united  with  the  Caril)  Indians,  and  have  attacked  the 
town  and  killed  some  Spaniards  and  sacked  it.  Same,  p.  12^. 

1733.     Father  Bernardo  Rotella. 

I  suppose  .  .  .  that,  although  Taricura  is  an  Indian,  and  consequently 
his  speeches  might  be  despised,  that  he  does  not  speak  from  himself  alone,  nor 
from  confidence  in  their  numbers,  but  from  the  certainty  of  support  from  the 
Dutch.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  16S. 


INDIANS.  297 

NATURE     AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN      RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES  TO]  ENSLAVE    UNCIVILIZED    INDIANS. 

1724.     West  India  Company's  Account  Books. 

Goods  delivered  in  payment  to  60  Indians  wlio  liave  been  at  Post  Wacqucpo 
to  serve  00  days  ag^ainst  the  Magenauts.  B.  C,  VII,  lyg. 

1747.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

Their  [Carib]  pride  and  superiority  over  the  other  nations  keeps  them  in  con- 
tinnal  movement  against  them,  although  they  may  be  very  distant,  with  the 
view  of  slave-raiding",  in  order  to  sell  tlieni  to  the  iniiabitants  of  tlie  Dutch 
Colonies — Essequibo,  Berbice,  Corentine,  and  Surinam,  B.  C,  11,53. 

1753.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  intend  .  .  .  to  attack  tliem  [the  Mapissanoe  Indians  in  the  upper  Esse- 
quibo] with  the  assistance  of  the  Caribs,  who  have  come  and  offered  their 
services  for  this  purpose.  .  .  .  This  will  take  place  much  the  more  easily  be- 
cause they  have  also  murdered  some  Caribs  and  Macusis,  who  are  their  nearest 
neighbours.  Same,  p.  Sg. 

1760.     Judicial  report  of  attack  by  Spaniards  upon  the  Dutch  in  Barima. 

The  said  Dutch  (in  Barima)  are  waiting  for  a  batch  of  Indians  whom  they 
have  ordered  to  be  purchased  throug:li  their  allies,  the  Caribs,  who  can  go 

more  freely  up  this  river  (Orinoco).  Same,  p.  i8y. 

For  the  purpose  of  hindering  the  inhuman  traffic  of  the  Dutch  with  the  Carib 
Indians,  which  the  latter  carry  on  by  the  sale  of  infidels  of  otlier  tribes,  whom 
they  capture  in  wars  or  by  raids,  and  sell  as  slaves  to  the  said  Dutch  for 

small  prices.  Same,  p.  iSS. 

NATURE    AND    PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES TO  ENSLAVE  SPANISH  INDIANS. 

.     British  Case. 

Other  expeditions  [to  catch  slaves]  .  .  .  were  from  time  to  time  organ- 
ized, the  Caribs  never  failing-  to  respond  to  the  calls  made  upon  them. 

B.  C,  p.  95. 

161 3.     Corporation  of  Trinidad. 

The  Flemish  and  Caribs  steal  the  friendly  Indians  and  carry  them  to  their 
settlements  to  employ  them  in  cultivating  tobacco.  B.  C,  1, 55. 

1637.     Jacques  Ousiel. 

On  the  east  side  of  the  island  named  Punta  Galera  dwell  two  nations  of 
Indians,  the  one  called  Nipujosandthe  other  Arawaks,  over  600  able  men  ;  these 
are  friendly  to  the  Dutch,  especially  the  Nipujos,  who  are  deadly  enemies  of  the 
Spaniards ;  but  the  Arawaks  occasionally  serve  the  Spaniards  in  rowing  their 
canoes,  and  cannot  be  relied  upon  so  well.  i7.  S.  Com.,  II,  87. 

1733.     Father  Bernardo  Rotella. 

"  On  my  return  journey  I  [Araguacare,  Lieutenant-General  of  the  Carib  tribe 
on  the  Orinoco,]  am  going  to  kill  them  all ;  .  .  .  when  I  have  done  this,  I  am 
going  to  summon  my  relations  from  Essequibo,  (this  is  what  Taricura  calls  the 
Dutch)  and  I  am  coming  with  them  to  burn  Guayana,   for  all  this   Orinoco  is 


298  INDIANS. 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN      RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES TO    ENSLAVE    SPANISH    I  N  Dl  ANS-(Continued). 

mine,  and  its  inhabitants  are  my  slaves,  and  so  I  can  give  and  sell  them  to 
whomsoever  I  please.  I  do  not  wish  them  to  belong  to  the  Spaniards,  but  that 
the  Dutch  should  have  them.  Do  you  not  see  that  I  bring  Dutchmen  to  my 
wars  without  the  people  of  Guayana  saying  anything  to  me,  and  they  continue  to 
live  in  my  house  for  one  or  two  years,  or  as  long  as  they  choose  ;  and  they  and 
the  French  give  me  as  many  muskets  and  shot  as  I  want,  and  the  Spaniards  take 
them  from  me  if  they  see  them,  for  they  are  very  evil,  while  the  Dutch  are  good, 
and  give  us  many  presents.  I  will  bring  numbers  of  Dutch,  and  they  will  not 
leave  a  white  man  alive  in  Orinoco ;  and  on  my  return  I  will  kill  the  Fathers. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  167. 

1733.  Corporation  of  Trinidad. 

Nothing  can  be  expected  from  the  said  Carib  tribe  save  the  total  ruin  of  the 
entire  province  of  Guiana,  for  they  keep  all  the  other  tribes  of  Indians  in  a  state 
of  terror,  and  exhaustion  through  the  slaughter  they  commit  among  them  ;  and 
those  who  are  not  killed  by  their  hands  they  sell  as  slaves  to  the  Dutch  of  the 
adjoining  Colonies ;  and  these  Dutch  in  order  to  keep  up  this  iniquitous  and 
base  trade  with  them,  give  them  assistance  in  arms,  ammunition,  and  men  for 
use  against  the  Spaniards.  Sa?ne,  p.  176. 

By  the  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  which  they  [Caribs]  have  with  certain 
Dutchmen,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  natural  liberty  of  the  Indians,  .  .  .  their 
objects  are  directed  to  the  destruction  of  the  other  tribes  of  Indians,  uhom 
they  enslave  in  order  to  keep  them  unJer  their  dominion,  or  sell  them  to 
the  Dutch,  as  they  are  in  the  habit  of  doing.  Same,  p.  177. 

1734.  Father  Joseph  Gumilla. 

Both  nations  [Dutch  and  Carib]  come  up  from  the  sea  to  rob  and  burn  the 
villages  of  the  Missions  and  carry  off  as  many  captives  as  they  can,  and  sell 
tliem  at  Essequibo,  Berbice  and  Surinam.  -B-  C.,  Ill,  S4. 

1745.     Father  Joseph  Gumilla. 

Besides  the  profit  from  slaves  the  Dutch  are  moved  to  keep  up  their 
strong  alliance  M'ith  the  Caribs,  by  the  value  of  the  Balsam  of  Tolu  (Aceite  de 
Maria),  and  of  a  species  of  bixwort  found  on  the  Orinoco.  To  procure  these 
some  Dutch  introduce  themselves  among  the  fleets  of  these  Indians,  painted  ac- 
cording to  the  custom  of  the  said  savages,  by  which  they  encourage  them,  and 
add  boldness  to  the  lamentable  destruction  which  they  work.  Added  to  which, 
many  Caribs  receive  a  great  supply  of  arms,  ammunition,  glass  beads,  and  other 
trifles,  with  the  understanding  that  they  are  to  be  paid  for  within  a  certain  time 
with  Indians,  which  they  must  take  prisoners  on  the  Orinoco.  And  when  the 
time  has  elapsed,  the  Dutch  creditors  encourage  and  even  oblige  the  Caribs  to 
their  bloody  raids  against  the  defenceless  Indians  of  the  Orinoco. 

V.  C,  II,  2g4-2gs. 

1747.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  should  already  long  ago  have  removed  and  demolished  the  first  fort  up  in 
Cuyuni  (which  even  now  is  easy  of  accomplishment  on  my  part  through  the 
Caribs).  B.  C,  II,  49. 


INDIANS.  209 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN      RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES   TO   ENSLAVE  SPANISH    INDI ANS-(Continued). 

1751.     Acting  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

Persik  .  .  .  informed  me  that  in  the  month  of  January  [1751I  the  Carib 
nation  made  a  raid  upon  three  Spanish  Missions,  and  murdered  four  or  five 
priests,  which  caused  much  disorder  and  bitter  fecHng  amongst  the  colonists 
there.  B.  C,  I  J,  70. 

1753.     King  of  Spain. 

The  Catalonian  Capuchin  missionaries  of  the  Province  of  Guayana  have  made 
known  the  injuries  and  ninrders  which  have  been  committed  in  their  missions 
by  certain  villages  of  Caribs  belong^ins?  to  these,  through  the  influence  of  the 
Dutch  of  Essequibo,  as  is  supposed  because  they  have  taken  refuge  in  that 
Colony,  and  because  the  Governor  of  it  gives  them  license  to  make  slaves  of 
all  the  Indians  whom  they  find.  V.  C,  III,  372. 

1753.  Instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

No  one  is  better  informed  than  your  Excellency  of  the  number  and  condition 
of  the  Indian  Caribs  dwelling  on  the  banks  of  the  Orinoco,  and  of  the  ravages 
tliey  liave  committed  on  our  Missions,  influenced  and  directed  by  the 
Dutch.  B.C.,II,8g. 

1754.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

They  [Caribs]  have  made  an  alliance  witli  the  Tanacays  .  .  .  and 
both  tog'ether  surprised  that  Mission,  [in  Cuyuni]  massacred  the  priest  and 
ten  or  twelve  Spaniards,  and  have  demolished  the  buildings.  Same,  p.  g6. 

1757.  Court  of  Justice. 

Councillor  Piepersberg  having  communicated  both  to  his  Excellency  and  to 
the  meeting  that  he  had  been  requested  by  Johannes  Neuman,  the  Postholder 
in  the  Cuyuni,  to  say  that  the  Caribs  there  had  determined  to  make  a  raid 
upon  and  devastate  the  Spanish  Mission  situated  up  in  that  river. 

Same,  p.  ijo. 

1758.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

It  would  not  be  very  difficult  for  me,  by  making-  use  of  the  Caribs,  to  pay 
them  back  in  their  own  coin  and  drive  them  from  their  present  position.  But 
since  the  Indians  are  unwilling  to  go  without  having  some  white  men  at  their 
head,     ...     I  shall  not  think  of  it  without  having  received  express  authority. 

Same,  p.  144. 

1760.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

The  Caribs  in  the  settlements  made  repeated  journeys  to  the  dwellings  in 
the  woods,  obtaining  permission  from  their  missionary  fathers  on  the  pretext  of 
bringing  to  the  settlement  some  of  their  relatives,  and  occupied  themselves  in 
the  same  work  [slave-catching]  as  those  in  the  woods.  Some  remained  there 
and  others  returned  to  their  settlements.  Same,  p.  i8j. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

He  [Governor  Sucre]  made  several  expeditions  to  pursue  the  Dutch  and 
other  foreigners,  who  in  union  with  the  Caribs  used  to  raid  the  said  provinces 
and  tlie  Orinoco,  B.  C,  ///,  18. 


300  INDIANS. 

NATURE     AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN      RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES  TO    ENSLAVE    SPANISH    INDIANS-(Continued). 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  Carlbs  and  Dutcli,  who,  by  way  of  the  Cuyuni  and  Mazaruni  Rivers,  and 
on  the  rear  of  the  said  Missions,  had  attemped  to  wa^e  hostilities  agrainst 
them  [Spaniards],  have  been  harassed;  and  to  prevent  this  in  future  several 
expeditions  have  been  sent  ont,  and  one  of  these  snrprised  a  strongrhold,  built 
by  the  Dutch  on  the  River  Cuyuni,  where  they  had  gathered  all  the  Indians  of 
other  tribes  captured  by  the  Caribs  and  sold  to  them  for  mere  trifles. 

B.  C,  III,  20. 

By  means  of  these  advanced  Missions  the  Dutch  protected  by  the  Caribs, 
have  been  prevented  .  .  .  from  reaching  ...  the  Cuyuni  and  the  Mas- 
saruni  Rivers,  to  commit  acts  of  hostility,  to  kidnap  Indians,  .  .  .  and  to 
make  new  settlements  in  the  centre  of  this  province.  Same,  p.  21. 

The  vigilance  of  my  predecessors  was  not  enough  to  prevent  all  the  ravages 
that  at  different  times  had  been  carried  out  by  the  Carib  Indians  always  sup- 
ported and  encouraged  by  foreigners,  especially  by  the  Dutch.      Same,  p.  jj. 

His  Majesty  issued  the  following  Resolution  :  The  Catalonian  Capuchin  Mis- 
sionaries of  the  jurisdiction  of  Guayana  have  represented  the  injuries  and 
atrocities  i»erpetrated  in  their  Missions  by  some  Carib  settlements,  under 
the  influence  of  the  Dutch  from  Essequibo,  as  it  is  surmised,  on  account  of 
their  having  taken  refuge  in  the  said  Colony  and  because  the  Governor  of  the 
same  grants  them  letters  patent  to  make  slaves  of  all  the  Indians  whom  they 
meet.  Same,  p.  44. 

To-day  it  [Guayana  fortress]  is  now  sufficiently  fortified  to  prevent  the 
foreigners'  illicit  trade  and  the  entrance  of  the  Caribs,  their  allies,  in  the 

Orinoco,  and  their  landing  and   hostile  demonstrations  against  these  Provinces, 
as  they  did  before  until  the  year  1747.  Same,  p.  48. 

The  Dutch  natives  in  those  Colonies  who  accompany  the  Caribs  teach  them 
to  manage  fire-arms,  and  are  even  more  inhuman  than  the  Caribs,  for  which 
reason  great  vigilance  is  needful  to  restrain  them  and  defend  the  said 
Missions,  which  they  endeavour  to  destroy  in  order  that  they  may  not  serve  as  a 
check  to  their  Colonies.  Same,  p.  64. 

1 769.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

After  the  rebellion  of  all  the  Caribs  in  the  year  1750  in  our  five  INIissions  of 
Miamo,  Cunuri,  Tupuquen,  Curumo,  and  Mutanambo,  .  .  .  they  then  told 
us,  what  we  had  already  surmised,  that  the  outbreak  was  instigated  l>y  the 
Dutch. 

I  also  saw  and  recognized  a  Dutch  mulatto  who  came  disguised  as  a  Carib, 
to  instruct  and  encourage  the  Caribs.  His  name,  and  he  himself,  is  well  known 
in  these  Missions.  B.  C,  IV,  21. 

At  that  time  we  suspected  that  the  Caribs  would  rebel  again  as  in  the  past, 
as  they  showed  signs  of  insolence,  which  they  do  at  a  word  from  the  meanest 
Dutchman.  This  comes  from  the  protection  they  receive  at  Essequibo  whenever 
they  escape  from  our  Missions;  and  now  another  plot  has  been  discovered 
among  the  Caribs  of  our  Missions  and  those  of  the  Observant  Fathers ;  their  in- 
tention being  to  revolt  and  take  refuge  in  the  Parava,  under  the  protection  of 
the  Dutch.  "^V^w^^  P-  -'-'• 


INDIANS.  301 

NATURE     AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES  TO    ENSLAVE    SPANISH    I  N  Dl  ANS-(Continued). 

1769.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

The  chief  Caribs  they  [Dutcli]  have  are  fugitives  from  our  villages  and 

those  of  the  Observant  Fathers,  and  they  are  always  trying  to  attract  more. 

B.  C.,IV,2j. 

Tlie  Caribs  .  .  .  labour  coutiuually,  nudcr  the  direction  of  the 
Dutoli,  iu  the  destrnctiou  of  our  villages  by  various  means,  at  one  time  burn- 
ing them,  as  they  did  in  1750;  at  another  time  attacking  them  by  main  force ; 
at  another  raising  rebelUon  by  diabolic  craft  and  policy  ;  ...  the  Dutch,  to- 
gether with  the  Caribs,  have  destroyed  .  .  .  seven  of  our  established  vil- 
lages, without  counting  those  which  they  burnt  and  destroyed  belonging  to  the 
Jesuit  missionaries  and  to  the  Observants.  Satne,  p.  jo, 

1772.     Don  Manuel  Centurion. 

Shortly  after  the  expedition  .  .  .  had  left  this  city  to  take  possession  of 
the  famous  Lake  Parime  .  .  .  the  Catalan  Capuchins  undertook  a  similar 
expedition  ;  ...  as  they  were  on  the  banks  of  the  Mayari  .  .  .  they  were  at- 
tacked by  savage  Indians,  friends,  allies,  and  relations  of  the  Dutch  (as  they 
proclaimed  themselves  with  cries,  and  which  was  further  proved  by  the  fire-arms 
and  ammunition  which  they  used  against  our  people).  Same,  p.  106. 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES FOR  DEFENCE  OF  DUTCH. 

1614.     Antonio  de  Muxica  Buitron,  Lieut,  of  Guiana. 

The  insolence  and  ill-treatment  which  the  Aruacas  suffered  from  the  Flemish 
and  Caribs  were  such  that  he  [Buitron]  proceeded  to  the  river  called  Corentine, 
200  leagues  from  that  city  [Santo  Thome]  where  the  Flemish  and  Caribs  have  a 
fortress.  B.  C,  I,  36. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Postholder  of  Wacquepo  and  Moruka  came  the  day  before  yesterday 
[July  18,  1746]  to  inform  me  that  a  nation  of  Indians  have  come  down  from 
Orinoco  and  have  attacked  the  Caribs  subject  to  us  in  the  River  Wayni  [perhaps 
the  Akawaini,  a  small  tributary  of  the  Pomeroon.  See  U.  S.  Com.,  Ill,  pp.  2S3- 
284.  Also  B.  C,  II,  p.  4S  D;  70  C.\,  have  killed  several,  and  have  threatened 
that  they  would  extirpate  them  all,  ...  I  have  strong  reasons  to  suspect 
that  the  Indians  have  been  sent  by  tlie  Spaniards  of  Cumana.     B.  C,  II,  45. 

1754.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  have  ordered  the  Captains  to  .  .  .  warn  the  Caribs  and  other 
Indians  at  the  earliest  opportunity,  to  make  ready  as  soon  as  possible  ships  to 
serve  as  outlying  posts,  and  to  send  a  messenger  to  Orinoco  with  a  letter  from 
me  to  the  Commandant  there.  Same,  p.  pj. 

I  have  had  all  the  Indians,  our  allies,  warned  and  armed,  and  they  only 
await  my  orders  to  march  and  send  expresses  to  our  neighbours  and  allies. 

Same,  p.  gg. 

The  Indians  above  in  Cuyuni,  have  only  this  week  caused  me  to  be  assured 
that  they  will  well  guard  the  passage,  and  that  I  had  nothing  to  fear  from  that 
5J(lg  Same,  p.  100, 


302  INDIANS. 

NATURE     AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES   FOR    DEFENCE    OF    DUTCH-(Continued). 

1755.     Director-General  in  Essiquibo. 

As  I  now  write  this  I  have  staying^  at  my  house  the  chiefs  of  the  Panacay  tribe 
up  in  the  Cuyuni.  I  must  absolutely  keep  them  friendly,  for  many  weig'hty 
reasons.     ,     .    . 

The  Chief  of  the  Panacays  (a  mighty  nation  which  has  never  before  been 
here)  have  expressly  comedown  to  offer  their  help  against  the  Spaniards  if 
required,  and  they  are  going  to  settle  down  with  their  dwellings  round  the  Post. 

B.  C,  II,  iig. 

1755.     Arraytana,  a  Carib  Chief. 

My  journey  [to  Essequibo]  was  because  I  had  been  summoned  by  the 
orders  of  my  ally,  his  Excellency,  who  told  me  .  .  .  that  .  .  .  the 
reason  why  he  had  summoned  me,  [was]  in  order  to  tell  me  that  I  must  hold 
myself  in  readiness  to  come  and  help  him  resist  the  Spaniards. 

I  asked  my  ally,  his  Excellency,  for  permission  to  go  to  Upper  Essequibo, 
\boven  Esseqtiebo\  in  order  to  make  my  bread  in  Masseroeny  before  my  journey 
to  Essequibo. 

"  Would  you  not  kill  those  who  seek  you  ?  "  I  answered,  "  No  ;  because 
your  Lord,  my  ally,  only  recently  forbade  me  most  expressly  to  do  no  harm  to 
the  nation,  who  are  his  friends  or  allies."  Satne,  p.  126. 

1755.     British  Case. 

In  1755  the  Panacays  settled  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Cuyuni  Post  to 
prevent  the  encroachments  of  the  Spaniards.  B.  C,  pj. 

1762.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

These  [guns  and  cutlasses]  will  be  urgently  required,  especially  if  the 
piracies  continue,  in  which  case  we  shall  be  oblig-ed  to  employ  the  Carib 
nation,  who  cannot  or  will  not  fight  without  guns.  B.  C,  II,  21J. 

On  the  nth  September,  [1762]  the  Carib  nation  unexpectedly  sent  mes- 
sengers down  the  river,  inquiring-  how  matters  stood  with  the  Spaniards,  say- 
ing: that  they  would  certainly  not  allow  the  latter  to  obtain  a  footing-  here,  and 

that  they  were  ready  to  aid  us  with  all  their  might. 

I  answered  that  there  was  no  great  danger  yet,  .  .  .  but  I  requested 
them  to  be  good  enough  to  keep  their  arms  and  boats  ready  to  come  down  at  the 
least  warning,  and  that  in  such  an  event  we  would  provide  them  with  powder 
and  shot.      This  they  accepted  and  promised.  Satne,  p.  21S. 

1762.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  also  send  you  herewith  fifty  muskets  and  cutlasses,  so  as  if  need  be  to  arm 
therewith  the  natives  for  the  defence  of  the  Colony.  Same,  pp.  220-221. 

1764.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

In  this  emergency  I  have  again  had  a  talk  with  V'an  der  Heyde  about 
Cuyuni.  He  has  told  me  that  the  Indians  were  won  over  to  be  helpful,  but  that 
they  wished  in  that  case  to  be  assured  also  of  protection  ag-ainst  the  Span- 
iards. B.  C,  III,  iiS. 


INDIANS.  303 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES   FOR    DEFENCE    OF    DUTCH-(Continued). 

1765.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Friendly  relations  with  the  Indians  are  certainly  of  the  greatest  necessity  to 
the  Colony ;  the  dangerous  circumstances  in  which  we  found  ourselves,  and  the 
loyalty  shown  and  assistance  rendered  at  that  time  by  the  Caribs  and 
Acnivays,  have  given  convincing-  i>roofs  of  what  advantage  their  friendship, 
and  how  injurious  their  enmity,  niig-lit  be  to  the  Colonies.        B.  C,  III,  118. 

1765.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  were  glad  to  see  .  .  .  that  you  intended  ...  to  keep  a 
watchful  eye  upon  the  movements  of  the  Spaniards,  and  to  take  proper 
measures  against  them,  in  case  this  should  unhappily  become  necessary.  Still 
we  are  of  opinion  that  the  friendship  and  lielp  of  the  Carib  nation  would 
under  such  circumstances  be  to  us  of  uncommon  utility,  ...  for  which 
reason  we  strong^ly  recommend  tliat  yon  cultivate  it  as  much  as  possible. 

Same,  pp.  12^-126. 

1767.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  can  rely  upon  the  assistance  of  the  Caribs  in  case  we  have  to  meet  violence 
with  violence,  but  so  long  as  circumstances  demand  soft  measures  they  are  no 
earthly  use  to  me,  their  hatred  ag:ainst  the  Spaniards  being  deep-rooted  and 
great.  Same,  p.  142. 

1769.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  asked  the  Carib  Owl  this  morning  whether  the  Caribs  were  no  longer  men, 
and  whether  they  had  no  hands  with  which  to  defend  themselves,  whereupon 
he  replied,  "  Indeed,  they  have ;  but  the  Spaniards  liave  guns,  and  we  only 
bows  and  arrows.  Give  us  rifles,  powder,  and  shot,  and  we  will  show 
you  what  we  are."  Even  had  I  been  incHned  to  do  so  I  could  not,  having  no 
further  supply  of  these  than  just  sufficient  for  the  garrison.  B,  C,  IV,  ij. 

1790.     Lopez  de  la  Puente. 

As  there  is  a  petty  King  or  Carib  Chief,  enemy  of  the  rebellious  slaves,  and 
allied  with  the  Dutch  in  the  territory  intervening,  it  would  not  be  possible  to  go 
that  way  without  being  perceived,  and  then  the  Dutch  would  quickly  arm  the 
Caribs  to  prevent  our  going-  to  the  interior,  precisely  as  they  did  [in  1 76S]. 
The  greatest  care  would  have  to  be  exercised  so  that  the  Caribs,  friends  of 
the  Dutch,  sliould  not  come  to  know  of  it,  otlierw ise  tlie  affair  would  fail. 

B.  C,  V,  121. 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE    OF    DUTCH-INDIAN    RELATIONS;    ALLI- 
ANCES   FOR    TRADE,  IN    GENERAL. 

.     British  Case. 

They  [Indians]  were  also  from  the  earliest  Dutch  times  largely  employed,  oil 
an  organized  system,  in  growing-  and  preparing  annatto  [oriane  dye],  in 
collecting  balsam  and  other  natural  forest  products,  and  in  bringing  these  to 
the  Posts  to  be  forwarded  to  the  Dutch  markets.  Large  numbers  of  Indians 
were  also  habitually  employed  by  the  Dutch  in  well-established  fislieries  along 
the  whole  coast  from  the  Essequibo  to  the  Orinoco,  and  even  beyond,  but  more 
especially  in  the  mouths  of  the  Waini,  Barima,  and  Amakuru  Rivers,  and  up 
the  right  bank  of  the  Orinoco  as  far  as  the  Aguirre.  B.  C,  g6. 


304:  INDIANS. 

NATURE    AND    PURPOSE    OF    DUTCH-INDIAN    RELATIONS;     ALLI- 
ANCES   FOR   TRADE,  IN    GEN ERAL- Continued). 

1604.     J.  Maldonado  Barnuevo. 

As  the  Dutch  go  among  them  giving  three  yards  of  Rouen  print  and  other 
cotton  stuffs,  where  the  Spanish  merchant  only  gives  them  one,  and  buying  the 
products  of  the  land,  and  all  the  merchandise  they  have  for  sale,  at  double  the 
price  paid  or  current  in  the  country,  they  [Indians]  will  prefer  their  [Dutch] 
trade  and  trafBc  to  that  of  Spain,  as  we  see  they  now  do  with  the  English, 
French  and  Flemish.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  j. 

1637.  Corporation  of  Trinidad. 

The  forces  of  the  enemy  have  increased  in  this  Government  on  the  mainland, 
with  new  settlements  amongthe  Carib  and  Aruac  nations,  who  are  allied  with 
tlieni,  and  thev  are  settled  on  the  River  Essequibo. 

When  the  Governor,  Don  Diego  Lopez  de  Escobar,  arrived  to  take  possession 
of  his  government  in  the  Island  of  Trinidad,  he  found  the  enemy  settled  therein 
in  two  forts  and  in  alliance  with  the  natives.  B.  C,  I,  log. 

1638.  Governor  of  Guiana. 

With  many  gifts  of  articles  of  barter  and  clothing,  which  they  g:ive  to  the 
Indians,  they  hold  all  the  country  on  their  side,  and  being:  tlius  united  and 

in  particular  to  the  Caribs,  who  are  in  great  numbers.  Same,  p.  loi. 

1638.     Anonymous  letter  in  the  archives  at  Seville. 

From  the  fortress  [Essequibo],  as  already  stated,  they  [Dutch]  trade  and 
traffic  with  the  Indians  of  the  same  settlements,  and  with  those  who  are  estab- 
lished in  Aguire  and  in  Abarima  and  in  Bauruma  [Pomeroon]. 

Same,  pp.  iij-jid. 

It  is  known  for  certain  from  the  same  Aruacs  who  are  the  ones  who  always 
report  these  occurrences,  that  the  Dutch  sent  to  Flanders  before  they  took 
Guayana  [Santo  Thome]  for  ships  and  barter,  in  order  to  settle  it  throug'h  the 
influence  they  already  possess  with  all  tlie  natives  of  the  Orinoco  and  in- 
terior, who  are  in  communication  with  one  another  by  land,  .  .  .  they  will 
do  it  [settle  the  Essequibo  river]  very  easily  through  the  good  understand- 
ing between  the  natives  and  themselves.  Sa7ne,  p.  116. 

1638.     Maldonado. 

All  [Indians  of  the  lower  Orinoco]  trade  and  traffic  witli  the  Dutch  and 
others  of  other  nations.  Same,  p.  120. 

The  Caribs  there  [Essequibo]  give  to  the  Lutlierans  the  spices  which  they 
have,  as  well  to  them  as  to  those  who  arrive  in  ships  which  trade  with  those  of 
the  said  fort.  Same,  p.  134. 

1690.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  annatto  is  at  present  much  in  demand  and  at  a  good  price  ;  therefore  we 
recommend  you  to  employ  all  conceivable  means  to  get  as  much  dye  as  is  possible, 
and  for  that  purpose  to  gather  in  iigain  the  dispersed  Indians  and  stimulate 
them  thereto  by  promise  of  certain  favorable  conditions.  U,  S.  Com.,  II,  ig2. 


INDIANS.  305 

NATURE    AND    PURPOSE    OF    DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS;     ALLI- 
ANCES   FOR   TRADE-IN    GENERAL-(Continued). 

1701,     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

February  5,  [1701].  There  also  arrived  some  Indians  with  a  small 
quantity  of  poultry,  who,  having  received  payment  for  the  same,  again  departed. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  140. 

1724.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

The  Court  [of  Policy  finds]  it  necessary  to  draw  up  these  instructions  [to 
destroy  the  Maganout  Indians]  since  the  Akawois  and  Caribs  who  have  been 
killed,  and  are  under  tlie  protection  of  tliis  river,  are  a  source  of  great 
advantag'e  to  the  same,  being  frequently  sent  up  above,  salting,  by  the  Honour- 
able Company  and  by  the  colonists.  B.  C,  II,  2. 

1733-     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

Every  possible  means  is  being  employed  here  to  cultivate  the  trade  with  the 
Indians,  but  the  many  branches  into  which  the  nation  is  split  up,  and  the  absence 
of  good  interpreters,  are  great  obstacles  to  success.  Same, p.  //. 

1734.     Father  Joseph  Gumilla. 

Besides  the  profit  from  slaves  the  Dutch  are  moved  to  keep  up  their  close 
alliance  with  the  Caribs,  by  the  value  of  the  balsam  of  Tolu  (Aceite  de  Maria), 
and  of  the  annatto  found  on  the  Orinoco.  B.  C,  III,  84. 

1771.     Commandant  of  Guayana. 

Very  few  of  the  latter  [Arawaks]  have  remained  in  the  woods,  for  besides  not 
being  a  numerous  race,  they  have  now  for  many  years  been  united  to  the  Dutcli, 
and  incorporated  in  their  Colonies  both  in  relationship  and  other  ties.  Of  the 
Guarauno  Indians  there  are  many  on  the  islands  and  creeks  at  the  mouths  of  the 
Orinoco,  but  it  is  difficult  to  reduce  them,  because  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Dutch 
of  Esquivo  gives  then  a  sufficient  supply  of  hatchets,  knives,  and  other  baubles 
which  they  value  highly,  in  exxhange  for  the  fish  and  wax  they  obtain  and  pi- 
rogues and  launches  which  they  build  in  their  native  woods.  B.  C,  IV,  Sj. 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES FOR  TRADE  IN  SLAVES  AND  CAPTURE  OF  RUNAWAYS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Dutch  employed  them  [Arawaks]  at  the  Post  of  Moruka ;  for  the 
fishery  in  the  Orinoco,  and  the  salting  industry  generally ;  and  also  in  the  re- 
capture of  fugitive  slaves.  B.  C,  it. 

Friendly  relations  with  the  native  Indian  tribes,  and  effective  control  over 
them,  were  essential  to  the  Dutch,  for  many  reasons,  but  particularly  because  of 
the  presence  of  a  hostile  and  turbulent  slave  element,  .  .  .  always  ready  for 
revolt  ...  as  well  as  ...  to  desert.  ...  To  prevent  desertion 
of  slaves  the  Dutch  were  compelled  to  depend  upon  the  assistance  of  the 
Caribs,  Akawois,  and  Arawaks,  and  other  Indian  tribes,  to  whom  it  was  cus- 
tomary to  pay  rewards  for  each  slave  re-captured.  Same,  p.  gs. 


306  INDIANS. 

NATURE  AND  PURPOSE  OF  DUTCH-INDIAN  RELATIONS-ALLI  - 
ANCES  FOR  TRADE  IN  SLAVES  AND  CAPTURE  OF  RUN- 
AWAYS-(Continued). 

.     British  Case. 

The  services  of  Indians  were  iiidispcnsible  in  preventing'  the  escape  of 
slaves  by  sea. 

The  assistance  of  the  Indians  ...  in  the  case  of  mutiny  or  the  still 
graver  occurrence  of  a  slave  rebellion,  was  essential  for  the  safety  of  the  Colony. 
It  frequently  happened  that  slaves  instead  of  taking  one  or  other  of  the  routes  to 
foreign  Colonies,  made  off  to  the  bush,  intrenched  themselves  in  the  swamps  or 
in  the  forests  of  the  interior,  and  defied  the  Dutch  to  drive  them  out.  At  such 
times  the  services  of  the  Indians  could  not  be  dispensed  with.  B.  C,  gj. 

Throughout  the  whole  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Dutch  had  to  contend 
with  repeated  rising's  of  the  negroes,  in  all  of  which  the  Indians  gave  them 
assistance,  and  in  one  .  .  .  the  native  tribes  from  every  part  of  the  Dutch 
territory — from  the  Orinoco  to  Berbice — were  actively  employed  in  combined 
military  operations  against  tlie  rebels.  Sajne,  pp.  9S'94- 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  relations  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Caribs  .  .  .  was  an  element  of 
strength,  and  materially  confirmed  and  extended  Dutch  power  in  Guiana.  Tlie 
Caribs  continually  offered  their  assistance  to  the  Dutch  ;  the  Dntcli  could  call 
upon  them  at  any  time  to  aid  them  either  against  revolted  negroes,  Dutch  or 
slave  deserters,  or  Spanish  aggression,  but  the  Caribs  offered  their  services  to 
friends,  and  came  as  allies  of  the  strong,  not  as  protectors  of  the  weak. 

B.  C.-C,  Sj. 
1638.     Maldonado. 

The  Caribs  sell  these  Lutherans  the  Indian  women  they  steal  from  the 
villages,  and  thereby  they  are  in  their  service.  B.  C,  I,  120. 

1724.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

As  soon  as  I  arrived  in  this  Government  .  .  .  news  was  frequently  sent 
me  that  many  foreigners — the  Dutch  from  Surinam  and  Berbice — came  to  these 
places  trading,  in  vessels,  and  penetrating  more  than  100  leagues  up  the  Orinoco, 
and  more  than  30  above  Angostura,  the  Fathers  lamenting  the  trade  carried  on 
Avilh  the  Caribs,  the  sale  of  tools,  stuffs,  wine,  spirits,  guns,  and  other  arms, 
which  they  exchanged  for  a  large  number  of  Indian  slaves.  B.  C,  III,  j8. 

By  means  of  this  fortress  [at  Angostura]  your  Majesty  will  prevent  the  trade 
and  commerce  of  foreigners  with  the  Caribs.  Same,  p.  yg. 

1733.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  outrunner.  Van  der  Burg,  who  has  been  among  the  tribes  up  in  Esse- 
quibo for  more  than  a  year  altogether  in  order  to  trade,  sent  me  in  September 
last  one  Creole  with  two  slave  women  and  some  copaiba  balsam,  writing  that 
he  would  himself  come  down  in  November.  B.  C,  II,  16. 

1746.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  had  information  .  .  .  that  they  [Spaniards]  were  thinking  next  year  of 
founding  yet  another  [Mission]  lower  down  [the  Cuyuni]  whereat  the  inhabi- 
tants are  very  much  aggrieved,  and  the  Carib  Indians  a  great  deal  more  so, 
since  it  perfectly  closes  tlie  Slave  Trallic  in  that  direction  from  which  alone 
that  nation  derive  their  livelihood.  Same, p.  46. 


INDIANS.  307 

NATURE  AND  PURPOSE  OF  DUTCH-INDIAN  RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES FOR  TRADE  IN  SLAVES  AND  CAPTURE  OF  RUN- 
AWAYS-(Continued). 

1750.     Acting  Cominandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  immediately  caused  information  thereof  [oseapc  of  some  slavos|  to  be  ^ivcn 
to  the  Carib  and  the  Awawois  nations,  and  entertain  no  doubt  that  llioy  will  be 
taken  alive  or  dead.  B.  C,  II,  yo. 


1752.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

There  is  a  rumour  here  that  some  negroes  have  made  Iheir  appearance  np 
in  Esseqnibo,  .  .  .  I  .  .  .  have,  under  a  promise  of  good  payment, 
strongly  persuaded  the  Indians  of  the  Akawois  nation  living  below  the  Post 
[Arinda]  to  g'o  out  and  capture  them,  and  they  have  promised  me  to  do  so. 

Same,  p.  y6. 

1755.     Don  Eugenio  Alvarado. 

Oraparene  is  a  man  of  advanced  intelligence,  and  openly  replied  that  he  did 
not  want  to  give  up  his  Kingship  and  go  into  a  state  of  misery  in  the  Mission, 
where  he  could  not  have  authority,  .  .  .  [wives]  freedom  to  capture  poitos, 
or  to  trade  with  his  friends  the  Dutch.  ...  To  these  reasons  he  added  many 
others  in  favour  of  uncivilized  life,  and  so  he  remains  obstinately  attached  to  that 
sort  of  existence.  Same,  p.  iii. 

The  Dutch  Colonies  have  a  kind  of  alliance  with  the  many  savage  tribes 
of  Indians  living  in  the  forests,  which  run  from  north  to  south  and  separate 
the  province  of  Guiana  from  the  Dutch  settlements.  They  hold  with  these  Indians 
a  commerce  of  barter  and  exchange,  giving  hatchets,  knives,  choppers,  gaudy 
ornaments,  and  glass  beads  in  exchange  for  the  poitos  or  slaves,  which  these 
tribes  of  savages  make  between  themselves.  Same,  p.  118. 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  account  you  [Ferreras]  were  good  enough  to  give  me,  [Garriga]  of  your 
journey,  was  as  follows  :  .  .  .  That  the  murderers  [who  destroyed  the  Mis- 
sion Avechica]  were  some  Caribs,  who  in  the  year  (17)50  had  rebelled  in  the  set- 
tlement of  Tupuquen,  commanded  by  the  Indian  Caiarivare,  the  Alcalde  of  the 
said  settlement  of  Tupuquen  ;  and  that  the  said  aggressors  were  living  in  the 
interior,  on  the  River  Cuyuni  and  at  the  very  mouth  of  the  River  Corumo ;  that 
they  were  living  with  some  Dutchmen  from  the  Colony  of  Essequibo, 
engaged  in  Slave  Traffic  for  the  said  Colony ;  that  the  principal  reason  for 
their  murdering  the  said  Captain  was  because  he  was  founding  a  settlement  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Avechica,  and  thereby  was  closing  the  pass  of  the  River 
Usupama  ;  and  .  .  .  that  the  said  Dutch,  with  these  very  same  Caribs,  are 
still  living  at  the  mouth  of  the  River  Corumo,  buying  Indian  slaves. 

Same,  p.  14^. 

1760.     Director-General  in  Essiquibo. 

I  .  .  .  took  measures  to  have  the  whole  sea-coast  guarded  by  Caribs, 
so  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  slaves  to  get  to  Orinoco.  What  I  most  feared 
was  that  they  might  take  the  road  through  Cuyuni  where,  since  the  raid  upon  the 
Post  by  the  Spaniards  there  are  no  more  Indians,  and  there  was  therefore  no 
means  of  stopping  them.  Same,  p.  1S6. 


308  INDIANS. 

NATURE  AND  PURPOSE  OF  DUTCH-INDIAN  RELATIONS- ALLI - 
ANCES  FOR  TRADE  IN  SLAVES  AND  CAPTURE  OF  RUN- 
AWAYS-(Continued*. 

1760.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  had  sent  waruing:  to  all  the  Posts,  and  had  the  coast  guarded  by  the  Carib 
nation,  so  that  it  should  be  Impossible  for  the  slaves  to  make  off  in  that 
direction.  The  road  to  Cuyuni  was  open  to  them,  because  since  the  raid  upon 
the  Post  there  by  the  Spaniards  the  river  has  not  been  occupied,  and  the  road 
to  Orinoco  is  an  open  and  easy  one.  B.  C,  II,  igy. 

1 761.  Governor  of  Cumana. 

The  Dutch  .  .  .  go  by  this  river  [Orinoco],  and  those  of  Mazaroni  and 
Cuyuni,  protected  by  the  Carib  Indians,  pillaging  and  capturing  the  Indians 

that  are  not  Caribs,  from  this  Province,  and  reducing  them  to  slavery,  in  the 

same  way  as  they  do  with  the  negroes,  and  sell  them  and  employ  them  in  their 
plantations  and  farms.  V.  C,  I  1,342. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

[In  the  Upper  Orinoco  between  1579  and  1720]  the  Dutch,  chiefly,  bought 
from  the  Caribs  and  carried  away  all  the  Indians  they  could,  for  the  establish- 
ment and  cultivation  of  the  plantations  in  their  Colonies  of  Essequibo,  Berbice, 
Surinam  and  Corentin.  B.C.,  Ill,  11. 

[The  Spaniards]  found  in  that  stronghold  [Dutch  Cuyuni  post]  .  .  .  the 
current  account  which  the  said  Butch  kept  with  the  Caribs.        Sa7ne,  p.  20. 

1768.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

Against  the  desertion  of  the  slaves  from  the  Colony  to  Orinoco  we  know  no 
other  means  of  provision  than  the  projected  coast  guards,  Same,  p.  iSj. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  measures  which  have  been  taken,  ...  of  encour- 
aging the  free  Indians  to  bring  in  the  runaways  are  .  .  .  very  good,  if 
carried  out,  but  still  it  seems  to  us  that  they  are  in  no  way  sufficient  to  effica- 
ciously stop  and  hinder  the  runaways.  Same,  p.  1S4. 

1 77 1.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

In  all  places  where  Caraibans  are  living  in  the  neighborhood  there  is  little 
fear  of  desertion  [of  slaves].  B.  C,  I V,  g6. 

\'JJ2.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  former  Postholders  in  Maroco  were  able  to  do  something  to  arrest  the 
progress  of  this  evil  [slaves  running  away],  they  having  at  least  six  or  seven 
hundred  Indians  around  that  Post,  some  of  whom  they  could  always  have  out  at 
sea,  but  the  unauthorized  attacks  of  the  Spaniards  have  driven  these  natives  away. 

Same,  p.  tot. 
1777.     Court  of  Policy,  Essequibo. 

An  order  about  ...  the  cultivation  of  friendship  with  the  Indians, 
&c.,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the  flight  of  slaves  on  that  side  .  .  . 
was  agreed  to.  Same,  p.  1S4. 

1777.     West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

We  confirm  by  these  presents  the  orders  already  given  several  times  to  culti- 
vate friendly  feelings  witli  tlie  Indians,  which  same  may  be  of  great  service 
in  recovering  fugitive  slaves,  and  .  .  .  that  they  may  be  always  at  the 
service  of  the  Government,  upon  which  the  security  of  both  colonies  so  greatly 
depends,  V.  C.-C,  III,  297. 


INDIANS.  300 

NATURE     AND     PURPOSE    OF    DUTCH-INDIAN     RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES, INCONSTANT    CHARACTER  OF. 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

But  even  this  friendship  was  by  no  means  either  constant  or  exclusive.  The 
Caribs  wei'e  at  times  the  friends,  but  at  times  also  the  enemies  of  the 
Dntch.  They  attacked  Dutch  settlements  and  posts ;  they  allied  themselves 
with  French  and  English  against  the  Dutch  ;  the  very  Barima  Caribs 
.  .  .  were  the  ones  who  guided  the  French  from  the  Barima  to  the  Pomeroon 
in  1689,  and  who  helped  in  the  destruction  of  the  new  Dutch  Colony  there. 

V.  C.-C,  104-/0J. 
1638.     Anonymous  letter  in  the  archives  at  Seville. 

They  [Dutch]  are  settled  in  Amacuro  .  .  .  with  a  great  population  of 
Carib  Indians  ...  It  is  known  from  Aruac  Indians  that  although  it  is 
true  that  they  are  in  peaceful  communication  with  Guayana  [Santo  Thome] 
they  also  receive  bribes  from  the  Dutch,  and  have  trade  and  intercourse  with 
them.  B.  C,  /,  iij. 

1662.     Governor  of  Trinidad. 

These  foreign  nations  hold  at  their  disposal  all  the  Indian  natives  of  these 
Windward  coasts.  Same,  p.  ijj. 

1681.     Commander  in  Essequibo. 

We  know  as  yet  .  .  .  of  no  war,  nor  even  of  rumours  thereof,  and 
now  live  on  satisfactory  terms  with  the  natives  of  this  country. 

Same,  p.  184. 
1724.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

The  Court  received  a  Report  .  .  .  that  the  Mag'anouts  nation  had  killed 
all  the  Caribs  and  Akawois  they  could  get  hold  of,  and  that  those  whom  they 
captured  alive  they  sold  at  other  places  .  .  .  further  .  .  .  that  that  nation 
intended  to  come  and  kill  the  Christians  and  ruin  this  river  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity. B.  C,  II,  2. 

1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

It  is  the  height  of  imprudence  in  the  colonists  that,  .  .  .  they  .  .  . 
put  into  the  hands  of  that  warlike  [Carib]  nation,  who  beyond  dispute  are 
the  bravest  and  most  numerous  on  this  coast,  the  weapons  which  in  future 
may  brln^  about  their  own  destruction.  Same,  p.  6y. 

1755.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

As  I  now  write  this  I  have  staying  at  my  house  the  chiefs  of  the  Panacay 
tribe  u])  in  the  Cuyuni.  I  must  absolutely  keep  tliem  friendly,  for  many 
weighty  reasons.  Same,  p.  iig. 

The  nation  of  the  Acuways,  which  is  very  strong  in  the  interior,  and  some  of 
whose  villages,  both  in  Essequibo  and  in  Massaruni  and  Demerary  are  situated 
next  to  our  plantations,  commenced  by  attacking  the  dwellings  of  some  free 
Creoles  belonging  to  the  plantation  Oosterbeek,  and  massacring  those  they 
found  there.  Same,  p.  120. 

1758.     Fray  Jose  de  Therriaga. 

It  is  well  that  the  Caribs  should  keep  withdrawing  from  the  Cuyuni,  even 
if  it  be  through  fear  of  the  Dutch.  V.  C,  II,  j2j. 


310  INDIANS. 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN      RELATIONS-ALLI- 
ANCES,   INCONSTANT    CHARACTER    OF-(Continued  . 

1758.     Santiago  Bonaldes. 

That  he  made  use  of  the  Caribs  who  infest  these  parts,  and  they  conducted 
them  in  a  friendly  manner,  taking  all  care  that  they  should  neither  be  observed 
nor  heard,  to  a  certain  place  (which  he  does  not  remember),  where  they  met  a 
white  Dutchman. 

All  being  arranged  in  good  order  [for  the  attack  on  the  Cuyuui  Post].  (In 
which  disposition  he  took  the  opinion  and  judgment  of  the  Caribs  themselves.) 

B.  C,  II,  139. 

1758.     Juan  Jose  Fragas. 

That  from  thence  they  [the  Spaniards  en  route  to  the  Cuyuni  Post]  departed 
in  conip.any  with  some  Carib  Indians.  Same,  p.  162. 

1762.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

So  lona:  as  we  have  the  good  fortune  to  stand  well  with  the  Indians  (and 
I  shall  always  try  to  remain  so),  and  keep  them  under  our  protection,  so  long,  I 
say,  we  need  liave  no  fear.  Same,  pp.  211- 212. 


NATURE  AND  PURPOSE  OF  DUTCH-INDIAN  RELATIONS-PROTEC- 
TION GIVEN  INDIANS  BY  THE  DUTCH. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Company  was  obliged  in  very  early  times  to  interfere  to  protect  tlie 
natlTes  from  the  whites.  B.  C,  Sj. 

In  their  protectorate  over  and  government  of  the  Indian  tribes,  the  Dutch  se- 
cured the  loyal  service  of  those  tribes  in  duties  of  a  military  or  quasi-military 
character. 

The  Indians,  however,  acted  not  only  as  the  allies  and  soldiers  of  the  Dutch 
but  also  as  their  servants,  being  employed  by  them,  as  afterwards  by  the  British, 
for  various  duties  of  an  industrial  character.  Same,  p.  pj. 

The  districts  of  Amakuru  and  liarima  were  occupied  by  Caribs  and  other 
Indians,  who  acknowledged  the  Protectorate  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Dutcli ; 

the  whole  of  this  region  was  dealt  with  in  all  respects  as  an  integral  portion  of 
tbe  Colony  of  British  Guiana.  Same,  p.  114. 

When  ill-treated  by  Dutch  traders  they  [Indians  of  Barima]  complained  to 
the  Court  of  Justice  for  the  Colony  of  Essequibo.  Same,  p.  113. 

The  Dutch  West  India  Company  received  authority  from  the  States-General 
to  establish,  and,  in  fact,  established,  a  Protectorate  over  the  Indian  tribes  of 
Guiana. 

The  Dutch  and  British  employed  the  Indians  living  within  the  territory  now 
in  dispute  in  services  both  of  a  military  and  industrial  character. 

Subsidies  were  for  many  years  paid  to  the  Indians  for  military  services  by  the 
Dutch  and  British  Governments  respectively.  Same,  p.  iig. 


INDIANS.  311 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN      RELATIONS-PRO- 
TECTION   GIVEN     INDIANS    BY    THE    DUTCH- (Continued). 

1750.     Court  of  Justice. 

His  Honour  .  .  .  stated  that  some  Caribs  from  the  River  Massaruni 
were  come  to  complain  of  the  colonists  Pieter  Marchal.  .  .  .  said  Marchal, 
.  .  .  had  made  them  and  their  wives  work  for  nearly  four  months  without 
giving  them  any  payment. 

The  accused  ...  is  sharply  admouished  to  leave  the  Indians  there 
unmolested  in  their  liberties,  and  to  duly  pay  them  for  their  services  rendered. 

Complaints  concerning  similar  ill-treatment  of  the  Caribs  by  Pieter  de  Bakker 
being  confirmed    .    .    .    Pieter  de  Bakker  is  to  be  reprimanded. 

B.  C,  II.  64. 
1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  had  the  honour  to  give  your  Honours  information  of  the  intolerable  and  in- 
excusable dealings  of  some  of  our  itinerant  traders  above  in  the  River  Essequibo, 
which  caused  me  to  fear  that  the  nations  there  would  be  induced  to  revenge 
themselves.  ...  I  have  never  been  able  to  obtain  proof  .  .  .  sufficient 
for  a  Court  so  as  to  be  able  to  punish  any  of  them  according  to  their  deserts. 

Wherefore,  being  convinced  of  the  justice  of  the  Indians'  complaints,  I  closed 
the  river,  and  forbade  individuals  trading  there. 

Jan  Stok  .  .  .  committed  horrible  enormities  there  [Upper  Essequibo]. 
Accompanied  by  a  party  of  Orinoco  Caribs,  he  attacked  the  nations  our  friends 
close  by  the  Post  Arinda,  caused  all  the  men  to  be  killed,  and  carried  the  women 
and  children  away  as  slaves,  ruined  all  the  provision  gardens,  and  perpetrated 
many  unheard  of  things. 

In  a  word,  they  hare  made  the  Indians  desperate,  ivho  intend  to  take 
vengeance  therefor,  so  that  the  otlier  traders  >vlio  are  still  up  tiie  river  are 
in  extreme  peril  of  life,  and  the  plantations  up  the  Essequibo  run  the  risk  of 
being  deserted.  Saine,  p.  64. 

The  wantonness  of  the  rovers,  or  traders,  up  in  Essequibo  should  also  be 
forcibly  restrained,  for  by  it  the  tribes  are  g-reatly  embittered.  The  wanton- 
ness goes  so  far  that  certain  of  these  do  not  hesitate  even  to  go  with  some  tribes 
to  make  war  upon  others,  or  greatly  to  maltreat  them,  often  carrying  off  free 
people  and  selling  them  as  slaves,  and  abusing  the  Indian  w'omen.      Satnc,  p.  6j. 

1755.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Up  to  the  present  no  plantation  lias  been  attacked  except  those  wliose 
owners,  according  to  common  report,  are  accused  of  having:  grossly  ill- 
treated  that  nation,  and  who  were  the  cause  of  several  Acuways  being  killed 
by  the  Caribs.  Same,  p.  121. 

1762.     Court  of  Justice. 

Serious  complaints  had  been  made  to  him  concerning  Nicholas  Stedevelt  and 
the  free  Indians,  to  the  effect  that  he,  Stedevelt,  had  gone  so  far  as  to  wound  an 
Indian  up  the  Essequibo  so  .  .  .  that  the  man  had  died  therefrom  the  following 
day,  .  .  .  His  Excellency  considering  such  conduct  likely  to  lead  to  many 
evil  and  dangerous  results,  had  caused  the  said  Stedevelt  to  be  apprehended. 

It  was  decided  ...  to  send  away  the  aforesaid  Stedevelt  by  the 
Essequibos  Welvaeren  .  .  .  on  account  of  his  frequent  ill-treatment  of 
the  free  Indians,  for  which  he  has  already  received  correction  in  former 
times.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  208. 


312  INDIANS. 

NATURE    AND     PURPOSE     OF     DUTCH-INDIAN      RELATIONS-PRO- 
TECTION   GIVEN     INDIANS    BY    THE    DUTCH-(Continued). 

1769.     Commancleur  in  Demerary. 

No  one  ,  .  .  is  more  convinced  how  advantageous  and  necessary  the 
friendship  of  the  Indians  is  to  this  Colony,  because  so  long  as  we  are  fortunate 
enough  to  have  them  living  around  us  we  are  quite  safe  inland,  and  have  nothing 
to  fear  concerning  the  desertion  of  our  slaves.  I  therefore  neglect  no  possible 
opportunity  of  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the  same,  and  of  protecting:  them 
from  all  the  ill-treatment  and  tyranny  of  the  whites,  .  .  .  and  in  this 
way  I  have  made  myself  so  beloved  by  them  that  I  can  now  get  tliem  to  do 
whateTer  1  wish.  B.  C,  IV,  j. 

1785.     Court  of  Policy. 

He  shall  take  good  care  that  the  post  be  kept  in  proper  order ;  shall,  for  the 
benefit  and  welfare  of  the  Post,  treat  all  Indians  properly  ;  shall  enrol  and 
take  into  protection  about  the  Post  as  many  of  them  as  his  means  shall  allow ; 
and,  besides,  shall  not  suffer  any  wrong  to  be  done  (by  any  person,  no  matter 
who)  to  any  belonging  to  these  tribes.  B.  C,  V,  sg. 

He  shall  not  be  at  liberty  to  go  from  the  Post  for  the  purpose  of  carr}ing  on 
any  trade  or  commerce  among  the  Indians,  but  shall  do  his  utmost  that  the 
trade  with  the  Indians  for  the  profit  of  this  Colony  be  more  and  more  estab- 
lished. Sa7)u,  p.  JO. 

RELATIONS   TO   THE    ESSEQUIBO    DUTCH;    CREOLE-DUTCH     LAN- 
GUAGE. 

.     British  Case. 

As  a  result  of  the  constant  intercourse  between  the  Dutch  and  the  Indians, 
there  sprung  up  a  language  known  as  "  Creole  Dntch,"  which,  when  the  British 
came  into  possession  of  the  conquered  territories,  formed  the  best  and  most  con- 
venient form  of  communication  between  the  settlers  and  the  native  population. 

B.  C,  gd-gj. 

This  language  was  spoken  by  Indians  of  the  Massaruni,  Essequibo  and 
Cuyuni  as  the  language  next  to  their  own  best  understood  by  them,  and  was  used 
by  them  in  their  intercourse  with  the  settlers.  Same,  p.  gj. 

All  the  Indian  Captains  in  the  Barima  (including  the  Aruka)  and  Waini 
.     .     .     The  Creole  Dutch  was  spolten  among  them.  Samc,p.  iiy. 

The  Indians  in  the  district  up  to  the  Amakuru  speak  English  as  well  as 
their  own  language,  and  the  Spanish  language  is  not  spoken  by  any  Indian 
tribes  except  the  refugees  from  Venezuela  settled  on  the  Moruka.       Same,  p.  162. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Creole-Dutch  was  also  the  common  language  among  the  Indians  in  the 
centre  of  the  Colony  (/.  e.  in  the  valleys  of  the  Cuyuni,  Massaruni.  and  Central 
Essequibo)  so  far  as  they  used  any  language  but  their  own.  .  .  .  English 
and  Creole-Dutch  are  the  only  languages,  except  their  own,  used  by  Indians 
in  any  part  of  tlie  territory  now  in  dispute,  with  the  exception  of  tlic  Span- 
ish Arawaks.  B.  C.-C,  26. 


INDIANS.  313 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    ESSEQUIBO    DUTCH;    CREOLE-DUTCH    LAN- 

GUAGE-(Continued). 

1768.     Court  of  Justice. 

His  Excellency  reported  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  appoint  and  administer 
an  oath  to  a  permanent  interpreter  of  tlie  Indian  lan^nag:es,  and  also  to  give 
him  a  small  salary,  and  for  this  purpose  he  proposes  the  person  of  Jean  Baptiste, 
which  is  agreed  to  by  the  Court.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  216. 

1779.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

I  left  the  two  Guaraunos  Indians  we  captured  in  Moruca  at  the  first  settle- 
ment, having  treated  them  well.  .  .  .  They  showed  that  they  were  highly 
gratified,  and  the  younger,  who  was  very  sensible  and  handsome,  spoke  English 
and  Dutch,  and  told  me  to  pass  where  they  lived  on  my  return,  ...  I  thanked 
him  for  his  offers,  though  they  can  not  be  relied  upon,  since  the  Guaranna  tribe 
is  the  most  inconstant  and  variable  among  almost  all  the  tribes  that  occupy  all 
the  creeks  of  the  Orinoco.  Same,  p.  2J4. 

1833.     Rev.  L.  Strong. 

Mr.  Armstrong  [of  Bartika  Mission]  has  also  regularly  visited  the  settlements 
of  Indians  in  the  Essequibo  and  Massaruni  Rivers  alternately  every  week, 
expounding  the  scriptures  ...  to  some  in  English,  to  others  through 
an  interpreter  in  the  Creole  Dutch.  B.  C,  VI,  4g. 

1836.     Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

I  do  not  understand  any  of  the  Indian  languages,  but  can  make  them  under- 
stand me  in  the  Creole  Dutch.  Same,  p.  61. 

1836.     Postholders  in  Boeraseri. 

I  have  been  Postholder  about  a  month.  I  can  converse  with  the  Indians  in 
the  Dutch  Creole  language,  which  is  generally  understood  by  them. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  276. 

1836.     Postholder  in  Waibana. 

Generally,  all  of  the  Indians  up  here  speaking  English  and  Creole  Dutch, 

I  can  converse  with  them  very  well.  Same,  p.  2j6. 

1836.     Postholder  in  Berbice. 

Can  converse  with  the  Indians  in  the  Creole  language,  which  is  understood 
by  all  of  them.  Same,  p.  276. 

1839.  Dr.  George  Ross. 

I  took  down  the  statement  of  the  woman  Meea  Caria  under  the  disadvantage, 
however,  of  an  interpreter  who  could  speak  very  little  English.  Most  of  the 
questions  and  answers  had,  therefore,  to  be  communicated  through  the  medium 
of  C  reole  Dutch.  ^a">e,  p.  2S6. 

1840.  R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Postholder  [of  Fort  Island]  can  converse  with  the  Indians  of  the  Essequibo, 
most  of  whom  speak  Creole  Dutch.  .  .  .  [Ampa]  Postholder  can  converse 
with  the  Indians  in  Dutch  Creole.  Same,  p.  2g2. 

1 841.  R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

The  Arawaak  chieftain  Jan  [of  Amacura  region]  .  .  .  spoke  the  Creole 
Dutch  perfectly.  B.  C,  VII,  14-15. 


314  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO   THE    ESSEQUIBO    DUTCH;    CREOLE-DUTCH    LAN- 

GUAGE-(Continued). 

1850.     Sir  Henry  Barkly. 

Their  chiefs  to  this  day  bear  the  names  of  Jan,  Hendrick,  or  the  like  ;  their  inter- 
course with  Europeans  is  still  carried  on  mainly  in  the  Creole  Dutch ;  .  .  . 
even  in  their  own  dialect  the  Dutch  names  for  things  derived  from  abroad  (rum, 
gunpowder,  &c  ,)  are  incorporated.  B.  C,   VI,  1S4. 

1897.     Sir  Henry  Barkly. 

The  proof  of  the  long-continued  occupation  of  the  adjacent  region  [Barima]  by 
the  Dutch  ...  is  clearly  shown  by  the  distinct  indications  of  the  influence  they 
had  exercised  over  the  Indian  population.  The  Chiefs  of  the  Indian  tribes  then 
as  at  this  day  bore  the  names  of  Jan,  Hendrik,  and  many  other  Dutch  names. 
Their  conversation  and  transactions  with  Europeans  were  largely  carried  on  in 
the  Creole  Dutch  laiigiiage,  and  even  in  their  own  dialects  the  Dutch  names  spoken 
of,  for  instance,  rum,  gunpowder,  &c.,  were  incorporated.  B.  C,  VII,  2j6. 

RELATIONS    TO    FRENCH,    ENGLISH,    SURINAM-DUTCH,    ETC. 

.     British  Case. 

The  English  and  Dutch  .allied  themselves  with  the  Carib  Indians  against 
the  Spaniards.  B.  C,  2j. 

.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  French  seem  to  have  maintained  for  years  their  alliance  with  the  Barima 
Caribs  against  the  Dutch.  V.  C.-C,  II,  124. 

161 3.  Governor  of  Margarita. 

Vargas,  Governor  of  Margharita,  .  .  .  reported  that  he  had  information 
.  .  .  that  .  .  .  not  far  from  Margharita,  on  the  coast  of  the  mainland, 
some  English  had  settled,  witli  the  favour  of  the  Caribs,  with  the  intention  of 
cultivating  tobacco. 

He  gives  information  of  the  settlements  [of  English  and  Caribs]  which  are 
being  made  in  the  island  of  Trinadad  and  coast  of  San  Thome  of  Guiana,  where, 
with  the  friendship  of  the  Caribs,  they  are  extensively  cultivating  tobacco. 

The  English,  who  were  making  settlements  on  the  rivers  in  union  with 
the  Caribs.  B.  C,  I,  jj. 

1614.  Don  Juan  Tostado. 

For  if  they  [Dutch]  had  settled  there  [on  the  Corentine]  as  they  had 
resolved  to  do,  it  would  be  a  great  injury  to  the  friendly  Arnac  natives  to 

have  the  Dutch  and  Caribs  so  close  to  them.  Sa/ne,  p.  jy. 

Some  natives  of  the  island  [Trinidad]  brought  news  that  they  had  seen  a 
number  of  Carib  pirogues  on  the  southern  side  of  the  island  in  company  with 
some  Flemish  vessels,  which  are  those  that  the  Flemish  in  the  fort  [on  the  Coren- 
tine river]  were  expecting  in  order  to  load  tiiem  with  the  tobacco  they  had  prepared. 
They  are  now  seeking  revenge. 

It  is  proved  by  the  information  of  six  witnesses  that  this  island  is  generally 
surrounded  by  the  Flemish  and  Caribs  both  by  sea  and  land,  so  that  the  in- 
habitants live  in  constant  want  of  many  things  which  they  cannot  go  and  fetch  for 
fear  of  the  enemy,  the  Caribs  even  coming  as  far  as  the  city  to  rob  and  ill-treat 
them,  which  comes  of  their  stn>ng'  alliance  with  the  Flemish,  always  moving 
together  as  they  did  when  they  attacked  the  Aruacas.  Same,  p.  jJ. 


INDIANS.  315 

RELATIONS    TO    FRENCH,    ENGLISH,    SURINAM-DUTCH,    ETC- 

(Continued). 

1615.     Report  of  Council  to  Spanish  King. 

If  they  [enemies  of  Spain]  are  aided  by  the  Caril)  Indians,  as  they  now  are. 

B.  C,  I,  44. 
1637.     Don  Pedro  de  Vivero. 

Euglisli,  Irisli,  and  others,  with  negro  slaves,  have  established  and  settled 
themselves,  from  Cape  North  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  River  Orinoco,  in  most 
productive  lands,  allying  themselves  with  more  than  5,000  peaceful  Indians 
and  Caribs,  with  many  forts  and  a  castle,  on  nine  rivers.  Same,  p.  no. 

1662.     Report  of  Spanish  Council  of  War. 

They  [En§:lish  and  French]  have  very  great  numbers  of  the  Indian  natives 
of  that  country  [Terra  Firma]  subject  to  them,  on  account  of  the  merchandize 
they  give  them  in  barter.  Same,  p.  160. 

[1666.]     Major  John  Scott. 

Hendricson,  a  Switz  by  nation,  that  had  served  some  Dutch  merchants  in 

those  partes   27    yeares  in   quality  of  a   factor  with   the   upland  Indians    of 

Guiana.  Same,  p.  1 68. 

1684.  [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

In  the  summer  of  1684,  and  for  long  thereafter,  the  Barima  was  occupied 
by  hostile  Caribs  and  by  their  allies,  the  French,  who  in  1689  were  building 
a  fort  in  that  river.  V.  C.-C,  II,  137-138. 

1684.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  alliance  between  tlie  French  and  the  Barinia  Caribs,  which  com- 
menced in  1684  (in  which  year  these  Caribs  came  to  the  Barima  from  Cope- 
name),  lasted  only  during  the  war  which  was  then  proceeding.  B.  C.-C,  64. 

1684.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

They  [tlie  French]  have  for  their  assistance  many  Caribs  from  Copename 
.     .     .     taking  refuge  here  to  our  great  disquietude. 

Gabriel  Bishop,  .  .  .  from  Surinam  and  Berbice,  coming  into  the  Barima 
in  order  to  trade,  .  .  .  being  surprised  and  overtaken  by  the  Caribs  afore- 
said, he  with  fifteen  of  men,  was  slain,  .  .  .  with  threats  to  some  other 
Indians  friendly  to  us,  that  they,  conjointly  with  the  French,  will  probably  come 
to  destroy  all  the  plantations  outside  the  fort  at  Essequibo.  B.  C,  I,  1S7. 

1686.     Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga, 

Those  [Caribs]  of  the  Golfo  Triste  in  particular  have  committed  much 
slaughter  and  devastation  in  alliance  with  the  French,  with  whom  at  the 
present  time  they  have  traffic  and  communication,  and  it  is  much  to  be  feared 
that  they  are  going  to  help  the  French  to  settle  on  the  mainland.      Safne,  p.  ig6. 

1686.     Sancho  Fernandez  de  Angulo. 

To  fulfil  their  ambition  and  that  of  the  French,  they  [Caribs]  will  make 
joint  incursions  with  the  latter,  and  it  is  to  be  feared  will  proceed  to  occupy 
the  territories  and  ports  of  His  Majesty  as  they  have  done  in  other  parts,  and  as 
the  Dutch  have  also  done  with  other  settlements  on  the  River  Orinoco  in  the 
region  of  the  mainland.  Satne,  p.  igS. 


31G  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO     FRENCH,    ENGLISH,    SURINAM-DUTCH,    ETC- 

(Continued>. 

1689.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

It  was  at  the  liands  of  French  and  Caribs  from  the  Barima  that  the 
Pomeroon  colony  fell,  in  April  of  1689.  V.  C.-C,  II,  i2j. 

1 70 1.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

They  [the  crew]  shall  .  .  .  inquire  amon^  the  Caribs  there  [Waini] 
how  the  matter  stands,  explaining  to  them,  namely,  to  the  Chiefs,  that  if  the 
[French]  enemy's  boats  try  to  g-ain  their  favour  .  .  .  they  may  expect 
all  the  Christians  and  Aravvalis  of  Surinam,  Berbice,  and  Essequibo  upon 
them,  and  that  the  Commandeur  of  Essequibo,  who  has  already  made  peace  with 
them,  strives  to  continue  therein.  B.  C,  I,  224-22^. 

1 701.     Official  Diary  at  Kijkoveral. 

February  10,  [1701].  .  .  .  Mr.  Hollander  stated  that  he  had  had 
reports  from  the  Carib  nation  concerning  the  murder  of  five  [whites]  who  had 
been  living  amongst  them  at  the  mouth  of  the  Corentin,  and  that  this  was  con- 
firmed by  a  certain  Indian  who  had  seen  the  deed  with  his  own  eyes,  and  who 
said  that  they  were  not  French,  their  sworn  enemies,  as  liad  been  pretended, 
but  rather  whites  from  Surinam  with  trading  wares.  He  further  stated  that 
tlie  said  Caribs  were  uniting  with  all  kinds  of  Indian  tribes,  wherever  nec- 
essary, in  order  to  kill  and  extirpate  all  the  Europeans.  Even  if  the  above 
should  be  untrue,  it  were  well  that  we  should  take  speedy  measures,  since  their 
rascally  practices  were  known  to  all  the  world,  as  well  as  their  avarice,  deceit, 
and  bloodthirstiness.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  141. 

1752.     Council  of  Indies. 

The  Prelates  of  the  Missions  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  and  Capuchins 
report  that  the  Caribs  are  in  possession  of  the  great  river  Orinoco,  and  the  other 
tribes  cannot  approach  owing  to  the  hostilities  they  carr)'  on  against  them,  and 
also  through   tlie   friendship  which   this  tribe    has  contracted    with    the 
foreigners  of  Martinique,  Surinam,  Berbice  and  other  colonies. 

Same,  p.  igj. 

1754.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Surinam  wanderers  and  most  of  tlie  Carib  Indians  have  retired  from 
Barima,  and  have  departed  to  the  Waini.  B.  C,  II,  100. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

In  the  year  1 720,  .  .  .  Dutch,  English,  and  French,  .  .  .  with  the 
Caribs,  overran  .  .  .  the  Province  of  (iuayana  [and  others]  enslaving  and 
slaughtering  all  the  Indians,  other  than  Caribs,  whom  they  could  seize,  and 
burning  the  Mission  villages  and  Spanish  settlements  established  in  the  said  prov- 
inces. B.  C,  III,  J 4. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE    SPANISH-IN   GENERAL. 

1595.     Capt.  Felipe  de  Santiago. 

The  Province  of  Caura,  which  is  very  fertile,  and  inhabited  by  a  great  num- 
ber of  natives.    Although  Caribs,  they  are  friendly  towards  the  Spaniards. 

B.  C,  I,  10. 


INDIANS.  317 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH-IN    GEN ERAL-(Continued). 

1614.     Don  Juan  Tostaclo. 

For  if  they  [Diitcli]  had  settled  there  [on  the  Corentine]  as  they  had  resolved 
to  do,  it  would  be  a  great  injury  to  the  friendly  Ariiac  natives  to  have  the 
Dutch  and  Caribs  so  close  to  them.  B.  C,  I.  34. 

1637.  Governor  of  Guiana. 

With  300  men  well  provided  with  munitions,  and  with  a  quantity  of  Indians 
whom  1  will  take  care  to  collect  by  gifts  ...  I  would  undertake  the 
expedition  [against  Essequibo].  Same,  p.  107. 

1638.  Diego  Ruiz  Maldonado. 

On  this  bank  [North  bank  of  lower  Orinoco]  the  village  of  the  Glnayanos  is 
also,  who,  while  they  belong-  to  his  Majesty,  have  in  all  the  invasions  of  Guayana 
that  have  taken  place  by  the  Lutherans,  rendered  snccour ;  not  only  have  they  not 
united  with  them,  but  they  have  come  to  the  help  of  the  people  with  provi- 
sions on  the  occasions  that  have  presented  themselves.  And  on  the  other  [south] 
side  of  the  river  the  town  of  the  Arnacas,  a  very  powerful  people,  and  all 
enemies  of  the  taribs  and  friends  of  the  Spaniards.  Same,  p.  120. 

They  knelt  down,  with  great  attention,  both  the  Caribs  and  those  of  other  na- 
tions, who  were  to  the  number  of  133  in  all,  being  rowers  of  the  pirogues. 
And  there  is  no  doubt  that  were  they  instructed  in  the  Faith  they  would  embrace 
it,  as  they  are  all  very  docile,  especially  the  Chaguane  Indians,  who  like  the 
Spaniards  much.  Same,  p.  121. 

The  first  village  [to  be  christianized]  must  be  of  the  Chaguanes,  as  they  are 
veiy  numerous,  and  because  these  are  very  friendly  with  the  Spaniards,  beyond 
others  of  those  nations,  and  it  must  be  called  the  village  of  San  Felipe  de  la  Real 
Corona.  Same,  p.  128. 

1688.     Governor  of  Trinidad. 

The  free  Indians  of  the  villages  of  San  Pedro  de  Mariguaca  and  Santa 
Maria  Magdalena  de  Caucao,  which  are  in  the  said  territory  of  Guayana. 

Same,  p.  212. 

1767.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

On  account  of  the  bad  treatment  received  at  the  hands  of  the  present  Gov- 
ernor of  Orinoque,  all  the  Warouws,  thousands  of  whom  live  on  the  islands  in 
the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  are  fleeing  from  there,  and  that  hundreds  of  them 
have  already  arrived  in  Barima.  B.  C,  III,  144. 

1770.     Commandant  of  Guiana. 

The  information  previously  given  me  by  the  friendly  Caribs  [of  Upper 
Orinoco].  B.C.,  J  ¥,77. 

1779.     Don  Jose  Felipe  de  Inciarte. 

A  canoe  overtook  me  and  brought  in  a  youth  [Arowak]  of  twelve  or 
fourteen  from  the  said  Piache,  begging  me  to  take  him  with  me  that  he  mig-ht 
learn  to  speak  Spanish  and  might  see  the  lands  of  the  Spaniards.  I  took 
him,  thanked  them  for  their  confidence,  and  promised  to  bring  him  back  with  me 
on  my  return.  ^-  C.-C  App.,  2jg. 


318  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  SPANISH-HOSTILITY  TO. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Caribs  regarded  the  Spaniards  as  enemies,  not  as  rulers.     B.  C.-C,  Sj. 

1598.     A  Cabeliau. 

They  are  there  [Santo  Thome]  about  60  horseman  and  100  musketeers  strong, 
who  daily  attempt  to  conquer  the  auriferous  Weyana,  but  cannot  concjuer  the 
same  either  by  the  forces  already  used  or  by  any  means  of  friendship,  since  the 
nation  named  Charibus  daily  offer  them  hostile  resistance  with  their  arms. 

B.  C,  I,  20. 

They  who  are  enemies,  and  who  bear  enmity  to  the  Spaniards,  are  friends 
with  the  Indians,  and  they  constantly  Iiope  tliat  they  will  be  rid  of  tlie  Span- 
iards by  the  Flamingos  and  Angleses,  as  they  told  us.  Satne,  p.  21. 

1 601.  Governor  of  El  Dorado. 

In  reference  to  .  .  .  the  depopnlation  of  the  Arias,  ...  In  the 
first  uprising-  [of  Indians]  they  killed  the  Spanish  chapetones  (Spaniards  who 
come  without  passports  to  America)  ;  .  .  .  Being  so  fertile,  here  the  city  of 
the  Arias  was  founded.  There  was  an  uprisins?  of  the  natives,  who  killed  the 
Major  ;  their  punishment  and  seizure  was  seriously  undertaken.  By  reason  of  the 
control  exercised  over  them  and  the  war  made  against  them,  tlie  natives  refused 
to  sow  tlie  land  or  to  come  to  the  town,  and  by  tliis  means  the  Spanisli 
were  ejected  from  tliis  province,  famine  being-  used  as  the  worst  kind  of 
weapon.  V.  C.-C,  III,  4. 

1602.  Governor  of  Nueva  Andalucia. 

The  city  of  the  Arias  is  one  of  the  two  that  Don  Fernando  had  settled ; 
it  is  farther  inland  tlian  Santo  Thome,  .  .  .  thiclily  populated  by  In- 
dians who,  being  barbarians,  conceived  such  a  liatred  toward  the  Spaniards 
tliat  tliey  preferred  to  leave  their  native  country  rather  than  to  have 
intercourse  with  them,  and  they  retreated  so  far  that,  in  a  radius  of  thirty 
leagues  from  that  city,  not  one  single  Indian  was  to  be  found.  The  soldiers, 
being  unable  to  support  themselves  without  the  aid  of  the  Indians,  were  com- 
pelled to  leave  said  site  and  to  search  for  another,  where  they  could  rebuild  said 
city,  which  has  not  been  done  as  yet.  Same,  p.  2. 

1612.     Sancho  de  Alquica. 

From  this  island  [Margarita]  to  that  of  Trinidad  is  more  than  60  leagues  to 
windward,  and  infested  by  Carib  pirates,  who  ccnumit  great  damage. 

B.  C,  I,  2Q-JO. 

1614.     Mansilla,  Parish  Priest  in  Trinidad. 

The  evil  done  by  the  Caribs  is  notorious.  Same,  p.  jS. 

1637.     Jacques  Ousiel. 

On  the  east  side  of  the  island  named  Punta  Galera  dwell  two  nations  of  In- 
dians, the  one  called  Nipujos  and  the  other  Arawaks,  over  600  able  men  ;  these 
are  friendly  to  the  Dutch,  especially  the  Nipujos,  who  are  deadly  enemies  of  the 
Spaniards  ;  but  the  Arawalis  occasionally  serve  the  Spaniards  in  rowing  their 
canoes,  and  cannot  be  relied  upon  so  well.  U.  S.  Com.,  II,  Sj. 

One  mile  inland  [in  Trinidad]  there  is  a  very  good  opportunity  for  obtaining 
a  supply  of  bananas  from  the  old  plantations  of  the  Caribs  who  were  driven 
from  the  aforesaid  island  by  tlie  Spaniards,  and  still  are  wont  to  come  there 
every  year  with  their  canoes  to  lay  in  provisions,  V.  C,  II,  22. 


INDIANS.  319 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH-HOSTILITY    TO-(Continued). 

1638.     Corporation  of  Santo  Thome. 

The  Carihs  of  the  Province  of  Caura,  who  are  Indians  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  this  town  [Santo  Thome]  killed  the  men  Avlio  came  with  the  said  iii- 
foriuation  [about  the  quicksilver  mine  near  Santo  Thome]  and  took  all  the  des- 
patches. B-  C.,  I,  J  03. 

The  bearer  is  an  honest  soldier,  married  here,  and  as  there  is  so  much  distress 
here,  ventures  his  life  through  so  much  danger,  as  there  is  in  tliese  plains  of 
the  Caribs,  only  to  take  these  letters.  Same,  p.  104. 

1686.     Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga. 

It  is  impossible  to  conquer  them  [Caribs]  all  owing  to  their  great  number 
and  the  various  territories  they  occupy  in  a  space  extending  over  300  leagues  in 
length.  Same,  p.  ig6. 

1733.     Government  of  Trinidad. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Caribs  are  not  natives  of  the  Orinoco, 
but  intruders,  and  that  Law  13,  Title  2,  Book  6,  allows  war  to  be  made  upon 
tliose  of  that  tribe  who  come  to  infest  these  provinces  with  armed  force,  and 
who  eat  human  flesh,  and  sanctions  the  enslavement  of  those  above  14  years, 
except  the  women.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  178. 

1735.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

It  was  necessary  to  cross  over  to  seek  them  [Caribs]  in  their  own  lands,  in  their 
clearing  which  they  call  the  Pumeyo,  where  they  had  three  encounters  with 
said  Caribs.  V.  C.-C,  III,  42. 

1737.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

The  Governor,  Don  Carlos  Sucre  .  .  .  reported  to  your  Majesty  the  con- 
dition of  that  fortress  [Santo  Thome]  and  dependency,  and  also  of  the  war  which 
the  Carib  Indians,  with  other  allies,  are  making-,  causing-  death  and  torture 
among  the  missionaries,  and  other  Spaniards.  B.  C,  II,  2j. 

Nothing-  further  can  be  taken  in  hand  except  defensive  measures  against 
the  Caribs.  Same,  p.  26. 

1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

By  these  means  [making-  war]  he  is  persuaded  the  object  will  be  attained 
of  punishing  their  [Carib]  cruelty,  and  forcing  them  to  quit  the  country,  leav- 
ing the  other  Indians  free  to  settle  there.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  1S2. 

1750.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

We  dare  not  openly  oppose  them  [Spaniards]  as  might  very  easily  be  done, 
by  means  of  the  Carib  nation,  their  sworn  enemies. 

The  frequent  and  well-founded  complaints  which  the  Spaniards  make  of  the 
damage  done  to  them  by  the  Carib  nation  well  deserve  your  Honours'  attention, 
not  only  on  account  of  the  damage  which  the  Spaniards  suffer,  for  by  their 
harsh  and  unjust  dealings  they  give  cause  for  this,  but  on  account  of  the  in- 
evitable consequences  which  in  course  of  time  might  befall  the  Colony. 

B.  C,  II,  67. 
1755.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

It  is  morally  impossible  to  enter  into  negotiations  of  peace  with  the  in- 
uiimerable  Chiefs  of  the  sources  of  Aquire.  Samf,  p.  iii. 


320  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH-HOSTILITY    TO-(Continued). 

1755.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  chiefs  of  the  Panacays,  (a  mighty  nation  which  has  never  before  been 
here)  have  expressly  come  down  to  offer  their  help  ajjaiust  the  Spaniards  if 

required,  and  they  are  going  to  settle  down  with  their  dwellings  around  the  Post. 

B.  C,  II,  iig. 

1759.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  latter  [Caribs],  on  their  part,  are  not  taking  matters  quietly,  but  are 
beginning:  to  make  a  vigorous  resistance,  and  to  do  much  mischief  in  Ori- 
Moco  itself.  Two  well-armed  boats  have  been  kept  cruising  up  and  down  the  river, 
and  the  Spanish  commerce  has  suffered  a  good  deal.  Same,  p.  ly^. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

In  the  year  1720,  .  .  .  Dutch,  English,  and  French,  .  .  .  with 
the  Caribs,  overran  .  .  .  the  Province  of  Guayana  [and  others]  enslaving 
and  slaughtering  all  the  Indians,  other  than  Caribs,  whom  they  could  seize, 
and  burning  the  Mission  villages  and  Spanish  settlements  established  in  the 
said  provinces,  B.  C,  III,  34. 

[The  inhabitants  will  soon  quit  Ciudad  Real  for  other  causes]  even  if  the 
continual  attacks  of  the  Indians  do  not  overwhelm  them.  Same,  p.  67. 

1766.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  can  fully  rely  upon  the  assistance  of  the  Caribs,  The  deep-rooted 
hatred  and  enmity  of  that  nation  towards  the  Spaniards  is  so  great  that  there 
is  little  probability  of  a  reconciliation  between  them,  and  although  that  nation  has 
lost  many  of  its  old  characteristics,  this  still  continues  to  be  one  of  its  innate 
peculiarities.  Same,  p.  iji. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  SPANISH-HOSTILITY  TO,  ITS  CAUSE. 

1594.     Antonio  de  Berrio. 

I  cannot  get  the  Indians  [to  help  conquer  Guiana]  owing  to  the  malice  of 
my  neighbours  [/.  e.,  Spanish  governors  of  neighboring  provinces.]     B.  C,  I,  S. 

1621.     Juan  de  Lezama. 

Juan  de  Lezama,  Procurator-General  of  the  City  of  Santo  Thome  and  Island 
of  Trinidad  of  the  Province  of  Guayana,  says  that  in  respect  of  the  English 
pirate  .  .  .  having  excited  the  natives  of  it,  and  caused  them  to  rise  in 
rebellion,  and  refuse  to  acknowledge  the  obedience  which  they  had  given  to  your 
Majesty,  and  allied  themselves  with  the  enemy.  Same,  p.  j6. 

1662.     Governor  of  Trinidad. 

The  Carib  Indians  of  the  Caura,  servants  appropriated  to  residents  of 
this  city  [Santo  Thome],  Guaiqueries,  Mapoies,  and  other  nations,  revolted  in 
general,  killed  all  the  people  that  were  among  them,  more  than  thirty  persons, 
including  residents  of  the  city  and  strangers.  The  cause  of  this  rebellion  and 
havoc  was  the  incitement  which  the  Dutch  of  these  new  settlements  liave 
produced,  tlirough  the  secret  communication  they  hold  with  them  .  .  . 
I  am  taking  the  necessary  measures  for  the  punishment  of  these  Indians. 

When  so  many  enemies  surround  me,  both  Indians  of  numerous  tribes, 
and  the  Dutch  who  incite  them.  Same,  p.  /jj. 


!  INDIANS.  321 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH-HOSTILITY    TO,    ITS   CAUSE-(Con- 
j  tinued). 

1      1686.     Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga. 

I  The  injury  which    results     .     .     .     through   the   bondage   system  is   \inter 

ij  aIia^^     .     .     .     that,     .     .     .     the  Iiidiiiiis  of  those  regions  witlidraw  aiul  de- 

fend themselves  in  order  that  they  may  not  be   compelled  to  settle;   and 

they  regard  the  proposal  to  convert  them  as  a  snare,  for  they  say  that  it  is  only 
for  the  purpose  of  making  them  work.  B.  C,  I,  ig§. 

1733.  Father  Bernardo  Rotella. 

;  "  Why  do  you  want  to  have  a  Father?  "  said  Araguacare,  [Lieulenant-General 

of  the  Carib  tribe  on  the  Orinoco]  to  him  [Aritana,  a  Carib,  Chief  of  the  Jesuit 
Mission  of  Santa  Teresa].  "  Do  yon  not  know  that  the  Spaniards  are  very 
bad  \  that  they  will  take  from  you  whatever  you  possess?  They  will  take  away 
your  wives,  and  leave  you  only  one ;  they  will  gather  your  sons  together  and 
carry  them  off  for  sale.     If  you  complain  they  will  kill  you,  or  put  you  in  the 

I  stocks,  and  will  maltreat  you  continually." 

!  "  Know,"  he  continued,  "  that  you  will  no  longer  be  my  friends,  for  you  are 

friends  of  the  Spaniards,  nor  will  you  get  implements  or  clothes ;  you  will  be 

II  their  perpetual  slaves,  even  though  they  are  your  relatives  and  friends,  for  be- 
fl  cause  I  was  their  friend  they  often  made  me  deliver  up  my  relatives  to  death, 

and,  consequently,  I  want  to  come  and  live  at  Curumotopo,  so  that,  being  at  a 
distance  from  them,  they  may  not  be  sending  for  me  every  moment ;  and  if,  per- 
chance, they  come  some  time  to  summon  me,  I  will  ^o  or  not,  as  I  please ;  and 
if  they  send  other  soldiers  to  summon  me  again.  I  will  kill  them." 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  166. 

I  •  .  .  ask  .  .  .  for  the  perpetual  banishment  of  all  the  Caribs  from 
Orinoco,  as  not  being  in  their  legitimate  lands,  as  traitors  to  .  .  .  Spain,  as 
perpetual  and  even  sacrilegious  homicides,  .  .  .  for  hindering' the  spread  of 
the  Catholic  faith,  not  only  in  their  villages,  .  .  .  but  because  for  more  than 
forty  years,  by  force  of  arms  and  assassinations  of  apostolic  missionaries,  they 
have  hindered  it  from  spreading  to  the  other  tribes,  with  no  other  object  than 
that  they  may  not  be  prevented  from  gorging  themselves  with  human  flesh, 
and  stealing  the  children  of  other  tribes  for  sale  outside  these  dominions. 

Same,  p.  lyi. 

1734.  King  of  Spain. 
That  in  the  creek  [of  Barima]  there  was  a  Carib  Chief,     .     .     .     who  had 

more  than  two  hundred  Indians,  with  arrows,  guns,  and  broad  swords,  which  force 
he  kept,  said  the  Indian,  for  the  whites  of  Guayana,  because  they  hindered  him 
taking  the  Indians  of  the  nations  of  the  Orinoco  and  selling-  them  to  the 
l>utch.  V.  C,  II,  2S3. 

1735.  Governor  of  Cumana. 
Don  Carlos  Sucre  [Governor  of  Cumana]  reports  the  excesses  committed 

by  the  Carib  Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  River  Orinoco,  by  reason  of 
his  absence  from  that  part ;  that  they  have  cut  to  pieces  a  settlement  of  200 
persons,  which  he  had  founded  with  three  missionaries,  of  whom  they  killed  one. 
.  .  .  He  shows  likewise  how  the  Missions  are  on  the  point  of  perishing  by  the 
hand  of  the  Caribs,  ...  he  will  do  his  utmost  to  try  if  he  can  get  together 
as  many  as  150  men,  in  order  to  try  to  form  at  the  Angostura  of  the  River 
Orinoco  a  redoubt  with  good  stakes,  in  order  once  for  all  to  block  their  way  and 
restrain  them.  B.  C,  II,  22. 


322  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH-HOSTILITY    TO,    ITS    CAUSE-(Con- 

tinued  . 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  account  you  [Ferreras]  were  good  enough  to  give  me  [Garriga]  of  your 
journey  was  as  follows  :  That  the  murderers  [who  destroyed  the  Mission  Ave- 
chica]  were  some  Caribs  who  in  the  year  [17]50  had  rebelled  in  the  settle- 
ment of  Tupiuiiien,  commanded  by  the  Indian  Caiarivare,  the  Alcalde  of  the 
said  settlement  of  Tupuquen,  one  of  the  principal  instigators  of  the  rebellion ; 
and  that  the  said  ag'gressors  were  living  in  the  interior,  on  the  river  Cuyuni,  and 
at  the  very  mouth  of  the  river  Corumo,  which  flows  into  the  said  river;  that 
they  were  livins?  with  some  Dutchmen  from  the  Colony  of  Essequibo, 
engag'ed  in  Slave  Traffic  for  the  said  Colony  ;  and  that  the  principal  reason 
for  their  murdering  the  said  Captain  was  because  he  was  founding  a  settlement 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Avechica,  and  thereby  was  closing  the  pass  of  the 
River  Usupama,  and  hindering  them  from  passing  without  being  discovered; 
.  .  .  [and]  that  the  said  Dutch,  with  these  very  same  Caribs,  are  still  living 
at  the  mouth  of  the  River  Corumo,  buying  Indian  slaves.  B.  C,  II,  143. 

1 761.     Don  Jose  Solano. 

He  [the  Governor]  can  defend  the  city  [Santo  Thome],     .     .     .     and  hinder 
the  Dutch  from  coming  up  to  the  Caura  to  buy  slaves  from  the  Caribs  and  to 
furnish  them  with  arms  and  cultivate  the  hatred  of  the  Spaniards,  which  they    1 
have  introduced  among  the  Indians.  Same,  p.  20S.    \ 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

In  none  of  the  said  provinces  are  foreigners  any  longer  seen  overrunning 
them  and  committing  hostilities  or  exciting  the  Caribs,  their  allies. 

B.C.,  Ill,  J5. 
1898.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  Caribs,  as  is  well  known,  were  the  inveterate  enemies  of  the  Spaniards, 
with  whom  tliey  waged  continual  warfare,  and  were  also  the  slave  raiders, 
penetrating  as  far  for  this  purpose  as  the  Upper  Cuyuni  and  the  Upper  Essequibo. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  403. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH-HOSTILITY    TO,    ITS    CHARACTER 

(REBELLION). 

1594.     Antonio  de  Berrio. 

Part  of  the  natives  [of  Trinidad]  have  rebelled,  and  the  Caribs  of  the 
Islands  of  Dominica,  Granada,  and  other  neighboring  places  harass  and  injure  me. 

B.  C,  I,  8. 
1618.     British  Case. 

After  the  sack  of  Santo  Thome  by  Raleigh  in  IGIS  the  Arawaks,  till  then 
the  friends  of  the  Spaniards,  also  turned  against  them.  B.  C,  2j. 

1618.     City  of  Santo  Thome. 

The  enemy  [English  under  Raleigh]  remained  in  possession  of  the  place  for 
twenty-nine  days,  during  which  time  he  [Raleigh]  succeeded  in  attracting  to  him- 
self the  i)eacefiil  Guayana  Indians  nearest  to  the  town,  who  at  once  rose 
in    rebellion,  doing   much  damage,  in  order  to  favour   the    enemy. 

They  soon  embarked,  .  .  .  having  excited  and  raised  all  the  native  Indians 
in  rebellion,  at  their  pleasure,  who  dwell  on  the  sea-coast,  Aruacas,  Chaguanes, 
and  Caribs  of  that  province,  who  renounced  obedience  to  yonr  Majesty. 

B.  C,  I,  49' 


INDIANS.  323 

RELATIONS  TO    THE    SPANISH-HOSTILITY    TO,    ITS     CHARACTER 
(REBELLION)-(Continued). 

1621.     Juan  de  Lezama. 

In  order  that  they  may  now  defend  this  land,  and  that  the  iiatiTOS  in  robcl- 
liou  may  l)e  reduced  and  thereby  brought  to  recognize  your  Majesty. 

B.  C,  I,  56-57- 
1 62 1.     King  of  Spain. 

It  is  stated    .    .    .     that  the  natiyes  have  thrown  off  tlie  obedience  which 
they  had  g'iven  me,  allying  themselves  with  the  enemy  [English  under  Raleigh]. 

Same,  p.  57. 
1637.     Governor  of  Guiana. 

The  whole  place  in  great  danger  through  two  settlements  of  Dutch  being 
therein,  and  all  the  Indians  in  revolt  and  nuited  with  them.         Same,  p.  106. 

1662.     Governor  of  Trinidad. 

I  endeavored  to  pacify  .  .  .  the  native  Indians  of  .  .  .  Trinidad, 
wiio  were  in  rebellion,  and  did  not  wish  to  serve  the  Spaniards.  I  carried  it 
out  with  the  few  Spaniards  of  that  island  and  some  friendly  Indians,  and  while 
receiving  those  who,  warned  by  the  punishment  I  inflicted  on  the  bad  ones  who 
were  in  my  power,  came  and  submitted  peacefully,  and  promised  to  give  service 
to  the  Spaniards.  Same,  p.  154. 

1733.     Father  Joseph  Gumilla. 

I,  Joseph  Gumilla,  .  .  .  declare  that  having  been  for  the  last  two  years 
on  good  terms  witli  the  Caribs  of  this  Orinoco,  looliing^  npon  them  as  sub- 
missive to  the  (irovernment  thereof,  there  came  up  this  summer  from  Barima, 
Taricura ;  .  .  .  he  .  .  .  terrified  all  the  villages  of  my  Mission,  threat- 
ening death  to  the  missionaries  and  to  their  escort,  and  to  such  Indians  as 
might  believe  the  Fathers ;  and  they  actually  killed  the  Salina  Captain  Chab- 
iruma  and  many  of  his  men  belonging  to  the  village  of  Los  Angeles  [Los  Santos 
Angeles  de  Sabinos].  B.  C.-C,  App.,  162. 

1752.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  Spaniards  have  attacked  and  driven  away  the  Caribs  below  Orinoco,  and 
these  have  all  retreated  to  our  side,  and  thus  their  number  has  considerably  in- 
creased. 

Now  they  are  more  than  ever  incensed  against  the  Spaniards  aforesaid  ; 
tliey  lately  overran  two  Missions,  and  have  murdered  everyone  there. 

B.  C,  II,  76. 
1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

Not  only  the  Caribs  of  the  forests,  but  even  those  of  the  Missions  partici- 
pate in  these  wars,  without  our  being  able  to  control  them  in  any  way ;  and 
whenever  we  make  any  efforts  to  do  so,  they  immediately  desert  us  in  great  num- 
bers. Same,  p.  14J. 

1758.     Military  Commandant  in  Essequibo  to  Spanish  Commandant  in  Orinoco. 

Our  Governor  has  always  striven  to  keep  up  good  relations  and  friendship 
with  his  neighbours  ;  you  .  .  .  had  a  convincing  proof  of  this  when  he  took 
the  trouble  to  write  to  you  in  order  to  warn  you,  as  soon  as  he  had  received  advice 
that  the  Caribs  had  formed  tlie  plan  to  attack  your  Missions ;  which  warning, 
and  his  repeated  interdictions  to  the  Caribs,  even  accompanied  with  threats,  have 
prevented  the  execution.  Sa?ne,  p.  17J. 


i 


324^  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH-HOSTILITY    TO,    ITS    CHARACTER 
(REBELLION)-(Continued). 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

It  is  clear  that  if  .  .  .  the  fortress  is  attacked  and  taken  by  the  enemies 
of  the  Royal  Crown,  the  Missions  would  at  once  be  destroyed.  Their  own  in- 
habitants would  plunder  them,  set  them  on  fire,  and  return  to  the  forests,  as  hap- 
pened in  1742,  when  it  was  found  that  the  Indians  did  much  more  harm  than  the 
English.  .  .  .  The  fortress,  ...  is  the  safeguard  of  all  these  provinces, 
.  .  .  without  it  the  Missions  can  neither  be  extended  nor  be  certain  that 
those  now  existing  will  not  rebel  when  it  is  least  expected,  namely  when  driven 
to  do  so  by  the  Carib  tribe,  which  is  formidable  from  its  fierce,  treacherous, 
and  warlike  character.  B.  C,  III,  24. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH     AS    SUBJECTSENTRADAS     AND 
COMPULSORY    SETTLEMENT    IN     MISSIONS. 

. .     Venezuelan  Case. 

The  "  entradas,"  .  .  .  were  constant  throughout  the  region  west  of  the 
Essequibo  from  the  coast  far  into  the  interior,  even  beyond  the  Pacaramia  moun- 
tains. V.  C,  133. 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

Spain  was  in  truth  the  recognized  sovereign  of  the  Indians:    .    .    .    her 

rule  over  them  was  a  rule  depending  not  on  friendship  nor  acquiescence,  but 
upon  force  exerted  by  a  ruler  over  subjects.  V.  C.-C,  103. 

1615.     Council  of  the  Indies. 

In  order  that  the  Spaniards  now  residing  there  and  the  Christian  Indian 
subjects  of  Y.  M.  V.  C.-C,  HI,  6. 

1686.     Spanish  Fiscal. 

With  regard  to  the  removal  of  the  Carib  Indians,  who  are  close  to  those 
Missions.  B.  C,  I,  194. 

1 761.     Judicial  Decree. 

As  the  Aruaca  Indians  seized  at  the  mouth  of  said  creek  [IJarima]  have 
been  delivered  to  the  Reverend  Fathers  of  those  Missions,  so  as  to  people  the 
same  and  distribute  them,  his  Honor     .     .     .     did  rule  tliat  said  Indians  be 

kept  for  the  above  purpose  in  the  said  Mission.  V.  C,  II,  341. 

1772.     Don  Manuel  Centurion. 

[While  going]  to  take  possession  of  the  famous  Lake  Parime  .  .  .  the 
Catalan  Capuchins  .  .  .  had  an  escort  of  fifty  men  at  arms,  twenty  of 
which  were  Spaniards  and  thirty  friendly  Caribs.  B.  C,  IV,  106. 

1786.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Frequently  having  had  complaints  that  the  Spaniards  and  Spanish  Indians 
.  .  .  surprise  our  free  Indians  when  off  their  guard,  and  also  drag  them 
into  slaver  v.  B.  C,  V,  45. 


INDIANS.  325 

RELATIONS    TO    THE     SPANISH     AS     SU  BJ  ECTS-ENTRADAS     AND 
COMPULSORY    SETTLEMENT    IN     MISSIONSHContinued  . 

1787.     F.  Mariano  de  Cerveia. 

Last  year  I  went  to  the  mouths  of  the  Orinoco  at  a  settlement  of  Guaraunos. 
I  had  with  me  only  two  soldiers  and  some  Guayanos  from  Caroni.  Tlic  excur- 
sion was  brief  and  lucky,  for  within  a  few  days  I  had  made  the  catch,  and 
came  back  i^ltli  1-10  souls,  all  of  whom  arrived  here,  excepting  eight,  who 
escaped  at  San  Antonio,  although  they  were  afterwards  caught.  In  the  early 
part  of  this  year  I  went  on  another  excursion  to  the  river  Cuyuni,  accompanied 
by  Father  Antonio  de  Martorel,  with  his  Caribs  of  Cumamu,  and  we  only  suc- 
ceeded in  catching  eighty-one  Guaycas,  for  on  the  same  day  we  started  out,  a 
Guayca  of  the  Mission  of  Cura  made  his  escape  and  warned  those  living  in  the 
woods,  so  that  we  found  everything  in  confusion.  V.  C,  II,  446. 

1792.     Governor  Marmion. 

Experience  has  constantly  shown  that  the  Cruarauno  and  Mjiriusa  Indians, 
.  .  .  whenever  any  effort  has  been  made  to  take  them  from  the  creeks  and 
mouths  of  the  river  and  convey  them  to  settle  in  the  interior  of  the  Missions, 

have  usually  been  of  very  little  use  and  endurance,  and  upon  the  least  inattention 
on  the  part  of  the  Religious  they  have  escaped  to  the  woods  or  returned  to  their 
native  spot,  the  little  islands  of  the  Orinoco. 

There  will  be  no  inconvenience  in  forming  a  settlement  of  these  people,  as 
Lopez  proposes  on  the  Creek  of  Imataca.  B.  C,  V,  14J. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH    AS    SUBJECTS-PUNISHMENT    OF 

REBELS. 

1637.     Don  Juan  Desologuren. 

In  all  these  parts  [Essequibo,  Berbice  and  lower  Orinoco]  they  have  deal- 
ings with  the  Indians,  and  in  the  last  named  with  the  [Spanish]  inhabitants 
both  vassals  and  freemen,  and  they  are  incensed  against  the  said  (Governor 
[of  Guiana]  for  having  overcome  and  dislodged  them,  and  with  the  Governor  of 
Margarita  for  having  beheaded  the  prisoners  sent  to  him.  B.  C,  I,  78. 

1653.     Report  of  Council. 

The  obligation  of  Don  Martin  de  Mendoza  was  ...  to  reduce  tlie  natives 
who  had  rebelled,  chastising  those  who  refused  to  render  obedience. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  23. 

1686.     Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga. 

These  [Cai'ib]  Indians  likewise  prevent  the  conversion  of  the  others,  and 
have  on  various  occasions  sacked  villages  of  Indians  already  subdued.  For  these 
crimes  such  a  race  may  be  chastised  by  force  of  arms.  And  by  these  means 
and  by  occupying  the  ancient  fort  of  San  Carlos  Fernandez  de  Angulo,  it  will  be 
rendered  certain  that  the  Caribs  will  not  return  to  give  assistance  in  the  Golfo 
Triste.  And  thus  the  Capuchin  missionaries  will  easily  convert  the  rest  of  the 
Indians.  B.  C,  I,  ip6. 

1733.     Government  of  Trinidad. 

The  said  Governor  endeavored  to  chastise  this  outrage,  the  only  result 
was  that  a  son  of  the  said  Yaguaria  was  killed,  ...  the  effort  was  not  con- 
tinued, as  they  had  withdrawn  to  the  Dutch  of  Essequibo.      B,  C.-C,  App.,  17J. 


326  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH    AS    SUBJECTS-PUNISHMENT    OF 

R  E  B  E  LS-KContinued). 

1 760.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

To  prerent  so  many  evils  I  despatched  the  Lieutenants  .  .  .  Antonio 
Mayhew  to  the  Aroi  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  Vincent  Doz  ...  for  Caura, 
arranging  the  time  so  that  both  surprises  should  be  executed  at  the  same 
moment.  This  was  done,  and  so  successfully  that  .  .  .  all  those  of 
Caiira  and  .  .  .  Aroi  were  seized  with  the  exception  of  those  who  were 
on  expeditions  for  capturing  slaves  from  other  nations.  B.  C,  II,  184. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  said  militia  are  the  hardest  workers  in  the  entire  garrison,  for  with  the 
regulars  they  are  detached  to  the  Missions  ...  to  snbdue  the  Indians  in 
the  frequent  disturbances  which  occur.  B.  C,  III,  66-67. 

RELATIONS    TO   THE   SPANISH    AS    SUBJECTS-RECOGNITION    OF 
THE   SPANISH    AS   MASTERS. 

1695.     Capt.  Felipe  de  Santiago. 

Province  of  Caura  .  .  .  inhabited  by  a  great  number  of  natives.  Al- 
though Caribs,  they  are  friendly  towards  the  Spaniards,  and  disposed  to 
serve  them.  ^-  C.,  1, 10. 

1596.     Roque  de  Montes,  Treasurer  of  Cumana. 

I  instructed  him  (Felipe  de  Santiago)  that  he  should  warn  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Indians  on  that  bank  (of  the  Orinoco)  not  to  admit  nor  receive  any  strangers 
henceforward  in  their  territories,  except  Spaniards  in  your  Majesty's  service. 
According  to  a  Report  I  have  received  from  the  said  Captain  Felipe  de  Santiago 
...    he  gave  the  Indians  the  necessary  warning-.  Same,  p.  12. 

1596.     Venezuelan  Case. 

Keymis  .  .  .  says  .  .  .  "It  was  long  time  before  wee  could  procure 
them  [Indians]  to  come  neere  vs,  for  they  doubted  least  wee  were  Spanish." 

...     he  adds  that  the  Indian  Chief  informed  him  that  the  Arwacas  "  doe 
for  the  most  part  serue  and  follow  the  Spanyards."  V.  C,  46. 

1604.     J.  Maldonado  Barnuevo. 

The  Indians  and  half-breeds  are  an  abandoned  people,  and  as  to  their 
being  Christians  and  frequenting  the  churches  and  sacraments— most  of  them 
do  so  more  from  force  than  from  duty,  being  compelled  by  those  who  govern 
them,  and  by  the  clergy  who  go  to  instruct  them.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  j. 

1733.     Father  Bernardo  Rotella. 

Araguacare,  Lieutenaut-Oeneral  of  tlie  Carib  Tribe,  resident  on  this  Orinoco, 
having  got  and  obtained  .  .  .  permission  issued  by  the  Lieutenant-General 
...  of  this  province,  Don  Antonio  de  Robles,  with  the  signature  of  the  Sec- 
retary of  State,  Angel  Francisco  Sanabria,  in  which  his  Lordship  commanded  that 
no  person  .  .  .  should  dare  to  hinder  ...  the  said  Araguacare  in  his 
journey  for  trade  in  slaves,  .  .  .  and  that  the  said  Araguacare  was  an  Indian 
very  loyal  to  his  fliajesty's  Crown.  .  .  .  This  letter  was  obtained  surrepti- 
tiously and  by  fraud,  saying  (as  I  believe)  that  he  was  going  to  purchase  slaves, 
while  his  object  was  simply  to  kill  and  destroy  the  tribes  of  this  Orinoco  and 
steal  their  property  and  children  for  sale  to  the  Dutch  and  French. 

Same,  p.  164. 


INDIANS.  327 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH    AS    SUBJECTS-RECOGNITION    OF 
THE    SPANISH    AS    MASTERS-iContinged). 

1733.     Father  Bernardo  Rotella. 

Araguacare  seized  a  little  daughter  of  Captain  Don  Juan  Vrayari  to  carry  her 
off,  but  when  Vrayari  threatened  him  with  tlie  Fathers  and  the  Lieutenant  of 
Gnayana  lie  relinquished  her  and  gave  Vrayari  a  guayuco  [girdle]  to  say  noth- 
ing to  the  whites.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  i6j. 

1755.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

They  [Caribs]  are  afraid  of  the  Missions,  and  dread  bein^  discovered, 

especially  by  the  Pariagota  tribe,  their  enemies. 

This  statement  is  general  as  regards  the  Caribs  of  the  Orinoco. 

B.  C,  II,  log. 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

The  Caribs  of  Mianio  have  very  often  told  the  Father  that  he  ought  to 
allow  them  to  go  and  seize  or  kill  the  Dutch  at  the  mouth  of  the  Corumo,  who 

had  a  large  quantity  of  articles  for  the  purchase  of  slaves.     The  Barinagotos  of 
the  Yuruary  say  the  same.  Same,  p.  14.6. 

1758.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

The  Varinagotos  and  Guaicas  of  Father  Thomas  have  returned  \-ery  discon- 
solate from  the  incursion,  for  they  thought  they  were  s^oina:  to  kill  all  their  ene- 
mies, the  Caribs,  at  once,  and  with  clubs  in  their  hands  they  wanted  to  begin 
with  the  first  they  found,  but  the  Captain  did  not  allow  it. 

B,  C-C,  App.,  204. 

1762.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

At  the  time  of  that  occurrence  [destruction  of  Dutch  Post  on  the  CuyuniJ 
the  Caribs  were  full  of  courage  and  ready  for  all  kinds  of  undertaking  ;  now 
they  are  all  driven  away  from  there  and  have  retired  right  up  into  Esse- 
quibo. B.  C,  II,  217. 

1763.  Don  Jose  Diguja. 

It  is  extremely  difficult  for  the  missionaries  to  supply  these  Indian  labonr- 
ers.  They  do  not  leave  their  villages,  except  very  reluctantly,  and  when  at 
the  fortress  they  must  be  treated  with  great  kindness  and  without  severity,  or 
else  they  run  away  and  take  refuge  in  the  forests.  Only  in  a  few  cases  do  they 
come  back  to  their  villages,  which  they  easily  abandon.  And  no  matter  how 
good  their  treatment  may  be,  it  is  always  impossible  to  keep  them  at  work  for 
more  than  eight  days.  B.  C,  III,  23-24. 

It  is  probable  that  they  [Indians  in  the  newer  Orinoco  Missions]  would  go 
back  to  the  woods  and  carry  on  a  thousand  rascalities  were  it  not  for  fear  of 
the  troops  who  are  at  hand  to  repress  disturbances,  especially  in  the  villages  of 
the  Caribs,  who  are  by  nature  haughty  and  apt  to  rebel.  Same,  p.  24. 

The  Indians  [in  Missions]  are  very  easily  controlled.  Same,  p.  32. 

1773.     Government  of  Trinidad. 

This  compelled  the  said  Governor  to  go  in  person  to  Guayana,  and  publish  a 
proclamation  that  the  Caribs  who  desired  to  live  in  peace  under  His  Majesty's 
protection  should  appear  before  him,  and  would  be  pardoned,  but  otherwise  they 
would  experience  his  Royal  indignation.     Thereupon  some  of  the  Chiefs  came 


328  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH    AS    SUBJECTS-RECOGNITION    OF 
THE    SPANISH    AS    M ASTERS-(Continued). 

forward,  among  them  Araguacare  with  his  adherents,  and  promised  obedience 
and  fidelity  ;  and  in  order  to  cause  it  to  be  obser\'ed  by  their  subjects  with 
authority,  they  prayed  the  said  Governor  to  confer  upon  him  the  title  of  Captain, 
and  he  so  conferred  it  with  its  insignia.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  177. 

1777.     Augustin  Crame  (and)  Joseph  Linares. 

When  war  becomes  imminent,  another  company  must  be  formed  with  the 
Cabre  Indians.  They  manage  a  gun  like  Europeans,  and  are  very  loyal  to  our 
Sovereign ;  .  .  .  their  village  .  .  .  is  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Ciudad  Real 
.     .     .     These  Indians  are,     ,     .     .     few  in  number.  B.  C,  IV,  181-182. 

1789.     Governor  Marmion. 

Tlie  Indians,  being  an  uncivilized  and  insubordinate  people,  lovers  of 
their  independence  and  liberty,  which  the  enemy  would  undoubtedly  offer  so  as 
to  attract  them  to  their  side,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  they  would  submit  cheerfully 
to  any  change  which  would  enable  them  to  escape  the  subjection  in  wliich 
the  Religious  keep  them  for  the  purpose  of  instruction.      B.  C,  V,  111-112. 

1794.     Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

September  2,  1794.  The  son  of  the  Captain  Periper,  a  Carib  by  nation,  came 
to  the  Post  ...  to  ask  me  for  assistance  in  order  to  retake  his  father, 
whom  the  Caribs  from  the  Orinoco  had  taken  and  bound  all  his  family. 
.  .  .  Tlie  Caribs  who  had  taken  them  were  of  the  Mission  of  Tnpuqueu, 
and  the  friar  who  is  at  that  Mission  is  a  Capuchin.  Scdiic,  p.  1^6. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  SPANISH  AS  SUBJECTS-OBEDI  ENCE  TO 

SPANIARDS. 

1 62 1.     City  of  Santo  Thome. 

When  the  native  Indians,  who  are  to-day  obedient,  see  the  little  help  and 
remedy  given,  they  will  say  that  they  have  been  deceived,  and  that  what  was 
promised  .  .  .  was  not  carried  out,  .  .  .  and  now  knowing  .  .  . 
that  the  rebellious  Indians,  their  companions,  have  not  been  reduced,  they,  too, 
will  rise  and  unite  with  the  enemy. 

The  enemy  have  now  full  knowledge  of  the  navigation  of  the  river,  [Orinoco] 
its  entrances  and  outlets,  and  the  Indians  are  in  their  power,  whom  they  have 
made  to  rebel.  B.  C,  1,30. 

1662.     Governor  of  Trinidad. 

I  endeavoured  to  pacify  .  .  .  the  native  Indians  of  that  Island  of 
Trinidad,  who  were  in  rebellion,  and  did  not  wish  to  serve  the  Spaniards.  I 
carried  it  out  with  the  few  Spaniards  of  that  island  and  some  friendly  Indians, 
and  while  receiving  those,  who,  warned  by  the  punishment  I  intlicted  on  the  bad 
ones  who  were  in  my  power,  came  and  submitted  peacefully,  and  promised  to 
give  service  to  tlie  Spaniards.  Sa7ne,  p.  134. 

1682.     Governor  of  Trinidad  and  Guiana. 

The  natives  abiding  in  this  island  [Trinidad]  and  in  Guayana,  all  in  this 
jurisdiction,  numbering  more  than  twenty-four  thousand,  and  who  communicate 
with  us  and  serve  us  for  certain  small  presents  that  are  given  to  them. 

V.  C,  //,  26Q-270. 


INDIANS.  329 

RELATIONS     TO     THE     SPANISH     AS    SUBJECTS-OBEDIENCE    TO 
SPANIARDS-(Continued). 

1686.     Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga, 

The  Brazil  Indians  who  are  in  Trinidad,  Margarita  and  Cumana,  and  who 
came  with  the  Portuguese  when  they  arrived  in  the  year  1666,  being  strangers 
and  few  in  number,  have  heen  and  are  very  obedient,  and  the  same  thinjjwill 
happen  witli  the  Caribs  who  may  be  captured,  if  they  are  transported  to  the  said 
islands  [Puerto  Rico,  Santo  Domingo  and  Havannah],  B.  C,  I,  ig6. 

1743.     Governor  of  Guiana. 

Before  His  Honour  had  appeared  Don  Juan  GfUayurumay,  cliief  of  tlie 
Panacuyo  nation,  with  two  other  chiefs  of  the  same  nation,  .  .  .  ex- 
pressing' .  .  ,  his  wish  to  settle  at  tlie  place  Cunury,  .  ,  .  subject  to 
the  teachings  of  the  Capuchin  Missionaries  .  .  .  and  as  vassals  of  H.  M.  ; 
and  that  for  the  purpose  he  has,  as  a  beginning,  thirty-three  men  of  arms,  .  ,  . 
thirty-eight  women,  twenty-three  boys,  and  sixteen  girls,  .  .  .  requesting 
that  he  be  received  under  the  Royal  protection  and  vassalage,  and  be  granted  the 
site  of  Cunury  for  settlement. 

Wherefore,  in  order  to  encourage  them  to  settle  there,  he  resolved  and  ordered 
that  the  said  Don  Juan  Guayurumay  be  appointed  Founding  Captain  of  the  said 
Cunury  settlement.  V.  C,  II,  2S7-288. 

1755.     Don  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

I  spoke  with,  the  (Iliief  Patacon  (who  formerly  lived  in  the  Islands  of  Ca- 
roni,  and  is  now  settled  with  the  greater  part  of  his  people  in  the  Mission  of 

Morucuri,  founded  by  Father  Joseph  de  Guardia).  B.  C,  II,  no. 

1758.     Prefect  of  Missions. 

On  account  of  that  murder  the  said  Guaicas  of  the  Avechica  Mission  have 
returned  again  to  the  forests.  There  are  also  Indians  of  that  nation  in  the  Mis- 
sions near  the  Yuruary,  and  they  frequently  demand  to  be  allowed  to  go  to  avenge 
the  murder  of  their  people.  But  the  priest  of  the  said  Mission  ...  in- 
formed me  of  these  events,  and  that  by  his  counsels  he  detained  tliem. 

Same,  p.  14J. 

1758.     Santiago  Bonaldes. 

That  ...  he  considered  it  better  to  allow  the  aforementioned  Caribs  to 
return  freely  of  their  own  accord,  as  they  promised  liim  they  would,  and  as 
they  accordingly  did.  .  .  .  The  proof  of  what  he  here  states  is  to  be  found 
in  the  fact  that  to-day  a  great  part  of  those  Caribs  are  to  be  found  in  the  Missions 
of  the  Reverend  Capuchins.  Same,  pp.  i^g~i6o, 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  said  Missions  are  important  to  the  fortress,  on  account  of  the  provisions 
which  they  supply  to  it,  they  are  also  important  on  account  of  the  Indians  who 
do  the  work,  and  altliongh  they  are  very  slow  and  not  under  compulsion,  it 
is  they  who  do  it.  These  Indians  have  repaired  the  fortiiications ;  they  have 
built  the  fort  of  San  Fernando  ;  they  have  made  the  bricks  and  the  lime  necessary 
for  these  works.  They  also  provide  the  rowers  for  the  vessels  which  necessarily 
have  to  be  fitted  out.  B.  C,  III,  2j. 


330  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE     SPANISH     AS     SUBJECTS-OBEDIENCE     TO 
SPANIARDS-lContinued). 


J 


1777.     Augustin  Crame  [and]  Joseph  Linares. 

When  war  becomes  imminent,  another  company  must  be  formed  with  the  , 

Ciibre  Iiulians.     They  inanago  a  gun  like  Europeans,  and  are  very  loyal  to        ■ 
our  Sovereign.     .     .     .     their  village    .     .     .     is  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Ciudad 
Real.     .     .     .     These  Indians  are     .     .     .     few  in  number.     B.  C,  IV,  181-182. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE   SPANISH   AS  SUBJECTS-SPANISH  CLAIM    TO 
SOVEREIGNTY   OVER    THEM. 

1619.     City  of  Santo  Thome. 

Governor  Don  Fernando  deBerrio  .  .  .  dispatched  forty  of  them  [soldiers] 
in  the  year  1619  to  the  Province  of  the  Aruacas,  which  the  enemy  kept  and 
keeps  in  rebellion  on  the  sea-coast,  to  reduce  tliem  to  tlieir  former  obedience  to 
your  Majesty.  Among  these  Indians  there  were  six  of  the  enemy's  ships,  trad- 
ing and  negotiating  with  them,  and  doing  all  in  their  power  to  dissuade  them 
from  acknowledging-  your  Majesty's  jurisdiction,  and  urging  them  to  kill  all 
the  Spaniards  of  the  town.  B.  C,  /,  49-30. 

1682.     Spanish  Council. 

In  tlic  year  1082,  ...  at  the  instance  of  Don  Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y 
Zuiii<''a,  orders  were  given  to  abolish,  in  the  Province  of  Trinidad  of  Guayana, 
every  sort  of  bondage-contract  of  Indians,  in  order  that  they  might  enjoy  their 
liberty.  Same,  p.  igj. 

1686.     Spanish  Fiscal. 

With  regard  to  the  removal  of  the  €arib  Indians,  ...  he  agrees  with 
.  .  .  Don  Tiburcio  and  Don  Sancho ;  in  whose  proposal  and  in  their  method  of 
carrying  it  out  by  hostilities,  which  are  rendered  necessary  by  the  character  of  the 
Indians,  the  Fiscal  sees  nothing  objectionable  ;  .  .  .  when  it  has  been  carried 
out  it  will  be  possible  to  place  the  Caribs  in  other  islands  and  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Spanish  settlements,  so  that  .  .  .  being  lield  in  subjection  on  all 
sides,  they  may  live  as  rational  beings.  Same,  p.   194. 

1686.     Tiburcio  de  Axpe  y  Zuiiiga. 

As  to  providing  a  measure  for  removing  the  Carib  Indians  from  their  present 
place,  .  .  .  and  the  conveyance  of  them  to  another  i)art,  where  it  might  be 
hoped  that    .    .     .    they  would  cliange  their  habits,  as  we  have  experienced 

with  those  who  were  brought  from  Brazil,  and  who  are  now  peaceful. 

Same,  pp.  194-193. 

With  reference  .  .  .  recently  converted  Indians  ...  I  consider  it 
very  much  for  the  service  of  God  and  the  King  that  the  Indians  should  remain 
subject  to  tJie  missionaries  for  the  space  of  ten  years,  and  should  afterwards 
be  under  the  Royal  Crown,  and  that,  in  recognition  of  vassalage,  a  small  tax  be 
placed  upon  them.  Same,  p.  193. 

It  will  be  very  advantageous  if  the  said  Caribs  are  conipelled  to  leave  it ; 
[place  spoken  of  by  the  CapuchinsJ  and  the  method  which  seems  most  suitable 
is  that  His  Majesty  should  bestow  upon  any  one  who  will  drive  out  the  Caribs 


INDIANS.  331 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH     AS     SUBJECTS-SPANISH     CLAIM 
TO    SOVEREIGNTY    OVER    TH  EM-(Continued). 

from  that  part  the  grant  of  an  appointment  of  Captain  Conquistador  [etc.]  .  .  . 
upon  condition  that  all  the  Carib  Indians,  men  and  women,  above  the  age  of  14 
years,  who  might  be  captured,  should  be  conveyed  to  the  Islands  of  Puerto  Rico, 
Santo  Domingo,  and  Havannah.  B.  C,  I,  igj-ig6. 

1686.     Sancho  Fernandez  de  Angulo. 

Thus  the  object  for  which  the  Fathers  went  will  be  attained,  and  all  the 
Spaniards  will  enjoy  their  advantages  at  the  hand  of  the  Fathers,  who  have 
always  taken  care  and  will  take  care  that  the  ludiaus  are  not  idle. 

Same,  p.  igy. 

I  held  a  Council  in  one  of  the  Missions  then  existing  upon  the  advisability  of 
commencing  a  war  acfaiust  the  Carihs  ;  but  for  reasons  which  then  prevailed  it 
was  suspended  as  far  as  they  were  concerned,  and  they  remained  in  perfect 
security,  for  it  was  then  advisable,  and  they  assisted  me  by  a  national  force 
against  the  [other  Indian]  nations  I  was  attacking.  Same,  p.  igS. 

And  passing  on  to  consider  [as  to]  the  effect  of  taking  the  Carib  ludiaus 
from  there  and  trausportiug'  them  to  other  i)arts,  it  seems  to  me  that  .  .  . 
the  CoHucil  [should]  .  .  .  approve  the  executiou  tliereof  >vith  vij^our 
aud  force  of  arms.  Same,  p.  igS. 

If  in  this  invasion  any  ludiaus,  men  or  women,  are  takeu  prisouers,  they  can 
be  easily  transported  to  the  Islands  of  Puerto  Rico  and  Santo  Domingo,  or  to 
New  Spain,  .  .  .  uot  oue  of  tliem  must  be  allowed  to  remaiu  iu  the 
couutry  under  any  pretext.  Same,  p.  igg. 

1733.     Father  Bernardo  Rotella. 

By  beiug- divided  they  [Caribs]  will  uot  be  able  to  revolt  agaiu,  and  still 
less,  fly  to  their  lands,  which  will  be  settled  at  once  with  good  tribes,  who,  through 
fear  of  the  Caribs,  have  fled  from  the  Orinoco.  And  thus  a  stop  w'ill  be  put  to  any 
Carib  from  the  sea  coming  up  the  Orinoco.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  iji. 

It  is  absolutely  uecessary  to  eject  theui  [Caribs]  from  the  Oriuoco  as  they 
were  ejected  from  Cuuiaua.  Same,  p.  174. 

1735.     Governor  of  Cumana. 

This  uatiou  is  the  ouly  oue  that  refuses  to  be  subdued,  all  the  others  that 
have  been  discovered  by  us  seek  our  friendship,  and  many  nations  send  me  their 
Caciques  to  swear  obedience,  recognizing  His  Majesty  as  King  and  Master. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  4j. 

1746.  Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

The  Postholder  of  Wacquepo  and  Moruka  came  the  day  before  yesterday 
[July  18,  1746]  to  inform  me  that  a  nation  of  Indians  have  come  down  from  Or- 
inoco and  have  attacked  the  Caribs  subject  to  us  in  the  River  Waini  [perhaps  the 
Akawaini,  a  small  tributary  of  the  Pomeroon.  See  U.  S.Com.,  Ill,  PP.2S3-2S4. 
Also  B.  C,  II,  p.  4S  D,  70  C],  have  killed  several,  and  have  threatened  that 
they  would  extirpate  them  all,  ...  I  have  strouj?  reasons  to  suspect 
that  the  ludiaus  have  beeu  seut  by  the  Spaniards  of  Cumaua.      B.  C.  II,  43. 


332  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    SPANISH     AS    SUBJECTS-SPANISH     CLAIM 
TO    SOVEREIGNTY    OVER    THEM-(Continued). 

1753.     King  of  Spain. 

With  a  view  to  dispelling  the  fears  of  the  [Carib]  Indians  who  revolted. 
[from  the  missions  and  lied  to  the  Dutch]  His  Majesty  wishes  you  in  his  Royal 
name  to  pardon  them  their  crime  of  rebellion,  exhorting  them  and  givin;? 
tliem  warning-  for  tlie  fnture.  V.  C,  111,373. 

1758.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

The  Indian  women  .  .  .  who  .  .  .  cut  the  sticks  of  manioc  and  cast 
them  down  the  river,  saying  that  the  Caribs  were  never  more  to  dwell  in  that 
river  [Cuyuni],  because  the  Dutch  would  make  Poitos  of  them,  and  would  be 
held  responsible  for  the  capture.  And  for  that  reason  all  the  Caribs  were  already 
inclined  to  come  to  the  Mission.  But  althongh  I  had  charged  the  Captain  to 
bring  JiU  the  Caribs,  and  especially  those  who  kept  the  purchasers  of  poitos  in 
their  houses,  he  told  me  that  considering  how  very  well  they  behaved  with  them, 
he  has  thoiiglit  it  better  not  to  disturb  them  from  there,  but  gave  them  his 
warnings  and  threats.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  203. 

1763.     Don  Jose  Diguja. 

The  Catalonian  Capuchins  have  pacified  and  subdued  part  of  the  Indians 
of  the  Province  of  CJuayana.  B.  C,  III,  20. 

1769.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

With  respect  to  the  slaves  who  have  deserted  from  Essequibo  :    ...    if 

there  is  any  question  about  our  retention  of  these,  our  reason  for  it  is  clear ;  for 
being  subjects  of  the  King  criminally  enslaved  by  the  Dutch,  who  maintain  this 
inhuman  traffic  with  the  Caribs  contrary  to  all  law,  We  cannot  and  must  not  re- 
store tliem  to  slavery  when  they  have  the  good  fortune  to  escape  it  by  again 
availing  themselves  of  the  protection  of  the  officers  of  their  legitimate  Lord  and 
Sovereign.  B.  C,  IV,  4g. 

1 77 1.     Commandant  of  Guiana. 

The  aforesaid  commanding  officer  shall  .  .  .  make  friends  with  all  those 
nations,  especially  with  the  Macusi  and  Arecunas,  presenting  the  Indians 
with  such  charms  and  amulets  as  they  esteem,  especially  the  Chiefs  ...  in 
order  to  encourage  them  all  to  submit  voluntarily  to  tlie  dominion  of  the 
King,  our  master,  in  whose  name  the  said  officer  shall  formally  take  possession 
of  all  that  territory  with  as  much  solemnity  as  circumstances  may  permit  ;  de- 
manding an  oath  of  fidelity  from  the  Indians,  .  .  .  offering  them  help  and 
protection  in  the  King's  name,  promising  to  preserve  their  lands  and  goods  as 
those  of  faithful  subjects,  and  to  defend  them  from  their  enemies  that  they  may 
.  ,  .  enjoy  the  many  other  advantages  of  those  who  subject  themselves  to 
the  just  and  gentle  dominion  of  our  Lord  tlie  King.  Satne,  p.  gS. 

RELATIONS   TO   THE    BRITISH-APPOINTMENT   OF    INDIAN 

CAPTAINS. 

.     British  Case. 

Tlie  IJrif  isli  claimed  and  exercised  the  right  of  appointing  the  Captains 
of  the  Indians,  who  were  officially  recognized  as  such  by  the  Government  of  the 
Colony.  B.  C,  iig. 

The  Indian  Captains  were  appointed  by  the  Dutch  and  British  Govern- 
ments, Same,  p.  162. 


INDIANS.  333 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-APPOINTMENT    OF    INDIAN    CAP- 

TAINS-(Continued). 

1778.     British  Case. 

Ill  1778  a  number  of  Indian  Cliiofs  were  snmnioncd,  and  it  nas  ollloially 
stated  that  tlie  hats  and  staves  then  presented  to  them  were  given  as  a 
token  that  the  Cliiefs  were  reeos;nized  as  sncli  by  the  Dutch  (government,  and 

that  when  the  tribes  desired  to  appoint  new  Chiefs  they  might  present  to  that 
Governnment  the  persons  selected.  B.  C,  go. 

1778.     Court  of  PoHcy. 

The  presents  were  given  to  the  Chiefs  of  the  Indians  named  respectively 
Marawari,  Jurmare,  from  Tampoco,  Maraywirany,  Massuckury,  Mawara,  Mas- 
seuw,  and  to  their  attendants,  who  arrived  last,  and  in  manner  as  follows  : 

The  interpreters  being  called  in,  they  were  told  to  inform  the  Indians  that  the 
Government  asked  them  to-day,  in  consideration  of  the  old  friendship,  to  accept 
of  the  presents,  and  to  cultivate  the  friendship,  as  the  presents  were  given  to  them 
as  a  token  of  friendship. 

That  it  is  expected  from  them  that  they  will  always  be  true  and  faithful  to  the 
Government  and  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  and,  when  called  upon,  to  give 
all  help  and  assistance. 

That  if  they  have  any  grievance  amongst  them,  to  come  forward  and  make  it 
known,  and  that  if  they  are  wishful  of  visiting  here,  they  shall  always  be  welcome 
and  be  well  received. 

That  the  hats  and  sticks  were  given  to  the  Chiefs  as  a  token  that  they  are 
recognized  as  such  by  the  government. 

That  if  they  want  to  appoint  new  ones  they  sliall  clioose  such  persons 
from  among  them  as  may  be  proposed  by  the  Government. 

B.  C.,IV,iS7-i88. 

[Another  translation?^ 

The  presents  have  been  distributed  to  the  latest-arrived  Indian  Chiefs  and 
their  suites  in  the  same  manner  as  before.  The  names  of  the  Chiefs  are  Warawri, 
Jarimare  or  Tampoco,  Maraywinany,  Massuckury,  Mawaru,  Massieuw. 

The  interpreters  having  been  called  in,  they  are  directed  by  the  presiding  Cap- 
tain-Commandant, to  explain  to  the  Indians  that  it  was  on  account  of  the  old 
friendship  that  they  were  invited  to  the  Government  to  amuse  themselves,  and  in 
order  to' cultivate  that  friendship  ;  that,  as  a  proof  of  this,  the  presents  are  given  ; 
.  that  it  was  expected  from  their  side,  that  they  should  always  faithfully  adhere  to 
the  Government  and  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony,  and  when  called  upon  give 
all  help  and  support ;  that,  when  they  have  any  grievances,  they  must  always 
come  to  present  them ;  that,  whenever  they  wish  to  come  to  this  place,  they  shall 
always  be  welcome  and  be  received ;  that  the  hats  and  canes  are  given  to  the 
Owls  as  a  token  that  they  are  recognized  as  such  by  the  Government. 

And  that,  when  wishing  to  appoint  new  Chiefs,  they  may,  to  that  end, 
offer  to  the  Government  such  persons  among  them  as  they  shall  choose 
thereto.  ^-  ^'  <^''"-'  ^^'  ^^-^-^^- 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case.  .    . 

Among  new  acts  of  jurisdiction  which  have  been  practiced  by  Great  Bntam, 
and  which  were  wholly  unknown  to  the  Dutch,  is  the  appointment  of  Indian 
Captains  by  the  Colonial  Government.  The  British  Case  at  various  tmies 
speaks  of  this  new  practice  as  though  it  were  something  datmg  very  far  back, 
into  Dutch  times  ;  but  in  reality  it  is  wholly  British.  V-  C.-C,  107, 


334  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE     BRITISH-APPOINTMENT    OF    INDIAN    CAP- 

TAINS-(Continued). 

1804.     Court  of  Policy. 

One  of  their  captains,  named  Arawara,  .  .  .  had  come  down  Essequibo 
River  some  time  ago,  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  had  ^iven  over  his  conimission 
of  captain  or  Uil,  ivliich  he  had  received  from  the  former  (Governor  Baron 
van  (lirovestins,  and  expressing  his  dissatisfaction.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  262. 

1897.     Michael  McTurk. 

The  same  system  of  Captains  who  exercised  control  over  the  Indians  was 
pursued  in  that  part  as  in  the  Essequibo,  and  it  had  been  followed  by  the  Dutch 
previous  to  the  English  occupation.  B.  C,  VII,  2J4. 

1897.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  present  centur}-,  in  fact,  previous  to  the 
transfer  of  the  country  from  the  Dutch  to  the  Eng:lish,  the  system  lias  been 
in  practice  of  appointing-  Captains  of  Indians  for  the  respective  tribes. 

Same,  p.  2jj. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-APPOINTMENT    OF    INDIAN    CAP- 
TAINS   (OWLS)    BY    THE     INDIANS    THEMSELVES. 

1 8 18.     Thomas  Cathrey,  Protector  of  Indians. 

I  Tonys  an  Arawak  chief  at  Bartika  Grove  being  dead]  Warakan  commands 
the  tribe  till  the  majority  of  his  son,  who  is  absent.  B.  C,  VI,  12. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  Accaways  are  the  most  warlike  of  any  tribe  in  the  Colony,  and,  notwith- 
standing the  smallness  of  their  number,  set  all  the  other  tribes  at  defiance.  They 
elect  tlieir  own  Captains,  and  acknowledge  no  Protector,  and  are  particularly 
repugnant  to  the  interference  of  white  persons  in  their  domestic  government,  or 
the  settlement  of  whites  in  their  territory.  Saiiw,  p.  2j. 

I  have  also  to  request,  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  generally,  that  your  Excel- 
lency will  be  pleased  to  prohibit  all  interference  of  the  whites  in  the  nomi- 
nation of  their  Captains,  as  different  individuals  have  in  many  instances  taken 
upon  themselves  this  right,  which  is  purely  elective  on  the  part  of  the  Indians 
themselves,  Sa»u-,  p.  34. 

I  833.     Protector  of  Indians  in  Pomeroon. 

The  Indian  Captains,  which  Mr.  Hilhouse  asserts  to  be  appointed  by  the 
Posthokiers,  are  diametrically  opposed  to  the  fact,  at  all  events  in  the  Pomeroon 
district,  where  no  deviallon  has  been  practice*!  contrary  to  the  ancient  estab- 
lished custom  of  leaving  the  choice  of  their  Captains  to  the  tribes  them- 
selves. Same,  p.  4g. 

1844.     Mr.  Macrae. 

We  all  know  that  they  [Indians]  are  ruled  by  their  own  chiefs. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  iSt. 


INDIANS.  335 

RELATIONS    TO     THE     BRITISH-APPOINTMENT    OF    INDIAN    CAP- 
TAINS   (OWLS)     BY    THE     INDIANS    TH  EMSELVES-(Continued). 

1897.     Stephen  Johnson,  an  Akaway  Indian. 

My  father  .  .  .  was  an  Accowayo  Captain,  Mr.  MoCIiiitook  did  not 
iiiakc  him  a  Captain,  but  he  was  so  through  an  inherited  rii^ht.  The  Accowayo 

and  Carib  nation  in  the  whole  of  the  Barima  River  and  also  the  Woeboo  country 
did  look  upon  him  as  their  only  chief.  B.  C,  VII,  2j2. 

RELATIONS   TO    THE     BRITISH-APPOINTMENT     OF     INDIAN    CAP- 
TAINS,   BY    THE    DUTCH    AND    BRITISH. 

1 83 1.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  Ackaways  during  the  insurrection  applied  to  have  me  appointed  tlieir 
Chief.  ^'-  C.,  VI,  41- 

1834.     Captain  Tonge,  Pomeroon. 

Having  collected  as  many  of  the  Indians  as  .  ,  .  the  weather  would  per- 
mit, I  first  explained  and  then  presented  in  form  his  Excelleney's  eommission 
to  Captain  Juan  and  .  .  .  it  .  .  .  was  universally  received  with  respect 
and  gratitude.  Same, p.  34. 

1837.     Rev.  A.  Hermant. 

The  Indian  Maria  Hyme  applied     ...     to  pray  me  to  appoint  and 
choose  another  Indian  for  Captain.     Seeing  that  if  he  is   Captain  against  his 
will  he  shall  not  attend  to  his  duty,  I     .     .     .     recommend     ...     the  Indian, 
Miguel  Chacon,  who  is  now   living   in    Essequibo  ;      .     .      .     He   is 
esteemed  by  the  Spanish  Indians.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  2/6. 

1840.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Visiting  the  Hymurucaboru,  several  of  the  Warrov>-  Indians  residing  in  that 
creek,  as  well  as  those  ...  in  the  Manawarein,  requested  that  Captains 
should  be  appointed  to  live  among  them— Captain  Jonklass  .  .  .  and  Cap- 
tain George     .     .     .     having     .     .     .     died.  B.  C,  VI,  loj. 

1843.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

I  .  .  .  inclose  Captain  Maguil  Chacon"s  commission,  who  died  in  Morocco 
Creek     .     .     .     last  month. 

The  inhabitants  of  Morocco  having-  expressed  their  desire  to  have  an- 
other Captain  appointed,  I  .  .  .  recommend  .  .  .  the  Spanish  Indian, 
Jaime  Maria,  as  .  .  .  fully  qualfied  to  act  as  Captain  and  constable  over  all 
the  Spaniards  in  Morocco  Creek. 

.  .  .  Permit  me  to  recommend  that  the  person  holding  the  commission  be 
allowed  to  act  as  constable  also.  Same,  p.  I2j. 

1S43.     Rev.  J.  Cullen. 

Captain  Jaime  Maria  and  the  Indians  of  the  Morocco  Mission,  .  .  . 
are  desirous  to  have  Calistro  Hermandez  appointed  to  act  as  sub-Captain, 

as  they  consider  it  necessary  to  have  a  protector  .  .  .  during  the  .  .  . 
absence  of  the  Captain.  Moreover,  as  the  Postholder  may  require  the  services 
of  the  Captain  in  his  capacity  of  Chief  Constable,  it  is  expedient  to  make  this 
appointment.  The  Indians  likewise  are  desirous  tliat  a  constable's  staff  be 
provided  for  the  Captain  and  sub-Captaiu,  and  accompany  their  respective 
commissions.  oame,p.  /2/. 


33G  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE     BRITISH- APPOINTM  ENT    OF    INDIAN    CAP- 
TAINS,   BY  THE    DUTCH    AND    BRITISH-(Continued). 

1843.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Tlie  Macusi  chieftain,  Pasieo  .  .  .  I  ,  .  .  recommend  ...  as  Captain 
of  tlie  Macusis  near  the  frontier,  and  deserving  to  receive  the  stick,  or  offi- 
cial staff,  and  a  commission  like  the  Arawaak  chieftain  CaboralH  at  the  Guainia. 

B.C.,  VII, 53. 

1848.  W.  C.  McChntock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  following  Indians,  ...  fit  and  proper  persons  to  hold  the  office 
of  captain,  are     .     .     .     submitted 

Cabarally  (Arrawack),  captain  and  constable  for  Assakata  Creek. 

Moses  (Worrow),  captain  forWiney  River, 

Ben  (Worrow),  captain  for  Barania  Creek. 

Daniel  (Carabeese),  for  Barania  Creek. 

John  (W^orrow),  for  Upper  Bareenia  River. 

Nelson  (Worrow),  for  Arnka  Creek,  or  Lower  Bareenia.         B.  C,  VI,  172. 

1849.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Arrawak  Indian  Cabarally  .  .  .  having-  already  held  a  Commis- 
sion, which,  however,  he  returned  to  the  then  Government  Secretary, 
.  .  .  because  I  declined  to  recognize  him  as  captain  for  the  Worrow 
Indians.  .  .  .  His  Excellency  .  .  .  caused  a  Commission  to  be  issued 
to  John  Henry,  a  Worrow  ...  in  Upper  Morocco  :  .  .  .  I  pray  his  Ex- 
cellency will  .  .  .  confirm  the  said  Arrawack  Indian  Cabarally  in  the  office 
of  Captain  and  constable,  for  the  Assakata  Creek.  Same,  p.  lyi. 

1852.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

I  .  .  .  recommend  .  .  .  the  Warrow  Indian  France,  whose  settle- 
ment is  in  Himara  Cabara  Creek,  .  .  .  as  a  fit  and  proper  person  to  fill 
the  office  of  Captain  and  Constable.  Sa/ne,  p.  jSg. 

I  .  .  .  recommend  .  .  .  the  following-  Indians  as  .  .  .  fit  to 
act  as  Captains  and  Constables: 

Thomas  Adams,  Arrawack  Indian,  residing  at  Piraca,  Upper  Paniaroon. 

Cornelius  Scarda,  Arrawak,  residing  at  Pomeroon. 

John  Carrabeese  Indian,  residing  in  Iserooroo  Creek,  Upper  Pamaroon. 

France,  Carrabeese,  residing  in  Kiramap  Creek,  Rio  Pamaroon. 

JefYrey,  Carrabeese,  living  at  Arria,  Rio  Pomeroon.  Same,  p.  /go. 

Indians  .  .  .  recommended  ...  to  act  as  Captains  and  con- 
stables : 

France Carrabeese Pomaroon. 

Hermannus " 

John " Isserooroo  Creek,  Tributary  of  Pomaroon. 

Dick " Pomaroon. 

Jeffrey " .  .Arria  . .  "  (Upper). 

Thomas  Adams.  .Arrawack Pomaroon. 

Cornelius  Scarde " " 

John  William " Arrajiicro  Creek, 

Fraser " Tapacooma  Creek.  Same,  p.  jgi. 


INDIANS.  337 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-APPOINTMENT    OF    INDIAN    CAP- 
TAINS,   BY    THE    DUTCH    AND    BRITISH-(Continued). 

1854.     W.  C.  McClintock.  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

I  communicate  the  loss  of  John  Henry,  Captain  of  the  Warrow  Indians  in 
Tpper  3Ioruca,  .  .  .  from  an  attack  of  small-pox.  ...  To  fill  up  the 
vacancy  which  his  death  has  caused  I  respectfully  recommend  .  .  .  the 
Warrow  Indian  Watson,  and  .  .  .  for  similar  appointments,  the  Warrow 
Indian  France,  living  on  Kinauiu  Creek,  situated  between  Moruca  and  Wieney 
River,  and  the  Arrawack  Indian  Cabaralli,  of  Assakata  Creek,  where  no  Captain 
has  yet  been  created.  B.  C,  VI,  igy. 

1863.     Governor  of  British  Guiana. 

Whereas  it  has  been  represented  to  me  that  the  Carabice  Indian  Cephas  is  a 
well  conducted  and  loyal  subject,  .  .  .  I  .  ,  .  appoint  the  said  Indian 
Ceplias  to  tlie  office  of  Captain  and  Constal)le.  B.  C,  VII,  22-/. 

1868.     W.  C.  McChntock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Names   of  the    Indians   respectfully  submitted      ...      to  hold  the  oflice 
of  Captain  and  constable  over  their  respective  tribes : — 
William  Scard  (Arawack),  in  the  room  of  Cornelius. 
Hany  (Warrow),  in  the  room  of  France. 
Davidson  (Warrow),  in  the  room  of  Ben. 
Antonie  (Accoway),  in  the  room  of  Saurawick. 
Francisco  (Maiongong),  in  the  room  of  Raiman. 
The  above-named  five  Indians  attend  at  the  Waramurie  Mission. 

B.  C,  VI,  20S-20Q. 

1868.  Petition  of  John  Davidson,  an  Arawak  Indian. 

Since  the  death  of  our  Headman,  Captain  Caliestro,  all  the  buck  Indians  up 
that  side  of  the  Colony,  they  are  wholly  ungoverned,  making  wars  against  them- 
selves, and  taking  each  others'  lives,  for  want  of  a  Chief  or  Captain  amongst 
them,  or  a  Headman  over  them  ;  .  .  .  under  these  circumstances  your  peti- 
tioner respectfully  prays  to  recommend  himself  to  ...  be  appointed 
by  your  Excellency  as  Headman  or  Captain  over  the  other  bnek  Indians  in 
the  room  of  the  late  Captain  Caliestro,  ...  so  that  I  could  command 
peace  and  order  amongst  them  as  formerly  during  the  lifetime  of  Captain 
Caliestro.  Same,  p.  2og. 

1869.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Previons  to  3Iissions  being"  established  among  the  aborigines  of  this  dis- 
trict, tlieir  Captains,  or  Cliiefs,  were  always  selected  by  themselves,  and  the 

men  possessing  the  art  of  conjuror^or,  according  to  the  people's  belief, 
the  power  of  destroying  the  lives  of  others  by  their  incantations  and  prayers — 
were  invariably  chosen  to  fill  the  ofifice.  This  system  proving-  sucli  a  bar- 
rier to  everything:  calculated  to  ameliorate  their  then  degraded  condition, 
the  conjurors  having  so  much  influence  over  their  respective  tribes,  as  to  induce 
them  to  set  their  faces,  so  to  speak,  against  all  kind  of  instruction,  and  seeing,  as  I 
did,  the  necessity  for  some  interference,  1  brought  matters  under  the  notice  of 
Sir  Henry  Light,  the  then  Governor  of  the  Colony,  expecting  the  difficulties  to  be 
overcome  before  any  permanent  good  for  the  Indians  could  be  achieved.  With 
the  view,  therefore,  of  removing,  if  not  to  suppress  entirely,  the  then  prevailing 
influence  of  the  Chiefs,   I   suggested   to   his    Excellency    Sir   Henry   Light, 


338  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE     BRITISH-APPOINTMENT    OF    INDIAN     CAP- 
TAINS,    BY    THE    DUTCH    AND    BRITISH-(Continued). 

that  they  should  at  once  he  dispossessed  of  all  authority  to  nominate  Cap- 
tains, and  the  power  of  making  such  appointments  should  be  vested  in  the 
Executive ;  this  arrang:emeut    .     ,     .    has  proved  most  beneficial. 

B.  C,  VI,  2og. 

I,  therefore,  beg  his  Excellency  to  appoint  Sandy,  Carribee  Indian,  to  the 
office  of  Captain  &c.,  for  this  district.  Same,  p.  210. 

1876.  Governor  Longden. 

Whereas  .  .  .  the  Caribee  Indian,  Peter  CorneHus,  is  a  well  conducted 
and  loyal  subject,  .  .  .  I  .  .  .  appoint  the  said  Indian,  Peter  Cor- 
nelius, to  the  office  of  Captain  and  Constable.  B.  C,  VII,  227-22S. 

1877.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  in  Pomeroon. 

I  .  .  .  recommend  .  .  .  Jose  Rosario  Torres,  Spanish  Arrawack  of 
Moruca  River,     ...     to  fill  the  office  of  Captain  and  constable. 

I  have  also  to  recommend  ...  a  Warrow  Indian  named  Moses,  of 
Himara-Cabara  Creek,  Rio  Moruca,     ...     to  fill  the  office  of  Captain. 

B.  C,  VI,  216. 

1878.  Kortright,  Governor  of  British  Guiana. 

Whereas  .  .  ,  the  Caribeese  Indian,  Peter  Cornelius,  is  a  well  conducted 
and  loyal  subject  .  .  .  I  .  .  .  appoint  .  .  .  Peter  Cornelius  to 
tlie  office  of  Captain  and  Constable.  B.  C,  VII,  228. 

1 891.     Michael  McTurk. 

Twenty-five  Indians  came  from  the  creek.  They  had  many  complaints  to 
make  of  the  "  Spaniors,"  all  of  the  same  nature,  the  taking  away  of  their  cassava, 
and  giving  nothing  in  return.  There  "vvas  no  man  amouar  tliem  [Indians  of 
Ekereku  Creek]  whom  I  considered  lit  to  be  appointed  as  captain,  but  the 
most  intelligent  one,  Edward  Robert,  I  promised  should  be  appointed  as  a 
constable,  and  he  is  to  follow  me  to  Kalacoon  for  the  purpose.  I  explained  to 
him,  through  an  interpreter,  what  his  duties  would  be,  and  also  the  boundaries  of 
our  territory.  .  .  .  This  interested  the  others  very  much,  and  they  appeared 
pleased  that  the  Governor  should  appoint  some  of  their  own  in  authority,  and 
promised  to  obey  him.  B.  C,   VI,  2^4. 

1897.     Michael  McTurk. 

Indian  Captains  liave  been  appointed  by  me  in  the  Pomeroon  and  Moruca 
rivers,  ,  .  .  These  appointments  have  given  great  satisfaction  to  the 
Indians.  B.  C,  VII,  jj/. 

1897.     Wauakumma,  a  Warrow  Indian. 

I  have  heard  from  my  father  and  mother.  .  .  .  that  the  Dutchmen  had 
places  about  Koriabo.  ...  I  also  know  the  place  below  Koriabo  which  is 
called  "the  Dutchman's  place."  .  .  .  There  are  three  trenches  there 
into  the  Barima  River.  ...  1  liave  heard  the  old  people  speak  of  the 
Warrau  Captain  Tremencia  [dementia]  .  .  .  My  father  and  mother  told 
me  about  the  Dutch.  They  were  very  good  to  the  Warraus,  and  used  to  give 
them  cloth  and  things.  Same,  /.  2og. 


INDIANS.  339 

RELATIONS    TO    THE     BRITISH-APPOINTMENT     OF     INDIAN    CAP- 
TAINS,   BY    THE     DUTCH    AND    BRITISH-(Continuedi. 

1897.     Burriburrikutu,  a  Warrow  woman. 

I  knew  tijo  IVarraw  Captain  Tromoncia.  Tromcucia  had  a  short  stick 
with  silver  at  tlie  head  of  it,  and  he  had  a  paper   from  the  governor. 

B.  C,  VII,  210. 
1897.     Kwaidawarri,  a  Warrow  Indian. 

1  knew  the  Arawack  man  Caberalli.  He  was  the  Arawack  Captain.  He 
lived  in  Asacarta,  bnt  sometimes  .  .  .  at  Howhanna,  in  Aruka.  .  .  . 
He  had  a  paper  from  the  drovernor.  Same,  p.  211. 

My  father's  brother  been  the  Warrau  Captain  this  side.  His  name  been 
Waiakwarri.  .  .  ,  >Vaiakwarra  had  a  stick  with  tliree  holes  in  it. 
Schombruck  g-ave  him  the  stick.  After  Waiakwarra  died,  a  white  man  from 
Essequibo  came  to  Moruka  and  took  the  stick.  He  said  the  stick  belonged 
to  the  EngUsh  people. 

There  been  at  the  same  time  another  Warrau  Captain  in  Kaituma.  He 
name  Waha.  He  had  a  stick  from  the  Governor.  I  saw  it.  Tamanawarri 
was  another  Warrau  Captain.  He  lived  in  Kaituma  too.  He  had  a  stick 
from  the  Governor.  Same,  p.  212. 

1897.     Bautista  Calietro,  a  Spanish  Arawak. 

My  father  was  Captain  Callietro,  .  ,  .  Captain  of  the  Spanish  Arawacks, 
who  all  lived  in  Moruka.  ,  .  .  My  father,  because  he  was  Captain  of  tliem 
all,  had  a  Commission,  a  stick,  a  flag-,  and  a  cannon.  The  Colony  gave  him 
these  things.  After  he  died  Mr.  Mac  took  them  all  back  again.  .  .  . 
After  my  father  died  Captain  Raffaelle  was  made  Captain  in  his  place. 

Captain  Caberalli  .  .  .  had  a  Commission,  a  stick,  and  a  flag,  but  he 
did  not  have  a  cannon.  Same,  p.  21J. 

1897.     Issokura,  an  Arawak  woman. 

Captain  Jan  been  my  mother's  brother.  Dutchmen  been  make  him  Cap- 
tain. He  been  have  paper  and  stick.  Dutchmen  been  give  them  to  him.  He 
been  talk  the  Dutch  language.  Same,  p.  2ig. 

1897.     Neebrowari,  a  Warrow  Indian. 

My  father  .  .  .  was  Captain  for  the  Warrau  and  Arawack  in 
Amakuru.     He     .     .     .     had  a  stick.  Same,  p.  220. 

1897,     Matthias  Schade,  an  Arawak  Indian. 

3Iy  father  was  made  Captain  of  the  Arrawaks  .  .  .  when  Mr.  Brett 
was  missionary  and  before  the  Pomeroon  Mission  was  moved  from  Arapaikru 
Mouth  to  Cabacaburi.  .  .  .  The  Bishop  hauded  him  the  stick  and  the 
writing.  Same,  p.  221. 

1897.     Michael  McTurk. 

Peter  Cornelisen  ...  I  know  .  .  .  was  a  Captain  for  tlie  Carib 
Indians  living  about  the  upper  parts  of  the  three  rivers. 

I  also  knew  Thomas  Cephas.  .  .  .  The  Het  Fall,  on  the  River  Esse- 
quibo, where  he  lived,  is  the  second  fall  encountered  on  ascending  the  river.  The 
staff  now  produced  and  shown  to  me  ...  is  his  staff  of  office,  and  was  pre- 
sented to  him  on  his  appointment. 


840 


INDIANS. 


RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-APPOINTMENT    OF    INDIAN     CAP- 
TAINS,   BY    THE     DUTCH    AND   BRITISH-(Continued). 

The  staff  now  produced  and  shown  to  me  .  .  .  belonged  to  the  Captain 
of  the  Atorai  Indians,  who  inhabit  the  savannah  at  the  head  of  the  Essequibo  and 
Rupununi.  .  .  .  and  who  .  .  .  held  the  position  of  Captain  for  a  con- 
siderable number  of  years.  B.  C,  VII,  2jj. 

The  same  system  of  Captains  who  exercised  control  over  the  Indians  was  pur- 
sued in  that  part  as  in  the  Essequibo,  and  it  had  beeu  followed  by  the  Dutch 
prcTious  to  the  Eng:lish  occupation.  Same,  p.  234. 


1897.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  following  is  the  earliest  complete,  or  nearly  complete,  list  of  these 
Captains  [appointed  by  the  Government]  that  I  have  been  able  to  compile, 
and  would  embrace  the  period  from  about  1840  to  1850: — 


Name, 

Tribe. 

Residence. 

Spanish  Arawacks 

Hobo  (Moruka). 

Arawacks 

Assacarta. 

Peter            .                 

Caribs •  •  • 

Bushman 

Warraus  (tribe  of  Warraus  in 
Moruka) 

Manawaina. 

Warraus  (Barima) 

Warina. 

Warraus    

Cumacka. 

Tamanawari  ) 

Ditto 

Kaituma. 

Waha             i 

Arawacks 

Wassekuru. 

Same,  pp.  2jy-2jS. 


[1 898. J     Editor  of  British  Case. 

List  of  Commissions  to  Indian  Captains.  A  complete  series  of  the  Com- 
missions issued  does  not  seem  to  be  extant ;  those  collected  here  are  a  few  lead- 
ing specimens  : 


Name. 

Tribe. 

Place. 

Date. 

John  William  . . . 
Erijee  Manarwa. . 
William 

Arawak 

Pomeroon 

I'pper  Essequibo. 

Barima 

Moruka 

Nov.  18,  1852. 

Warow 

Jan.   1855. 
Aug.  27,  1 86 1. 

Sept.  24,  1861. 

Patricio  Sabana . . 
Wiabee 

tt 

Nov.  9,  1 86 1. 

Waini. 

Feb.  5,  1862. 

t( 

July  9,  1862. 

., 

a 

Hillario 

Akawoi 

Barama 

« 

Same,  p.  246. 


INDIANS.  341 

RELATIONS  TO  THE    BRITISH-PROTECTORS   OF    INDIANS. 

1785.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

November  28,  1785.  To-day,  .  .  .  discharged  from  his  Postholder- 
ship,  Nicolas  Pierson,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the  French,  and  in  his  place 
was  placed  again,  and  newly  sworn  in,  Daniel  Starrenberg,  the  former  protector 
of  Indinns  and  Postholder  in  the  upper  part  of  this  river  from  old  time  called 
Moera,  with  fresh  instructions  and  a  fresh  commission.  B.  C,  VII,  iy4. 

1803.  Court  of  Policy. 

A  Petition  dated  the  loth  December,  1802,  addressed  to  his  Honour  by  F. 
J.  van  (lerLott  as  Captain  of  the  bnr^lier  soldiers  in  the  division  of  the 
Red  Ensig-n  in  Demerary,  containing  a  report  of  his  demands  in  the  matter  of 
the  last  general  bush  expedition  against  the  bush  negroes.  B.  C,  V,  ijg. 

Ordered,  that  an  extract  of  the  present  Resolve  be  transmitted  to  Lieutenant 
Moore  and  to  the  Protector  of  Indians  in  Esseqnibo  for  their  respective  infor- 
mation. Same,  p.  i8j. 

1804.  Court  of  Policy. 

Read  a  memorial  of  the  Protector  of  the  Indians  of  Essequibo,  Mr.  F.  T. 
van  der  Lott,  acquainting  the  Court  with  his  having  some  time  ago,  in  his 
capacity  as  Protector  of  the  Indians  above-mentioned,  appointed  to  be  Post- 
holder  in  the  Upper  River  of  Essequibo  the  free  coloured  man  Amon  Cor- 
nells. 

Resolved,  to  conform  the  provisional  nomination  made  by  the  Protector, 
Mr.  van  der  Lott,  on  the    person   of  Amon  Cornells  aforesaid. 

Ordered,  that  an  extract  from  this  Resolution  be  handed  to  the  Protector, 
Mr.  van  der  HolT,  aforesaid. 

Counsellors  van  der  Velden  and  Kroll  have  not  concurred  [and  believe] 
.     .     .     that  Mr.  van  der  Hoff  should  not  have  appointed  Amon  Cornells     .     .     . 

Mr.  van  der  Hoff  then  observed  .  .  .  that  he  was  not  aware  of  it  [a 
certain  resolution]  when  he  made  the  above-mentioned  appointment. 

Same,  p.  iSj. 

Mr.  Mack,  who  was  requested  and  deputed  by  the  Court's  Resolution  of  the 
30th  of  May,  of  the  present  year,  together  with  Mr.  Clements  and  Mr.  Fiscal 
van  der  Lott,  as  Protector  of  Indians,  to  assemble  the  Indians  in  the  Upper 
River  of  Essequibo,  and  to  assure  them  of  the  friendly  dispositions  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Colony  towards  them,  and  at  the  same  time  distributing  among 
them  some  small  presents  or  gifts,  reported  that  he  .  .  .  repaired  to  the 
upper  river  of  Essequibo ;  that  he  found  on  the  place  of  rendezvous  about  300 
Indians  and  twelve  Captains  or  Uilen,  whom  lie  consequently  entertained  in 
the  usual  way,  and  whom  he  endeavored  to  satisfy  with  some  small  gifts,  prom- 
ising them     .     .     .     another  distribution  would  be  made  amongst  them. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  262. 

1805.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  manner  in  which  a  distribution  out  of  these  articles  was  to  be  made 
among  the  Indians  being  now  deliberated  upon,  it  was  resolved,  in  the  tirst 
place,  with  regard  to  Essequibo,  to  request  Mr.  Mack,  as  Protector  of  the 
Indians  of  that  river,  to  appoint  the  time  and  place  for  such  distribution  to  take 
place,  and  to  give  the  necessary  direction  to  the  Postholders  to  collect  the  Indians 
and  to  report  to  the  Court.  B.  C,  V,  iSj. 


342  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-PROTECTORS    OF    INDIANS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1805.     Court  of  Policy. 

With  respect  to  Demerary  River,  Mr.  Cuming  was  requested  to  arrange 
with  the  two  rrotectors  of  Imlians  in  tliat  river  the  time  and  place  for  a  gen- 
eral distribution  of  these  articles  among  the  Indians  of  that  district. 

B.  C,  V,  1S7. 
Gratifications  and  presents  to  Indians — 
Account  of  Mr.  Mack,  Protector,  for  sugar  and  rum  provided  for  the  great 

entertainment  of  Indians  which  took  place  some  time  since i,423-5  A- 

Satne,  p.  iSS. 

1807.     Court  of  Policy. 

Mr.  Councillor  Knollman,  in  his  capacity  as  Protector  of  the  Indians  in 

Essequibo,  [stated]  that  the  Indians  who  live  at  the  Post  of  Morocco,  and  who 
had  been  employed  in  a  bush  expedition  under  the  direction  of  the  late  Pro- 
tector, Mr.  Mack,  deceased,  had  not  yet  been  paid. 

Whereupon  it  was  resolved  to  authorise  the  said  Mr.  Knollman,  if  the  articles 
which  are  deposited  in  the  Colony  House  are  not  sufficient,  to  purchase  an  addi- 
tional quantity  of  salempores,  etc.,  for  account  of  the  Colony,  and  therewith  to  pay 
the  Indians. 

Mr.  Knollman  was  further  authorised  at  his  request  to  take  over,  under  a 
proper  inventory,  the  presents  for  Indians  which  still  remain  at  the  house  of  the 
late  Mr.  Mack,  deceased  ;  and,  further,  to  share  every  three  months  among  the 
Indians  ivho  live  near  the  Post  of  Morocco  100  gallons  new  rum,  and  a  pro- 
portionable quantity  among  the  Indians  of  the  Upper  River  Essequibo. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  263. 

Read  a  letter  from  Mr.  Knollman,  the  Protector  of  the  Indians  in  Essequibo. 

With  respect  to  the  second  part  of  Mr.  Knollman's  letter  relative  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  two  free  Indians  having  been  purchased  as  slaves  by  an  inhabitant 
of  Essequibo,  it  was  resolved  that  the  letters  respecting  that  charge  shall  be 
transmitted  to  the  Fiscal  of  Essequibo,  that  he  may  enforce  the  law  against  the 
delinquent.  Same,  p.  263. 

Relative  to  some  differences  which  had  lately  broken  out  between  the  free 
colored  people  settled  in  the  Essequibo  River,  and  some  of  the  Indian  tribes, 
particularly  the  Ackawoys.  .  ,  .  some  mutual  animosity  seemed  to  prevail 
among  the  Indian  tribes  themselves,  yet  .  .  .  they  were  all  irritated  against 
the  above-mentioned  free  coloured  people. 

Mr.  Knollman  begged  leave  to  report,  in  his  capacity  as  Protector  of  the  In- 
dians of  Essequibo,  that  ...  he  had  directed  the  Postholder  Linau  [of 
Moruka],  to  proceed  without  delay  up  that  river  [Essequibo],  as  well  as  up  its 
branches  named  Cajooni  and  Massaroenie  ;  also  with  instructions  to  collect  every 
information  and  to  satisfy  the  Indians  of  the  amicable  disposition  of  the  Colony 
in  their  behalf,  so  as  to  induce  all  those  who  might  have  left  their  villages  to 
return  and  reside  there  peaceably.  Same,  p.  264. 

1808.     Court  of  Policy. 

Resolved  that  Mr.  G.  Timmerman  be,  and  hereby  is,  appointed  Protector  of 
the  Indians  for  tlie  district  of  the  West  Coast  of  Essequibo,  commencing  at 
Supename  Creek,  and  extending  to  the  utmost  limits  of  the  Colony  towards  the 
Spanish  settlements  ;  and  that  Mr.  A.  C.  Roberts  be  appointed  Protector  of  the 
Indians  for  the  River  Essequibo  and  its  dill'erent  branches.        Same,  p.  263. 


INDIANS.  34:3 

RELATIONS    TO    THE     BRITISH-PROTECTORS     OF     INDIAINIS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1808.  Secretary  of  Demerara  to  Gerrit  Timmerman. 

H.  yy.  Kiiollman,  .  .  .  having  resigned  the  post  of  Protector  of  the 
ludians  for  the  River  and  Dependent  Districts  of  Esseqnibo,  the    .    .     . 

Court  has  .  .  .  seen  fit,  in  the  place  of  .  .  .  Knollman,  resigned,  to 
nominate  you  .  .  .  and  instal  you  as  Protector  of  the  Indians  so  far  as  con- 
cerns the  west  coast  of  the  aforesaid  Colony  from  the  Creek  Supename  right  up 
to  the  Spanish  boundary,  the  River  Pomeroon  being  included  therein,  Mr.  C.  A. 
Roberts  having  been  appointed  as  Protector  of  the  Indians  for  tlie  River  Esse- 
qnibo and  the  rivers  and  creeks  tlowing^  into  it. 

I  have  ...  to  request  you  to  .  .  .  apply  to  Mr.  Knollman,  with  a 
view  of  taking  over  the  papers  and  documents  respecting'  the  post  of  Protector 
[of  the  Indians]  and  at  the  same  time  (according  to  inventory)  the  half  of  the 
items  for  native  trading  and  rations  belonging  to  the  Colony  which  may  yet  re- 
main under  the  care  of  Mr.  Knollman,  B.  C,  V,  igi. 

1809.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  Court  having  considered  an  act  of  H.  C.  Wahl,  Postholder  with  the 
Indians  in  the  River  Massaroeni,  for  sundries  supplied  for  the  use  of  the  Post, 
and  wages  of  Indians  hired  to  work  about  the  same,  amounting  in  all  to  G. 
7,232  15,  it  was  resolved  that  the  same  shall  be  paid  in  this  instance,  but 
...  in  future  he  is  directed  positively  to  abstain  from  contracting  or  engaging 
for  any  expense  whatsoever  .  .  .  without  the  previons  knowledge  and 
approbation  of  the  Protector  of  the  Indians  under  whose  orders  he  stands. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  363. 

1809.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  .  .  .  Petition  having  been  read,  the  Court  ordered  that  the  same  be 
referred  to  Mr.  Roberts  as  Protector  of  the  Indians  in  the  River  Esseqnibo, 
to  report  thereon  to  the  Court  at  the  next  meeting.  B.  C,  V,  ig2. 

1 810.  Court  of  Policy. 

Laid  before  the  Court  a  list  of  some  articles  which  the  Protector  of 
Indians  in  Esseqnibo,  Mr.  G.  Timmerman,  requested  the  Court's  authorization 
to  purchase  for  the  Indians  who  have  been  attached  to  the  Post  of  Morocco  since 
April,  1809,  to  April,  18 10.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  266. 

1810.     Accounts. 

G.  Timmerman,  Protector  of  Indians  at  the  Post  of  Morocco  .  .G.  2,313  7  8 
The  heirs  of     .     .     .     W.   H.  Knollman,  for  sundry  disbursements  of 

said  Mr.  Knollman  when  Protector  of  Indians  in  Esseqnibo.  .G.  2,621  2  o 
Protector  of  Indians,  A.  C.  Roberts,  for  sundries  delivered  and  paid 

for  the  Indians G.      812  o  o 

Same,  p.jgi. 

181 2.  Postholder  of  Mazaruni. 

Tlie  Protectors  make  their  regulations  themselves,  and  these  the  Post- 
holder  follows.  B.  C,  V,  igg. 

1813.  Acting  Governor  Codd. 

Mr.  Edmonston,  tlie  Protector  of  the  Indians,  is  a  gent  universally  re- 
spected in  the  Colony  and  beloved  by  them,  but  his  private  affairs  do  not  admit 
of  his  taking  any  active  measures  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  Indians,  nor 
does  it  appear  to  be  prescribed  as  a  duty  expected  of  him.  Same,  p.  21  j. 


344  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-PROTECTORS    OF    INDIANS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1 813,*  May  15.     Instruction  for  Postholders. 

1.  The  Postholder  shall  keep  an  accurate  journal. 

2.  He  shall  transmit  quarterly  a  copy  of  this  journal  to  the  Protector  of  his 

district. 

3.  In  case  of  any  extraordinary  occurence  at  or  near  the  Post,  he  shall  imme- 
diately acqualut  therewith  the  rrotector. 

6.  When  required  by  the  Protector  he  shall  .  .  .  execute  promptly  any 
orders  he  may  receive  from  the  Protector. 

7.  He  shall  not  permit  any  persons,  ...  to  pass  the  Post,  unless  they 
show  him  a  pass,  either  from  the  Governor-General,  or  from  the  Commandeur 
of  the  Essequibo,  or  from  one  of  the  Protectors  of  the  Indians. 

8.  If  any  person  not  provided  with  such  a  pass,  should  attempt  to  pass  the 
Post,  the  Postholder  shall  .  .  .  detain  such  person  ...  at  the  same 
time  giving  notice  to  the  Protector. 

13.  Should  any  Indian  apply  to  him  with  complaints  .  .  .  he  shall  repair 
with  such  Indian  to  the  Protector. 

14.  Any  white  or  free  coloured  person  about  the  Post  who  might  be  desirous 
to  have  an  Indian  woman  to  live  with  him,  shall  acquaint  therewith  the  Post- 
holder,  who  is  then  to  wait  on  the  Protector  with  such  woman,  .  .  .  and 
the  Protector  is  then  either  to  sanction  or  to  refuse  such  cohabitation  as  he  may 
think  right. 

17.  He  sliall  apply  from  time  to  time  to  the  Protector  for  the  rum  he 
may  want  for  the  purpose  of  giving  a  dram  to  the  Indians  ^vho  call  upon 
him.  ^-  C.,  V,  216. 


1814.     Court  of  Policy. 

William  Rohertson,  as  Protector  of  Indians  for  Essequibo,  stated  that  the 
Post  Masseroeni  had  not  been  supplied  with  their  annual  allowances  for  nearly 
two  years,  .  .  .  and  moved  that  the  Protectors  should  be  authorised  to  pro- 
cure the  necessary  articles. 

The  Court  .  .  .  ordered  that  the  Protectors  of  Indians  for  Posts  Mas- 
seroeni and  Mahaica  be  authorised  ...  to  procure  the  annual  allowances 
for  their  respective  Posts.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  26g. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  office  of  Protector  of  Indians  is  of  recent  creation,  not  being  known 
in  the  earliest  days  of  the  Colony. 

Its  principal  benefit  appears  to  consist  in  the  establishment  of  a  medium  of 
communication  between  the  Indians  and  the  Head  of  the  Government.  .  .  . 
It  is  entirely  a  civil  office.  B.  C,  VI,  jo. 

There  are  five  Protectors  -that  is,  five  petty  Governments— over  the  In- 
dians, without  concert  and  without  superintendence.  .  .  .  In  a  military  point 
of  view  the  office  is  in  every  way  objectionable,  and  its  inconveniences  can  only 
be  obviated  by  the  regular  and  acknowledged  appointment  of  a  Commander,  or 
Captain-General  of  Indians.  Same,  p.  31. 


♦This  document  dated  May  15, 18O3  was  enclosed  in  a  letter  dated  Sept.  26,  1813.      18O3  is  believed 
to  be  a  misprint  for  18I3. 


INDIANS.  345 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-PROTECTORS     OF    INDIANS-(Con- 

tinued). 

1823.  William  Hilhouse. 

The  following  remarks     .     ,     .     from     ...     an  Indian  Captain  : — 
Our  Protectors  are  appointed  without  reference  to  any  choice  of  ours,  and 
when  we  look  up  to  them  for  kindness  and  favour,  we  receive  coldness  and  con- 
tempt. B.  C,  VI,  J2. 

1824.  Instructions  for  Protectors  of  Indians. 

The  Protectors  of  ludiaiis  will,  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  give  effect  to 
and  euforce  amoug-  their  respective  Postliolders  a  strict  and  diligent  observ- 
ance of  the  instructions  originally  issued  on  the  18th  May,  1803,  and  subse- 
quently reprinted  and  issued  afresh  by  authority  on  the  2nd  May,  181 5. 

Same,  p.  jg. 
1827.     Lieutenant-Governor  D'Urban. 

There  is  a  legally  appointed  Protector  of  Indians  for  each  of  the  six 
rivers  :  Mahaiconey,  Mahaica,  Demerary,  Boerasirie,  Essequibo  and  Pomeroon, 
under  whose  immediate  orders  Postholders  act.  Same,  p.  jS. 

1 83 1.     A.  van  Ryck  de  Groot. 

I  am  a  Protector  of  Indians.  If  an  Indian  made  a  complaint  to  me  I  should 
act  as  mediator,  not  as  a  Magistrate.  If  the  injuring  party  did  not  choose  to 
appear,  I  should  not  feel  myself  authorized  to  compel  him  to  do  so.  In  their 
quarrels  I  should  consider  I  had  nothing  to  do  unless  they  called  on  me  as  medi- 
ator. ...  I  give  presents  ...  to  the  Indians,  they  are  a  retaining  fee 
for  their  fidelity  and  friendship,  .  .  .  the  Indians  consider  them  as  presents 
to  them  as  friends  and  allies,  not  as  subjects.  Same,  p.  41. 

1 83 1.     Second  Fiscal. 

In  every  district  of  the  Colony  where  Indians  reside,  an  officer  is  ap- 
pointed, who  is  selected  from  amongst  the  most  respectable  proprietors,  whose 
very  title— "  Protector  of  Indians" — proclaims  the  duties  which  he  has  to 
perform.  To  him  it  belongs  to  receive  the  complaints  which  Indians  may  have 
to  prefer  against,  not  only,  as  I  conceive,  any  of  the  other  inhabitants,  but  also 
against  each  other,  and  use  every  legal  method  to  procure  redress  of  their  griev- 
ances. 

In  each  of  these  districts  is  also  a  Postholder,  receiving  a  salary  from  the 
Colonial  Government,  and  residing  at  situations  more  immediately  in  contact 
with  the  Indians,  who  are  chiefly,  though  not  exclusively,  appointed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  assisting  the  Protectors  in  their  care  of  the  Indians,  as  appears  in  the  in- 
structions for  those  officers,  and  who  are  therefore  placed  under  the  immediate 
superintendence  of  the  Protectors. 

That  such  protection  has  been  promptly  and  effectually  afforded,  and  been  re- 
lied on  by  the  Indians  can  be  proved  by  the  production  of  innumerable  instances. 

Same,  p.  44. 

As  soon  as  he  had  committed  the  crime  ...  he  made  his  way  to  Mr.  Tim- 
merman  the  Protector  of  Indians.  .  .  .  The  family  of  the  murdered 
woman  pursued  him  there,  and  demanded  that  he  should  be  surrendered  to 
them,  which  was,  of  course,  refused  by  the  Protector.  The  family  then  proceeded 
to  the  office  of  the  Second  Fiscal  .  .  .  demanding  jus'ice  .  .  .  and  de- 
sirous that  he  should  be  dealt  with  according  to  our  laws. 

[While]  Second  Fiscal  three  or  four  [like]  cases  [were]  .  .  .  brought 
before  me  by  the  Indians.  Sa7ne,  p.  44. 


346  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO   THE     BRITISH-PROTECTORS    OF    INDIANS-(Con. 

tinued). 

1832.     William  Playter,  assistant  Postholder. 

Mr.  Richardson  is  the  Postholder.  .  .  .  His  duty  is  to  look  after  the 
Indians  and  keep  them  in  order.  They  always  come  to  him  when  they  have  dis- 
putes to  have  them  settled  .  .  ,  There  is  a  Protector  of  Indians  in  the 
Essequibo,  His  Honor  George  Bag-ot.  Mr.  Richardson  is  allowed  every  three 
months,  a  puncheon  of  rum  and  one  of  molasses,  plaintains  and  fish,  cutlasses 
and  axes,  for  the  purpose  of  distributing  to  the  Indians.  I  have  been  to  the 
Protector  for  these  supplies,  and  I  have  also  received  them  in  town  by  his  order. 
Sometimes  they  come  and  put  the  Post  in  order  and  weed  the  grass,  and 
they  are  given  these  things  in  payment.  They  always  expect  payment  for  their 
work.     Sometimes  they  get  these  things  without  work.  B.  C,  F/,  4S. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  BRITISH-SUPPRESSION   OF  INDIAN  SLAVERY 

AND  ITS  EFFECT. 

1807.     Court  of  Policy. 

Respecting  the  revival  ...  of  the  law  promulgated  on  the  1st  May 
of  the  year  1793,  by  express  command  of  the  States-General  .  .  .  against 
tlie  purchasing:  of  Indians  as  slaves,  it  was  resolved  that  the  said  law  shall 
be  again  republished  for  the  general  information  .  .  .  and  with  the  addition 
.  .  .  that  it  shall  also  be  unlawful  and  criminal  for  any  persons  to  take  or 
receive  Indians  in  pawn,  or  as  a  pledge  for  debts  due  by  other  Indians. 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  264. 

1810.     Court  of  Policy. 

The  Ambassador  had  then  received  some  presents  and  had  returned 
into  the  woods,  and  his  Excellency  began  to  entertain  some  hopes  he  would 
have  been  heard  of  no  more,  when  this  Chief  arrived,  which  now  rendered  it 
absolutely  necessary  to  come  to  some  determination  on  the  subject  of  their  rep- 
resentations ;  and  as  the  selling'  their  Indiau  prisoners  as  slaves  iu  these 
Colonies  could  not  be  allowed,  to  devise  some  means  at  least  so  iar  to  satisfy 
them  as  to  prevent  their  making-  war  upon  the  Indians  settled  in  the  back 
lands  and  their  murdering-  their  prisoners  .  .  .  his  Excellency  was  not, 
however,  of  opinion  that  their  settling  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Colonies  should 
be  encouraged,  or  their  alliance  for  the  purpose  of  internal  defence  be  courted. 

B.  C,  V,  194. 

[As  to  the  Caribs]  having  formerly  been  of  great  use  to  the  Colony  .  .  . 
this  certainly  was  the  case  at  the  time  it  was  lawful  to  employ  the  other  classes 
of  Indians  as  slaves,  when  these  Caraiban  Indians  were  very  useful  in  pro- 
curing them,  but  could  not  be  applicable  at  tliis  moment,  when  that  trade 
was  prohibited.  Same, p.  ig^. 

1 81 2.     Court  of  Policy. 

Chief  Manarwan  having  been  now  admitted  in  Court  .  .  .  His  Ex- 
cellency    .     .     .     demanded     .     .     .     the  reason  of  his  coming,  he  answered : 

That  the  presents  made  to  him  and  his  people  when  he  was  last  in  this 
Colony  were  for  services  rendered  in  former  years  to  the  Colonies. 

That  Governor  Bentinck  and  the  Court  at  that  time  made  him  promise  not 
to  wage  vyars  against  the  other  Indian  tribes  .  .  .  and  that  he  should 
entirely  give  up  tlie  Slave  Trade.  B,  C,  V,  200. 


INDIANS.  347 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  BRITISH-SUPPRESSION  OF  INDIAN   SLAVERY 
AND    ITS    EFFECT-(Continued). 

i8i2.     Court  of  Policy. 

That  his  Excellency  and  the  Court,  in  consideriiliou  of  his  thus  leaving'  the 
Slave  Trade,  had  promised  to  distribute  to  him  and  his  people  annually, 

when  called  for,  similar  kinds  of  presents  as  those  then  given  to  him. 

That  he  had  faithfully  kept  his  word,  .  .  .  and  that  he  consequently  ex- 
pects to  receive  the  presents  promised  him  and  his  people.  B.  C,  V,  200. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE    BRITISH-TREATIES   OR  AGREEM  ENTS  WITH 

INDIANS. 

1 8 10.     Court  of  Pohcy. 

The  result  of  a  v^ery  long  conference     .     .     .     was  the  following  agreement, — 

That  the  Court  should  g-ive  him  [Manariwan,  a  Carib  Chief]  and  his  people, 

in  the  first  instance,  such  articles  as  he  had  demanded     .     .     .     and  that  the 

same  kind  of  presents  should  he  distributed  to  them  annually  when  called 

for  at  the  end  of  each  year. 

In  consideration  whereof  he,  the  said  Manariwan,  .  .  .  pledged  him- 
self not  to  make  war  upon  the  Indians  residing  in  the  back  lands  or  con- 
nected with  this  Colony ;  that  he  would  spare  the  lives  of  the  prisoners  he  had 
made,  .  .  ,  and  that,  finally,  he  and  his  people  would  behave  themselves 
peaceably  and  amicably  towards  the  whites  and  those  who  lived  under  their  pro- 
tection, excepting,  in  case  of  his  being  molested  by  either  of  them.  B,  C,  V,  igs. 

181 2.     Court  of  Policy. 

Chief  Manar\van  having  been  now  admitted  in  Court  ...  his  Excellency 
.     ,     .     demanded     .     .     .     the  reason  of  his  coming,  he  answered  : — 

That  the  presents  made  to  him  and  his  people  when  he  was  last  in  this  Colony 
»        W'Cre  for  services  rendered  in  former  years  to  the  Colonies. 

That  Governor  Bentinck  and  the  Court  at  that  time  made  him  promise 
not  to  wage  wars  against  the  other  Indian  tribes  .  .  .  and  that  he 
should  entirely  give  up  the  Slave  Trade. 

That  His  Excellency  and  the  Court,  in  consideration  of  his  thus  leaving  the 
Slave  Trade,  had  promised  to  distribute  to  him   and   his  people,  annually, 
when  called  for,  similar  kinds  of  presents  as  those  then  given  to  him. 
That  he  had  faithfully  kept  his  word,     .     .     .     and  that  he  consequently  expects 
to  receive  the  presents  promised  him  and  his  people. 

The  Governor  .  .  .  explained  to  the  Chief  Manarwan  that,  he  having  so 
faithfully  kept  his  promise,  the  government  on  their  part  would  give  him  the 
presents  he  and  his  people  had  come  down  for.  ...  His  Excellency  was  of 
opinion  that  he  could  not  continue  this  annual  subsidy  without  the  sanction  of 
His  Majesty,  that  his  Excellency  would  therefore  give  him  as  soon  as  they  would 
arrive  the  presents  of  the  year,  but  that  he  could  not  promise  anything  further 
without  a  sanction  from  home. 

The  Chief  having  expressed  his  surprise  at  his  Excellency's  statement,  saying 
Governor  Bentinck  and  the  Court  had  stated  to  him  that  the  agreement  entered 
into  .  .  .  was  on  record,  and  that  provided  he  [Manarwan]  kept  his  promise 
he  would  have  no  trouble  in  obtaining  whatever  presents  had  been  promised. 

Same,  p.  200. 

The  arrival  of  the  Carib  Chief  Manowara  .  .  .  placed  me  in  a  situa- 
tion .  .  .  which  I  felt  extremely  difficult  and  delicate.  .  .  .  This 
Indian     .     .     .     declared  he  came  by   invitation  to  receive  presents  promised 


348  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE   BRITISH-TREATIES  OR  AGREEMENTS  WITH 

I  N  DIANS-(Continued). 

annually.  On  referring  to  the  Minutes  of  this  Honourable  Court  I  found  his  state- 
ment correct.  ...  my  predecessor,  .  .  .  Governor  Bentinck  may  have 
had  instructions  from  high  authority,  which  would  cause  an  act  of  his  to  be 
.  .  .  proper,  whereas,  .  .  .  without  the  commands  of  my  Sovereign  .  .  . 
I  do  not  think  myself  authorized  to  enter  into  any  compact  or  assent  to  this 
Colony  being  bound  to  pay  a  yearly  subsidy. 

I  do  not  think  it  would  be  in  my  power  to  assent  to  any  Treaty  of  this 
nature,  unless  by  express  orders  from     .     .     .     the  Prince-Regent. 

B.  C,  V,20i. 
1 813.     Governor  Carmichael. 

When  Manarroc,  the  Chief  of  the  Caribs,  came  down  with  about  300 
people,  ...  I  received  him  and  his  Chiefs,  desiring  to  know  the  cause  of 
their  visit.  His  reply  was,  that  he  came  for  presents  promised  him,  and  .  .  . 
he  expected  to  have  what  he  came  for.  I  told  him  that  the  promise  of  any 
former  (xovernor  I  could  not  be  answerable  for,  unless  ordered  by  my  King  — 
that  I  was  confident  His  Majesty  .  .  .  would  not  permit  any  demand  to  be 
made  as  a  right,  but  that  they  would  grant  from  their  own  generosity  and  friend- 
ship a  boon  and  a  gift,  which  must  come  of  their  own  free  will  and  when  they 
thought  proper,  .  .  .  I  then  told  him  that,  in  consideration  of  the  distance  he 
had  come,  he  would  be  given  what  presents  could  be  had  conveniently,  but  he 
must  not  come  or  expect  any  more  unless  sent  for,  that  the  Eng'lish  would  always 
perform  any  promise  made  by  them,  but  did  not  now  consider  any  to  bind 
them. 

Five  chiefs  of  the  Arrowauks,  with  their  followers,  came  down  the  Dem- 
erary ;  as  their  tone  and  demeanour  seemed  to  be  inore  peremptory  than  the 
Caribs,  expressing  a  jealousy  of  the  presents  they  had  received,  and  threatening 
to  make  war,  ...  I  told  them  at  their  peril  to  attempt  anything  of  that 
kind,  and  informed  them  they  could  not  now  receive  anything,  but  if  at  any 
future  time  it  was  thought  proper  to  call  for  them,  notice  would  be  given  to  Mr. 
Edmonston,  their  Protector,  and  the  gratuity  or  presents  would  depend  upon  good 
behaviour.  Satne,p.  20J. 

1813.     Charles  Edmonston,  Protector  of  Indians. 

Though  my  appointment  as  Protector  of  the  Indians  is  of  no  more  than  three 
or  four  years'  standing,  yet  I  have  been  in  the  habit  of  calling,  on  the  behalf  of  the 
Government,  for  the  assistance  of  the  Indians  at  different  periods  since  the  year 
1795,  during  which  space  of  time  I  know  of  no  Treaty  or  Ag"reement  with  the 
Chiefs  of  Indian  tribes  implying  anything  of  the  nature  of  subsidy  or 
tribute ;  nor  in  my  intercourse  with  these  nations  was  I  ever  authorized  by  this 
Government  to  make  any  promise  of  the  kind,  though  I  know,  from  a  residence 
of  thirty-three  years  in  the  country,  presents  were  generally  made  by  the  Dutch 
Oovernment,  and  as  often  expected.  Same, p.  20^- 

In  1811  a  claim  was  set  up  by  a  tribe  of  Indians,  which  came  down  the 
Essequibo  from  a  distant  part,  to  an  old  cnsragement  alleg:ed  by  the  Indians 
to  have  taken  place  between  tlie  Old  I>ulcli  (Joveniment  and  tlieir  fore- 
fathers, wliereby  the  former  were  indebled  to  the  latter,  and  if  the  Colony 
had  any  regard  for  their  (the  Indians)  friendship,  it  had  now  a  fair  opportunity  of 
confirming  the  same  by  agreeing  to  supply  their  wants.  Same,  p.  204. 


INDIANS.  349 

RELATIONSTO  THE    BRITISH-TREATIES    OR   AGREEMENTS  WITH 

INDIANS-(Continued). 

1813.     Charles  Edmonston,  Protector  of  Indians. 

It  was  not,  I  believe,  thought  expedient  to  repulse  them  suddenly.  They  were 
in  consequence  told  that,  though  tlie  dlovcriimont  could  never  recognize  a 
claim  of  the  nature  made  by  tliem,  yet,  that  in  consideration  of  their  wants,  and 
the  great  distance  they  came,  some  presents  would  be  sent  for  to  England. 

B.  C,  V,  204. 

1826.  TREATY  OF  PEACE  and  Friendship  .  .  .  BETWEEN  THE  IN- 
DIAN CHIEFS  LEWIS  on  the  One  Part,  AND  JANKLASS  AND  JARA- 
BAKKARIJ   ON   THE  Other  Part,  BOTH  OF  THE  ACCUWAIJ  NATION, 

FOR  AND  ON  BEHALF  OF  THEIR  RESPECTIVE  TRIBES. 

ARTICLE  I. —  ...  all  hostilities  .  .  .  shall  cease,  and  full  and  free 
pardon  shall  be  granted  for  all  and  every  offence  that  may  have  been  committed 
by  individuals  of  the  one  Party  against  those  of  the  other  Party. 

ARTICLE  II. — There  shall  be  peace,  friendship,  and  alliance  between  the 
parties  from  henceforth. 

ARTICLE  III. — Should  any  individuals  of  either  Party  offend  against  any  of 
the  opposite  Party  .  .  .  the  offender,  together  with  the  persons  aggrieved, 
shall  be  brought  by  the  Chiefs  of  the  Party  to  which  they  respectively  belong  be- 
fore the  Protector  of  Indians  to  be  dealt  with  as  he  may  think  right  and  neces- 
sary. 

.  .  .  in  the  presence  of  .  .  .  George  Bagot,  Protector  of  Indians, 
David  McKie,  ...  J.  W.  Thompson,  .  .  .  G.  P.  Wischropp,  Assistant 
Postholder,  whose  names  appear  hereto.  B.C.,  VI,  jj. 

1826.     Protector  of  Indians. 

The  murderous  warfare  .  .  .  carried  on  between  the  Carbinee  and  Para- 
mona  tribes  of  the  Akawaye  nations  of  Indians  in  the  Mazaroony  River,  has  been 
put  an  end  to  by  .  .  .  Mr.  McKie  and  the  Assistant  Postholder  Wishropp, 
whom  I  have  ordered  to  proceed  to  the  settlements  of  the  respective  parties  for 
that  purpose.  .  •  .  I  .  .  .  lay  before  jour  Excellency  a  copy  of  a  Treaty 
of  Peace  and  Alliance  Mliich  has  been  entered  into  and  ratified  by  the 
Chiefs,  with  the  unanimous  consent  and  concurrence  of  their  followers. 

Same,  p.  jS. 

1 831.     William  Hilhouse. 

I  know  from  tradition  a  Treaty  has  been  made  by  the  Colony  with  the 
Arrowacks,  Warrows  and  Caribbees  .  .  .  retaining-  them  as  soldiers  in 
the  defence  of  the  Colony,  ...  in  consequence  of  which  an  allowance  is 
made  every  three  years,  which  they  consider  as  a  retaining  fee.  I  think  it  the 
only  tie — they  look  on  it  as  subjecting  them  to  serve  when  called  on  solely  as  allies  : 
there  is  no  clause  I  have  heard  of  calling  on  them  to  submit  to  the  laws  in  other 
respects.  I  was  employed  by  the  Governor  to  raise  an  Indian  force.  .  .  .  The 
Governor,  in  my  presence,  thanked  them  as  friends  and  allies.  Same,  p. 41. 

1831.     A  van  Ryck  de  Groot. 

I  do  not  know  that  they  [Indians]  have  any  mode  of  recording  events  or  any 
substitute  for  writing ;  any  compact  between  them  and  us  is  oral  only. 

Same,  p.  41, 


350  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  BRITISH-WHAT  INDIANS  WERE  CONTROLLED. 

1818.     Thomas  Cathrey,  Protector  of  Indians. 

Return  of  Indians  [Essequibo].  List  of  Indian  chiefs  in  the  District  of  Esse- 
quibo,  etc. 

The  table  shows  277  Caribs,  6  being  chiefs,  al)oiit  the  jiinction  of  the  three 
rivers ;  566  Arawaks,  12  being  chiefs  cliiefly  in  or  near  tlie  Esseqnibo  estuary ; 
643  Akuways.  21  being  chiefs  chiefly  in  the  Cuyuni  and  Mazarnni. 

B.  C,  VI,  12. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

The  nearer  the  Indians  are  to  the  wliite  settlements  the  more  debauched 
they  are  in  their  manners,  and  the  less  dependence  can  be  placed  upon  their 
services.  They  are  also  more  prone  to  desertion  from  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
their  homes,  and  their  habits  of  traffic  with  the  whites  gives  them  such  a  supply 
of  necessaries  that  the  pay  and  allowances  of  the  service  are  no  objects  to  them. 

The  Accaway  Indians,  living  beyond  these  temptations,  altliouifh  they  are 
less  civilized,  are  more  subordinate,  and  from  their  poverty  the  pay  and  allow- 
ances they  receive  is  of  considerable  importance  to  them.  It  would  be  difficult 
to  keep  together  for  any  time  beyond  a  week  a  body  of  Arawaaks  without  an 
equal  number  of  Accaways  to  influence  and  overawe  them. 

The  Accaways  are  the  most  warlike  of  any  tribe  in  the  Colony,  and,  notwith- 
standing the  smallness  of  their  number,  set  all  the  other  tribes  at  defiance.  They 
elect  their  own  Captains,  and  acknowledge  no  Protector,  and  are  particularly  re- 
pugnant to  the  interference  of  white  persons  in  their  domestic  government,  or  the 
settlement  of  whites  in  their  territory.  Same,  p.  2j. 


1 83 1.     A.  van  Ryck  de  Groot, 

I  lived  in  Fort  Island  in  1795.  ...  A  man  was  punished  in  1795,  ^  think, 
for  murdering  his  wife.  I  believe  she  was  an  Indian  woman.  I  cannot  say 
whether  the  man  was  an  Indian  or  not.  but  we  took  him  for  one.  His  name 
was  Macaniouri ;  he  was  decapitated.  Sa7nc,  p.  41. 


1836.     Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

There  are  three  tribes  of  Indians  within  twenty-four  hours'  journey  from 
this  Post,  say  Warrau,  Arawacks  and  Caribs.  There  are  in  all,  about  from 
700  to  800,  including  males  and  females.  There  are  also  about  from  200  to  250 
Spanish  Indians  residing  about  six  hours'  distance  from  this  Post  up  the  Morocco 
Creek.  Same,  p.  61. 


1837.     [Father  HermantJ. 

In  the  Mission  of  Morocco  there  are  now  no  more  than  ten  or  twelve  Indian 
families  residing.  The  others  are  scattered  in  Pomeroon,  Essequibo,  Waini,  and 
even  about  Oronoco  Rivers.  Same,  p.  62. 


Should  his  Excellency  manifest  expressly  his  will  to  have  them  settled  in 
Morocco  there  is  no  doubt  that  all  those  living  in  Pomeroon  and  Essequibo  should 
obey  to  his  order  immediately,  and  those  living  in  Waini  should  come,  when 
they  should  be  advised.  Same,  p.  6j. 


INDIANS.  351 

RELATIONS     TO       THE      BRITISH-WHAT      INDIANS     WERE      CON- 
TROLLED-(Continued). 

1838.  Governor  Light. 

The  number  of  Indians  below  the  Falls  of  Essequibo  on  the  rivers  and  creeks, 
not  including  those  of  the  Morocco  and  Poiueroon,  amounts  to  680.  On  those 
of  the  two  last,  with  their  tributaries,  the  number  is  supposed  to  amount  to  1 ,700. 
Let  us  take  this  amount  as  that  of  the  Indians  who  from  time  to  time  approadi 
our  cultivated  regions  on  the  other  rivers  and  creeks  of  British  Guiana. 

B.  C,  VI,  63. 

1839.  William  Crichton,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  aborigines  [of  Barima-Waini  region]  look  to  this  colony  for  i)ro- 
tection.  ^(^me,  p.  77. 


1840.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

Return  of  Indians  in  the  Pomeroon  District,  December,  1840. 
Whole  number  2361  ;  includes  all  the  settlements,  181,  situated  between  the 
Baramany  and  Itrabecse  creeks.  Same,  pp.  gg-ioo. 


Your  reporter  ...  has  visited  all  the  Indian  settlements  in  Pomeroon 
district,  and  .  .  .  assembled  the  families  in  each,  ...  to  furnish  a  most 
correct  Return  with  the  names  of  the  creeks,  the  number  of  settlements,  and  the 
number  of  Indians  residing  in  each. 

If  tlie  above  number  of  2,361  were  added  to  tlie  numerous  Indians  that 
inhabit  the  Rivers  Waini,  Bareema,  and  the  riglit  bank  of  the  Amacoora 
Creek,  which  by  Sir  Robert  Schomburgk's  survey  is  the  western  boundary  of 
British  Guiana,  together  with  their  various  tributaries,  the  grand  total  would 
be  upwards  of  6,500  Indians.  Same,  p.  106. 

1 841.     Rev.  W.  H.  Brett. 

I  am  unable  to  give  an  accurate  account  of  the  number  of  Indians  in  the 
Pomeroon  and  its  tributaries,  but  should  estimate  them  at  400  or  500.  Mr. 
McClintock,  the  Postholder,  has  taken  a  census.  Same,  p.  117. 

1845.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  number  of  Indians  residing-  in  these  remote  parts  [Waini,  Barima  and 
Amacura]  must  remain  doubtful  until  a  census  be  obtained,  a  job  which  your 
reporter  would  gladly  undertake  ...  but  ...  he  is  strongly  of  opin- 
ion that  they  would  number  about  4,500,  say,  1,400  effective  people,  all  excellent 
workers  and  in  every  respect  worthy  the  notice  of  colonists,  not  only  on  account  of 
their  numbers,  but  to  insure  their  more  constant  services  to  the  estates  on  the 
coast. 

If  emigration  were  the  only  object  in  view  a  Post  in  Bareema  River  would 
have  the  desired  effect.  Your  reporter  is  so  sanguine  on  this  point,  he  has  no 
hesitation  to  say  that  were  he  residing  in  that  part  of  his  district,  he  would 
undertake  to  furnish  the  estates  with  three  times  the  number  of  Indians  as  already 
employed  by  them.  From  such  a  post,  properly  conducted,  he  is  satisfied  results 
would  be  arrived  at  which  would  prove  of  enduring  advantage  to  the  sugar 
estates  as  well  as  to  the  Indians  generally.  Same,  pp.  rjS-ijg. 


352  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS      TO      THE      BRITISH-WHAT      INDIANS     WERE     CON- 

TROLLED-(Continued). 

1845.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

If  the  [WaramuryJ  Mission  be  properly  conducted,  it  will  be  the  means  of 
adding  at  least  1,000  Indians  to  the  present  stock  of  labour  on  that  coast. 

Desirous  that  his  Lordship  .  .  ,  should  be  afforded  an  opportunity  of 
conversing  with  Indians  from  the  more  remote  parts,  he  despatched  luesseiigers 
to  the  Rivers  Wiiiey,  Bareeina,  and  Amacura,  with  liistnictioiis  to  eacli 
Headman  or  Chief  to  bring  as  many  Indians  as  conld  conveniently  ho 
collected,  to  Waramnry  hill,  which  instructions  were  obeyed  with  alacrity. 
.  .  .  When  the  Indians  from  Winey,  Bareema,  and  Amacura  were  added 
to  those  already  on  the  hill,  there  could  not  have  been  less  than  700,  of  which 
Warrows  formed  the  principal  number.  B.  C,  VI,  141. 

1846.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  general  unproductiveness  of  the  high  lands  of  this  district  after  the  first 
crop  compels  the  Indians  to  wander  about  in  search  of  other  hills ;  therefore,  to 
curb  this  propensity,  which,  without  a  shadow  of  a  doubt,  is  the  main  barrier 
towards  civilizing  them,  can  only  be  accomplished  ...  by  placing  them  in 
possession  of  land,  ...  to  hold  ont  to  the  Indians  snch  inducements  as 
may  be  liliely  to  cause  them  to  remove  from  their  present  Iiiding  places 
.  down  to  the  post  .  .  .  that  ...  the  Post  lands  .  .  ,  be  .  .  . 
given  over  to  such  Indians  as  may  feel  disposed  to  settle  thereon.      Same,  p  14J. 

Proposing  to  drain  the  lauds  belonging  to  the  Post  .  .  .  firstly,  for 
the  purpose  of  inducing  Indians,  especially  those  who  at  present  inhabit  the 
banks  of  the  Rivers  Winey  and  Rai'eema,  to  locate  thereon;  secondly,  to  im- 
prove the  general  condition  of  those  people  by  combining  industry  with  education, 
and  thirdly,  as  this  last  can  only  be  accomplished  by  placing  the  Indian  in 
possession  of  land  capable  of  yielding  large  returns,  .  .  .  the  Post  [is] 
better  calculated  to  answer  his  expectations  than  any  other  part  of  the  district. 

Same,  p.  I4j. 

1848.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

During  .  .  .  1.S40  .  .  .  and  .  .  .  1841,  your  reporter  took 
tlie  census  of  all  the  Indians  inhabiting  a  portion  of  this  most  extensive  district, 
commencing  from  Bai-amauy  Creek,  which  is  about  27  miles  beyond  Morocco 
Creek,  and  extending  as  far  as  Itrabeese  Creek  in  the  Essequibo  River. 

Same,  p.  i6g. 

1849.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  importance  of  keeping  up  tlie  Post-house  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pom- 
eroon  River  lias  been  too  often  represented;  ...  to  leave  this  district 
unprotected  would  be  the  means  of  renewing  the  old  system  of  imposing 
upon  the  poor  Indian  and  dragging  them  per  force  from  their  settlements,  and 
compelling  them  to  labour  on  the  coast  and  elsewhere,  and  afterwards  send  them 
home  unremunerated,  disgusted,  and  heart-broken.  Same, p.  lyy. 

1850.  Governor  Barkly. 

Since  the  claim  of  (ireat  Rritaiu  was  distinctly  defined  by  landmarks, 
several  tribes  have  moved  within  them.  Same,  p.  JS4. 


INDIANS.  353 

RELATIONS      TO      THE      BRITISH-WHAT      INDIANS     WERE      CON- 

TROLLED-(Continued). 

1856.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Mr.  James  Light,  manager  and  attorney  of  plantation  Anna  Regina,  addressed 
reporter  during  the  disturbance,  expressing  a  wish  for  assistance  "  from  any 
quarter."  To  this  reporter  immediately  responded  by  sending  at  once  a  body 
of  Arrawack  Indians  to  aid  Mr.  Light,  at  the  same  time  offering  to  convey  a 
large  number  of  Carabeese,  should  they  be  required. 

The  Spanish  Arrawack  Indians  of  Muruca  Creek  were  exceedingly  indignant 
.  .  .  with  reporter  for  not  taking  them  to  the  coast  to  assist  the  whites  in 
suppressing  the  late  riots. 

Such  is  tlie  loyalty  of  the  Indians  of  Moruca  Creek,  or  rather  of  St.  Roses 
Mission.  B.  C,  VI,  200. 

If  the  foregoing  suggestions  were  advocating  the  cause  of  the  aborigines  only, 
he  would  not  have  introduced  them,  liuowing  the  feelings  generally  to  be 
rather  against  than  in  favour  of  the  Indians,  simply  because  they,  as  a  body, 
don't  contribute  continuous  labour  to  the  cultivation  of  the  staples  of  the  country, 
,  .  .  but  as  it  so  happens,  these  few  observations  apply  equally  to  their  more 
favoured  brethren,  the  negroes  of  the  Colony,  who  have  received  all  the  loaves 
and  fishes.  Same,  p.  201. 

1857.  W.  H.  Holmes  and  W.  H.  Campbell. 

The  Indian  population  inhabiting  the  country  between  the  rivers  Pome- 
roon  and  Aniacuru,  the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  the  river  Cuyuni.  Mr.  McClintocIc 
.    ,    .    estimates  their  number  at  about  2,500.  V.  C.-C,  III,  igS. 

1 86 1.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Census  returns  I  now  beg  to  forward  ...  do  not  exhibit,  by 
very  many,  the  actual  number  of  resident  inhabitants  for  .  .  .  most  of 
the  laborious  population  are  on  the  coast  selling  plantains,  &c.,  and  .  .  . 
a  number  of  the  people  attached  to  this  district  were  returned  as  residing  on  the 
sugar  estates,  .  .  .  hkewise,  .  .  .  to  arrive  at  a  correct  census  of  tliis 
district,  the  people,  other  than  Indians,  residing  on  the  rivers  Marnca,  Winey, 
and  Bareema,  should  be  included.  B.  C.-C,  App.,joY. 

1888.     E.  F.  im  Thurn. 

The  lives  of  nearly  all  these  people  [Indians  in  Pomeroon  Judicial  District] 
have  been  deeply  colored  by  Mission  influence,  and  the  Warraus  of  the  Amalioo- 
roo  and  Lower  Barima,  tlie  Arawaks  of  the  Arooka,  and  tlie  Caribs  of  tlie 
Upper  Barima,  and  possibly  of  the  Barama,  are  the  only  Indians  of  this  dis- 
trict now  living  in  something  like  their  natural  state.  B.  C,  VII,  'j/. 

1897.     Waiaree,  a  Carib  Indian. 

Whenever  my  father  required  anytliing,  or  wanted  justice,  he  went  [from 
Barima  region]  up  to  Macaseema  in  the  Upper  Pomeroon,  where  the  English 
Magistrate  lived,  and  also  at  Aikowinie  [branch  of  Pomeroon]  mouth,  where  the 
Postholder  resided.  Same,  p.  22g. 


354  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-ADMISSIONS   THAT    BRITISH    DID 

NOT    CONTROL. 

.     British  Case. 

In  the  first  instance  every  sei'ious  case  of  coiiiplaiut  by  the  Indians  came 
belVn-e  the  rostholdcr,  to  whom  the  Indians  were  exliorted  in  every  instance 
to  repair  instead  of  taking  the  law  into  their  own  hands.  B,  C,  loo. 

The  early  days  of  British  administration  produced  no  immediate  change 
in  the  custom  of  the  Indians  to  exact  tlie  penalty  of  life  for  life  in  every 
case  in  which  a  white  inhabitant  did  not  step  in  to  buy  off  the  avenger.  .  .  . 
It  was  not  unusual  for  the  Protector  or  the  Postholder  to  buy  off  the  animosity  of 
the  friends  of  an  Indian  who  had  met  with  his  death  under  circumstances  which 
afforded  no  grounds  for  the  institution  of  a  prosecution.  Sajiic,  p.  lor. 

1807.     Commandeur  in  Essequibo. 

I  .  .  .  Commandeur  of  Essequibo,  hereby  authorise  Mr.  A.  Meertens, 
together  with  Messrs.  Molier,  Hebbelinck,  De  Haas,  and  Spaman,  to  go  to  the 
upper  part  of  the  river  to  the  Indians,  in  order  there  to  inquire  into  the  reasons 
why  the  said  Indians  have  abandoned  their  village,  and  make  preparations  to 
undertake  what,  .  .  .  never  can  be  suffered  ;  they,  moreover,  are  to  inquire  if 
they  have  any  complaints  to  make,  and  how  far  such  complaints  may  be  well 
founded.  Furthermore,  to  do  and  perform  whatever  the  said  gentlemen  may 
judge  necessary  for  keeping  the  interior  quiet.  B.  C,  V,  iSS. 

I  recommend  to  you  in  particular  not  to  let  the  Indians  perceive  you  are 
armed,  to  prevent  their  suspecting-  us  from  liaving  any  hostile  intentions. 

Same,  p.  iSg. 

1 81 8.     Thomas  Cathrey,  Protector  of  Indians  in  Essequibo  River. 

[Macollo  an  Arawak  chief  generally  residing  at  Iterbice  creek,  in  the  River 
Essequibo]  has  been  called  three  times  for  registration,  but  will  not  obey. 

In  181 5,  at  the  distribution,  his  tribe  was  19  men,  10  women  and  10  children. 

B.  C,  VI,  12. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

An  enormous  sum  is  appropriated  by  the  combined  Court  for  the  purchase  of 
the  alliance  and  friendship  of  tlie  Indians,  and  as  an  equivalent  to  them  for 
the  occupation  of  their  territory  by  the  whites.  This  sum  is  certainly  enormous, 
for  the  principal  object  for  which  it  is  given  remains  at  this  day  unaccomplished, 
and  in  the  assemblage  of  our  Indians  for  service  we  are  obliged  to  depend  upon 
the  individual  popularity  of  those  persons  most  immediately  in  contact  with  them, 
or  the  muster  would  be  indeed  miserable. 

At  this  day  there  is  no  loyal  feeling  amongst  them  towards  the  Colony,  which 
is  the  consequence  of  what  they  esteem  a  series  of  unfriendly  or  neglectful  acts 
towards  them.  But  they  have  only  withdrawn  their  attachment  to  the  commun- 
ity to  vent  it  in  individuals,  and  a  recurrence  to  the  candid  and  generous  policy  of 
former  Governments  would  soon  restore  that  tone  of  feeling  amongst  them,  so  in- 
dispensible  to  our  interests.  The  immediate  evil  resulting  from  this  neglect  has 
been  the  emigration  of  such  numbers  from  within  the  limits  of  the  Colony  that 
at  the  same  rate  a  few  years  would  leave  us  without  an  ally.  Sanic,p.jJ. 


INDIANS.  855 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-ADMISSIONS    THAT    BRITISH    DID 
NOT    CONTROL-(Continued). 

1 83 1.     Lieutenant-Guvernor  D'Urban. 

Protection  is  aff'orded  to  tlie  IiuIiaiiH  by  the  Magistrates  of  the  Colonial 
Government,  and  .  .  .  they  willingly  avail  themselves  of  it.  .  .  .  but 
.  .  .  if  .  .  .  our  laws  suffer  such  a  iiinrderer  to  escape  with  impunity, 
they  will  cease  to  resort  to  their  interference,  and  resume  their  habit  of 
seeking  their  own  veng'eance.  B.  C,  VI,  43. 

1 83 1.  Second  Fiscal  Bagot. 

From  the  despatch  of  my  Lord  Goderich  it  would  appear  that  there  is  a  want 
of  information  at  the  Colonial  Office  on  the  subject  of  the  relative  situation  of 
the  Indians  of  these  settlements  with  the  Colonial  Government,  and  your 
Excellency  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  doing  a  service  to  the  former,  and  but  justice 
to  the  latter,  by  informing  the  Secretary  of  State  more  minutely  on  the  actual  re- 
lations subsisting  between  them. 

This  is  perhaps  the  more  necessary  at  this  moment,  as,  unfortunately,  I  have, 
within  a  few  days,  had  to  send  up  another  Indian  for  trial  on  a  charge  of  the 
murder  of  two  individuals.  Same,  p.  4J. 

The  Indians  .  .  .  consider  our  taking  upon  ourselves  the  decision  of  cases 
of  this  nature  [murders]  as  the  greatest  favour  we  can  do  them. 

Indians  receive  effective  protection  where  offences  are  committed  against 
them  by  persons  other  than  Indians  ...  I  have  sent  forward  within  the 
last  two  years  three  cases  for  trial  for  offences  against  the  persons  of  Indians. 

Fears  have  been  expressed  that  the  natives  have  to  this  day  received  no  com- 
pensation for  the  lands  we  have  dispossessed  them  of.  .  .  .  Indians  can 
scarcely  be  said  to  be  dispossessed  of  lands  .  .  .  they  never  inhabited  or 
cultivated.  Same,  p.  4^. 

1832.  Second  Fiscal  Bagot. 

The  Indians  of  the  Orinoco  .  .  .  also  those  Spanish  Indians  located 
in  and  about  the  Morocco.  Mr.  Hynes  seems  most  anxious  to  draw  the 
Indians  now  in  the  Morocco  more  into  the  heart  of  the  Colony,  as  well  on  their 
own  account  as  with  the  hope  that  they  might  eventually  become  the  means  of 
extending  Christianity  and  habits  of  industry  and  morality  amongst  the  Indians 
of  our  settlements.  Same,  p.  46. 

1834.     George  Bagot,  High  Sheriff. 

As  the  .  .  .  Warrow  Indians  appear  impressed  with  a  strong  suspicion 
that  the  Indian  Hendrick  came  unfairly  by  his  death,  and  the  family  of  the  de- 
ceased may  feel  themselves  bound  to  revenge  it  unless  some  compensation  be 
made,  I  would  recommend  some  small  present  should  be  offered  them,  on 
condition  of  their  giving'  up  the  feud  ;  otherwise,  I  apprehend  from  the  cus- 
toms of  these  people,  there  will  be  bloodshed,  and,  if  once  begun,  it  is  hard 
to  say  where  it  may  end.  Same,  pp.  jS-jp. 

1834.     T.  S.  St.  Clair. 

The  Europeans  in  this  country  seem  to  be  afraid  of  leaving  the  seashore, 
apparently  anxious  not  to  expose  themselves  to  the  fury  of  the  native  In- 
dians. ^-  C,  ///,  402. 


356  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-ADMISSIONS    THAT    BRITISH    DID 
NOT    CONTROL- Continued). 

1834.     T.  S.  St.  Clair. 

It  is  to  the  interest  of  our  government  to  reconcile  this  people  [Indians]  to 
our  possession  of  their  lands,  and  conducive  to  our  peace  and  comfort  to  keep  on 
amicable  terms  with  tlieni.  V.  C.-C,  III,  2jy. 

1838.  Governor  Light. 

Many  of  the  Pomaroon,  Morocco  and  Essequibo  Indians  are  contribntinar 
by  labor  on  wood-cutting  and  other  establishments  to  administer  to  the  wants 
of  the  Colony.  They  are  acquiring  slowly,  indeed,  habits  of  civilized  life,  .  .  . 
>Ve  used  these  people  as  auxiliaries,  .  .  .  we  made  them  presents  .  .  . 
Their  influence  brought  much  larger  numbers  of  Indians  that  at  present  are 
witliin  our  borders.  It  is  evident  if  some  equally  powerful  motive  were  pre- 
sented they  would  again  appear.  B.  C,  VI,  6j. 

1839.  Pastor  of  Morocco  Mission. 

In  the  aforesaid  rivers  [Waini  and  Barima]  there  are  several  Spanish 
Indians,  all  Roman  Catholics ;  many  tribes  of  Warows,  Waycos  [Akaways] 
and  Arawaks  are  presenting  their  children  to  be  baptized.  .  .  .  The  Cap- 
tain of  the  Waycos,  named  Juan  Ventura,  is  a  Spaniard,  and  himself,  and 
almost  all  his  tribe,  are  Roman  Catholics.  In  the  one  only  creek  of  Ba- 
reema  vvhicli  I  visited  I  met  the  Catholic  Captain  and  the  most  of  his  tribe. 

Same,  p.  64. 
1 841.     R.  King,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

April  22. — Remained  on  the  Shell  Bank  at  Waini  until  the  27th,  .  .  . 
[then]  started,  accompanied  by  Mr.  R.  Schomburgk,  to  the  Aruca  River. 

April  28.  — Remained  at  Aruca. 

April  30.— Several  Indians  came  from  Amacura,  and  complained  of  the 
treatment  of  the  Spaniards  towards  them.  .  .  .  advised  them  most  strongly 
to  remove  into  the  Waini,  or  other  parts  where  there  could  be  no  doubt  as  to 
the  boundary,  and  that  they  should  have  every  protection. 

Same,  pp.  111-112. 
1841.     Rev.  W.  H.  Brett. 

Every  efl'ort  to  induce  the  Indians  to  attend  [church]  for  the  purpose  of 
receiving  instruction  seemed  ineffectual,  and  all  solicitations  were  met  with 
indifference  or  ridicule.  At  length,  having  succeeded  in  inducing  an  Arrowaak 
captain  to  set  the  example,  and  use  his  influence  with  his  tribe,  accompanying 
me  to  the  various  settlements,  they  began  to  attend  divine  worship,  and  leave 
their  children  with  me  for  instruction.  Same,  p.  116. 

1 841.     R.  H.  Schomburgk. 

Venezuela  has  a  Post  and  a  Commandant  within  a  short  distance  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Orinoco  ;  the  Post  nearest  to  the  western  boundary  of  British 
Guiana  is  in  the  River  Pomeroon,  a  distance  of  120  miles  from  the  Amacura :  and 
it  follows,  consequently,  that  the  Postholder  of  the  Pomeroon  can  never  exer- 
cise his  influence  or  protection  over  the  Indians  who  are  settled  on  the 
Barima  or  its  tributaries.  B.  C,  VII,  ij. 

1841.     Postholder  at  Ampa  Post. 

Two  corials  with  bucks  passed  up  this  evening  ;  they  were  requested  to  stop 
at  the  Post  for  a  few  hours  and  assist  in  getting  up  the  sills  of  the  new 
house  from  the  waterside,  which  they  refused  to  do,  although  oflered  pay- 
ment. B.  C.-C,  App.,  2(^j. 


INDIANS.  357 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-ADMISSIONS    THAT    BRITISH    DID 
NOT    CONTROL-(Continued). 

1844.     Mr.  Macrae. 

No  attempt  has  been  made  as  a  imblic  measure  to  witlirtraw  tlic  In- 
dians from  the  wilderness  and  their  habits  there,  and  to  settle  them  in  a 
community  in  a  civilized  state,  in  the  midst  of  our  cultivation. 

V.  C.-C,  III,  I  So. 

1844.  W.  C.  McClintocl<,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creel<s. 

Your  reporter  ...  is  disposed  to  reg'ret  most  deeply  tlie  uncertainty 
that  at  present  exists,  and  he  fears  will  continue  to  exist  (unless  teachers  are 
sent  to  civilize  the  unfortunate  Indians)  of  being  able  to  induce  .  .  .  any 
Indians  from  the  more  remote  parts  of  this  Colony  to  settle  ...  on  the 
banks  of  Tapacooma  Lake,  or  anywhere  so  convenient  to  the  seacoast. 

B.  C,  VI,  134. 

1845.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

I  would  be  glad  to  hear  of  something  being  done  toward  supporting  all  In- 
dian children  from  Waini,  Barima,  and  Amacura.  It  is  impossible  to  expect 
them  to  attend  at  the  Mission,  living,  as  they  do,  such  a  distance  from  it. 

A  Postholder  situated  in  Barima  could  not  only  furnish  the  estates  with 
plenty  of  Indian  labourers,  but  also  induce  otliers  from  the  Orinoco  to  fol- 
low their  example.  Several  families  are  wisliful  of  quitting-  the  Orinoco, 
but,  like  the  Worrow,  require  to  be  led.  Same,  p.  138. 

To  establish  the  Mission  upon  a  more  firm  footing  .  .  .  there  is  an  ob- 
stacle of  no  small  importance  yet  to  be  overcome,  that  of  inducing-  Indians  of 
the  more  remote  parts  of  this  extensive  district  ...  in  the  Rivers 
Winey,  Bareema,  and  Amacoora,  to  allow  their  children  to  remain  at  the 
Mission.  Same,  p.  138. 

Has  at  last  succeeded  in  inducing  several  Warrow  Indians,  inhabitants  of 
the  Orinoco,  to  work  on  the  Arabian  Coast.  Same,  p.  141. 

1846.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Carrabeese  Indians  .  .  .  declined  to  join  the  Accaways  on  account 
of  their  disbelief  respecting  the  report  that  "  God  was  on  earth  "  .  .  .  they 
discovered  that  the  Accaways  were  repairing  thither  for  the  purpose  of  fighting, 
which  caused  that  gang-  (ten  in  number)  to  settle  again  in  their  old  quarters, 
Upper  Pomerooji. 

The  following  extraordinary  change  that  has  taken  place  in  the  minds  of 
several  Carrabeese  Indians  of  this  district.  Most  of  them  until  very  lately 
evinced  a  serious  desire  to  become  members  of  the  Established  Church  by  not 
only  adhering  to  its  rules,  but  their  regular  attendance  to  Divine  worship  com- 
bined with  strict  attention  to  a  neat  and  cleanly  attire,  was  .  .  .  sufficient 
...  to  confirm  the  .  .  .  opinion  that  civilization  was  making  rapid  progress 
among  them,  but  .  .  .  those  very  Indians  .  .  .  have  .  .  .  abandoned 
.  .  .  all  kinds  of  instruction  .  .  .  quitted  the  district  .  .  .  and 
gone  to  the  upper  part  of  the  River  Coyoney,  where  they  firmly  believe  the 
Supreme  being  is  waiting  to  receive  them. 

All  the  Accaway  Indians,  numbering  about  550,  have  likewise  started, 
.  .  .  (a)  misunderstanding  .  .  .  existed  between  them  and  the  Waikas 
of  Coyoney,  and  is  now  to  be  decided  by  a  fight.  The  awful  massacre  is  to 
take  place  in  the  upper  part  of  said  river  ;  the  exact  spot  is  as  yet  unknown. 

Same,  p.  142. 


368  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS    TO    THE    BRITISH-ADMISSIONS    THAT    BRITISH    DID 
NOT    CONTROL-(Continued). 

1846.     \V.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Worrow  Indians,  who  are  the  most  numerous,  being,  as  they  are,  the 
principal  inhabitants  of  Morocco  Creek  and  its  tributaries,  as  also  of  the  Rivers 
Winey,  Bareema,  and  Amacoora  and  their  various  streams.  The  total  number 
of  this  most  useful  tribe  varies  from  3,550  to  4,000,  but  .  .  .  not  more  on 
an  average  than  200  derive  any  benefit  from  the  Mission.  .  .  .  Something  to 
stimnlate  them  to  more  constant  habits  of  industry  is  the  great  want,  .  .  , 
to  combine  industry  with  education,  ...  to  remove  tliem  from  the  present 
<leploi*al)le  state  of  barbarism,  .  .  .  although  the  system  of  combining 
one  with  the  other  is  acknowledged  to  be  the  only  one  at  all  likely  to  civilize  the 
Indians,  still  nothing  lias  ever  been  adopted  to  put  so  praiseworthy  a  plan 
into  execution.  B.  C,  VI,  14^. 

1848.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Worrows,  as  well  as  every  other  tribe  of  Indians  inhabiting  the 
Rivers  Winey,  Bareema  and  Amacuru,  and  also  various  other  streams  of  less 
note  within  this  extensive  district,  are  up  to  the  present  moment  totally  unpro- 
vided with  any  kind  of  instruction,  left  entirely  to  themselves  to  indulge 
in  all  the  liorrors  of  a  savage  life.  Same,  p.  170. 

1849.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

I  accordingly  proposed  .  .  .  the  immediate  establishment  of  a  mission 
on  Barima,  for  the  Worrow  Indians  .  .  .  the  likelihood  of  being  instru- 
mental in  inducing  the  Worrows  of  lower  Oronoko  to  abandon  their  present 
habitations  and  settle  down  on  the  Bareema.  Same,  pp.  iio-iyi. 

1850.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

There  are  no  less  than  4,000  Indians  in  Bareema  and  Wieney.  and  of  this 
number,  100,  and  no  more,  .  .  .  repair  to  the  sugar  estates  in  searcli  of 
work.  .  .  .  Worrow  Indians  .  .  .  (are)  at  present  neglected  and  living 
in  a  state  of  most  abject  barbarism.  Same,  p.  iSi, 

1855.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Reporter,  occupying  a  central  position,  he  could  more  frequently  exer- 
cise his  influence  with  the  various  tribes  inhabiting  the  remote  parts  of  this 
extensive  district  to  abandon  their  present  habitations,  and  settle  somewhere 
contiguous  to  Waramuru  Mission.  Same,  p.  igg. 

RELATIONS  TO   THE    BRITISH-ALLIES   AND    FRIENDS,    NOT    SUB- 
JECTS. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Indians  had,  on  the  defeat  of  their  protectors  and  rulers,  the  Dutch,  re- 
tired to  the  remote  districts  of  the  interior.  It  was  the  aim  of  the  British 
(iovernment  to  attract  them,  as  far  as  possible,  to  tlie  more  populated  dis- 
tricts of  the  coast,  an  object  which  as  time  went  on  was  gradually  attained. 

B.  C.  gg. 

The  habit  of  resorting  to  the  British  plantations  and  wood-tut tinii"  estab- 
lishments to  obtain  employment  conflrmed  the  Indians  in  their  dependence 
on  the  British.  Same,  p.  loS. 


INDIANS.  ;550 

RELATIONS  TO   THE    BRITISH-ALLIES   AND    FRIENDS,    NOT   SUB- 

J  ECTS-(Continued). 

1802.     Commandant  of  Berbice,  Demerary  and  Essequibo. 

The  interior  of  Guyana  is  inhabited  by  various  tribes  of  Indians,  who  are 
generally  termed  "  Buks."  Those  residing  nearest  the  sea,  .  .  .  are  the  Arawaak, 
the  Akawye,  the  Worrows  and  the  Charibbs.  But  of  late  very  few  of  them  have 
made  their  appearance,  and  it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  this  circumstance  has 
arisen  from  dissatisfaction.  It  would,  however,  be  better  policy  to  keep  these 
people  in  good  humour,  and  .  .  .  their  attachment  may  be  secured  at  a 
very  small  expense.  Their  great  utility  is  experienced  in  the  service  they  are 
capable  of  rendering  the  Colony  in  times  of  insurrection  among  the  negroes.  At 
such  periods  they  cannot  be  dispensed  with.  B.  C,  V,  i-/2-iyj. 

1802.     Anonymous  Memorial. 

Another  means  of  internal  defence     .     .     .     should  not  be  lost  sight  of. 
This  means  consists  in  fostering  the  friendship  with  the  Indians     .     .     . 

who  have  an  hereditary  hatred  against  the  negroes.  Same,  p.  176. 

1807.     J.  J.  L.  Molier. 

At  Mr.  Thuman's  place  we  saw  more  than  forty  Arowak  bucks  preparing  to 
fly  to  the  seaside  or  lower  islands,  saying  that  the  Acquajen  had  taken  possession 
of  their  villages,  and  had  stolen  a  child  from  them.  We  endeavoured  to  persuade 
the  men  to  remain  with  us.  Same,  p.  1S8. 

1809.  H.  C.  Wahl. 

Captain  Hendrik  Waragana  requires  payment  for  a  bush  expedition  made  in 
the  year  1794,  6oof.,  allowed  him  by  his  Excellency  Baron  van  Grovestins,  re- 
ceived and  employed  by  Mr.  Bonnet. 

Captain  Francisco  Achaway,  for  ten  days  under  the  command  of  the  Post- 
holder  Anthon,  3of.— on  this  expedition  his  brother  was  killed  ;  also  for  ten 
people,  at  lof.^ioo. 

If  these  people  arc  not  paid  the  (jovernmeut  cannot  expect  their  faithful 
assistance.  Satne,  p.  192. 

1 810.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  Governor  communicated  that  a  Chief  of  one  of  the  Caraiban  tribes 
of  Indians  had  lately  arrived  in  town  accompanied  by  a  numerous  suite. 

Further  .  .  .  that  the  Indian  alluded  to  .  .  .  had  actually  called  about 
that  time  in  the  character  of  an  Ambassador,  as  he  said,  from  his  cousin  the  great 
Indian  Chief,  ...  he  had  so  little  the  appearance  of  what  he  pretended  to 
be,  that  his  Excellency  had  not  given  much  credit  to  his  assertions,  and  had 
given  him  to  understand  that,  ...  the  presence  of  the  Chief  himself  was 
absolutely  required. 

The  Ambassador  had  then  received  some  presents  and  had  returned  into  the 
woods,  and  his  Excellency  began  to  entertain  some  hopes  he  would  have  been 
heard  of  no  more,  when  this  Chief  arrived,  which  now  rendered  it  absolutely 
necessary  to  come  to  some  determination  on  the  subject  of  their  representations ; 
and  as  the  seUing  their  Indian  prisoners  as  slaves  in  these  Colonies  could  not  be 
allowed,  to  devise  some  means  at  least  so  far  to  satisfy  them  as  to  prevent  their 
making  war  upon  the  Indians  settled  in  the  back  lands  and  their  murdering  their 
prisoners,  ...  his  Excellency  was  not,  however,  of  opinion  that  their 
settling  in  the  neiglibourhood  of  the  Colonies  should  be  encouraged,  or  their 
alliance  for  the  purposes  of  internal  defence  be  courted.  Same.  p.  194. 


360  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO   THE    BRITISH-ALLIES   AND    FRIENDS,    NOT   SUB- 

J  ECTS-(Continued). 

1810.     Court  of  Policy, 

The  Governor  stated  that  having  found  it  indispensably  necessary  that  the  In- 
dians who  have  been  employed  in  the  late  expeditions  for  scouring  the  woods 
should  immediately  receive  their  promised  pay,  and  the  bounties  for  the  negroes 
taken  or  killed  by  them ;  .  .  .  he  had  .  .  .  borrowed  for  the  use  of  the 
Colony     ...     a  sum  of  money  to  the  amount  of  about  19,000  guilders. 

The  members  having  expressed  tlieir  acknowledgements  to  the  Governor 
for  the  judicious  measures  he  had  adopted  speedily  to  satisfy  the  ludians, 
whose  ready  assistance  on  occasions  of  this  kind  it  is  so  essential  at  all 
times  to  secure.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  266. 


The  Court  .  .  .  grants  the  petitioner,  [Henry  Mursh]  a  sum  of  two  thou- 
sand two  hundred  guilders,  partly  as  a  remuneration  for  the  services  mentioned  in 
this  Petition,  and  partly  in  consideration  of  an  additional  duty  which  the  Court 
thinks  proper  to  attach  to  his  situation  of  colonial  armourer,  viz.,  that  of  repair- 
ing the  firearms  of  the  Indians  wlio  may  from  time  to  time  bring  them  to 
liim  for  that  purpose.  Same,  p.  267. 

181 1.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  following  accounts  against  the  Colony  were  examined  and  .  .  .  the 
Secretary  is  authorized  to  issue  warrants  of  payment  of  the  same : — 

Fl. 

G.  Timmerman,  for  sundries  supplied  to  the  Indians 3.318  19 

Pin.  Caledonia  for  plantains  supplied  for  the  Indians  and  the  bush  In- 
dians at  Maroco 2,050 

Pin.  Walton  Hall,  for  ditto 2,050 

Dr.  Hancock  and  Dr.  Thomson,  for   medical  attendance  at  the  Post 

Maroco 946 

H.  Linau,  for  sundries  supplied  per  order  to  the  Indians 806 

Hendrik  Cornelissen,  for  services  done  by  him  respecting  the  In- 
dians, 2,888  fr.,  reduced  to 1,960 

H.  C.  Wahl,  for  sundries  supplied  the  Indian  Post  at  Masserouny, 
1,187  fr.,  367  fr.,  914  fr.,  and  1,175.15  fr. 

Demerary  Department. 

Fl. 

Mclnroy  and  Sandbach,  for  articles  for  Indians 151   15 

D.  C,  V,  196. 

1812.  Postholder  of  Mazaruni. 

Councillor  Knollman  had  paid  the  Indians,  for  a  period  of  three  months 
each,  one  piece  of  salp,  one  hatchet,  one  chopper,  [etc.]  .  .  .  the  hatchet 
and  chopper  is  too  much  with  the  other  trifles,  whether  it  was  for  bash  cutting, 
for  building  lodgings,  or  for  carrying  heavy  posts ;  taking  also  in  consideration 
that  at  Pomron  there  are  crabs  and  fish  which  are  not  to  be  got  here.  Here  the 
bananas  have  to  be  fetched,  yonder  are  large  gardens  with  negroes  to  work,  .  .  . 
the  Protectors  make  their  regulations  themselves  and  these  the  Postholder 
follows.  Same,  p.  igg. 


INDIANS.  301 

RELATIONS   TO   THE    BRITISH-ALLIES   AND    FRIENDS,    NOT  SUB- 

J  ECTS-(Continued). 

1813.     Acting  Governor  Codd. 

The  first  head  of  expense  in  the  abstract  is  that  connected  with  the  Indians 
amounting  to  .  .  .  6,904  ^.  steding  for  181 1  ;  and  .  .  .  5,1 12  ;/;.  sterling 
in  1 81 2,  in  both  of  which  years,  it  is  true,  extra  expenses  were  incurred.  It  is, 
however,  obvious  that  our  Colonies  are  tributaries  to  the  Indians  ;  whilst  the 
proper  system  of  policy  would  be  to  make  them  allies,  looking  to  us  for  pro- 
tection  ;  .  .  .  I  think  the  whole  present  Indian  system  requires  to  be  recon- 
sidered. ^.  c.,  V,  216. 

1823.     William  Hilhouse.  • 

The  distributiou  of  Indian  presents  should  unquestionably  be  made  sub- 
servient to  this  end  [attaching  the  Indians  to  the  interests  of  the  Colony].  It 
would,  indeed,  be  impossible  to  explain  the  utility  of  giving  these  presents  without 
reference  to  some  such  service  being  implied.  The  presents  to  Indians,  though 
having  some  reference  to  tlie  occupation  of  Indian  territory  by  the  wliites, 
are  at  this  period  better  understood  as  an  equivalent  for  the  amity  and 
assistance  of  our  Indian  allies. 

Uniting  the  sum  requisite  for  the  maintenance  of  a  corps  of  Jagers,  with 
the  exclusive  appropriation  of  presents  to  the  families  of  those  individuals  who 
personally  serve,  a  fund  is  at  once  provided  which,  without  any  assistance,  can  in 
a  short  time  bring  into  the  field  2,000  efficient  auxiliaries,  to  be  employed  as 
occasion  may  require.  B.  C,  VI,  20. 

This  is  the  only  Colony  in  the  Indian  territory  in  which  this  latter  authority 
(the  office  of  Commander  of  Indians)  does  not  exist,  and  without  it  it  is  vain  to 
hope  for  efficient  assistance  from  our  Indian  allies. 

The  Indians  are  so  ready  and  willing  to  acknowledge  European  ascendancy 
when  vested  in  proper  hands. 

An  enormous  sum  is  appropriated  by  the  combined  Court  for  the  purchase  of 
the  alliance  and  friendship  of  the  Indians,  and  as  an  equivalent  to  them  for 
the  occupation  of  their  territory  by  the  whites.  This  sum  is  certainly  enormous, 
for  the  principal  object  for  which  it  is  given  remains  at  this  day  unaccomplished, 
and  in  the  assemblage  of  our  Indians  for  service  we  arj^.  obliged  to  depend  upon 
the  individual  popularity  of  those  persons  most  immedi^iely  in  contact  with  them, 
or  the  muster  would  be  indeed  miserable. 

At  this  day  there  is  no  loyal  feeling  amongst  them  towards  the  Colony, 
which  is  the  consequence  of  what  they  esteem  a  series  of  unfriendly  or  neglectful 
acts  towards  them.  But  they  have  only  withdrawn  their  attachment  to  the  com- 
munity to  vent  it  in  individuals,  and  a  recurrence  to  the  candid  and  generous 
policy  of  former  Governments  would  soon  restore  that  tone  of  feeling  amongst 
them,  so  indispensible  to  our  interests.  The  immediate  evil  resulting  from  this 
neglect  has  been  the  emigration  of  such  numbers  from  within  the  limits  of  the 
Colony  that  at  the  same  rate  a  few  years  would  leave  us  without  an  ally. 

Saf/ie,  p.  ji. 

1 831.     William  Hilhouse. 

There  are  three  tribes  in  alliance  with  the  Colony;  the  Caribbees,  Ar- 
rowaaks,  and  Warraus.  The  Ackaway  is  the  main  strength  at  present.  .  ,  . 
I  know  from  tradition  a  Treaty  has  been  made  by  the  Colony  with  the 
Arrowacks,  Warrows  and  Carribbees.     .     .     .     They  look  on  it  as  subjecting 


362  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO   THE    BRITISH-ALLIES   AND    FRIENDS,    NOT   SUB- 

J  ECTS-(Continued). 

them  to  serve  when  called  on  solely  as  allies.  ...  I  was  employed  by  the 
Governor  to  raise  an  Indian  force.  .  .  .  The  Governor,  in  my  presence, 
thanked  them  as  friends  aiul  allies.  B.  C,  VI,  41. 

1 83 1.     A.  van  Ryck  de  Groot. 

I  give  presents  in  the  name  of  the  Governor  to  the  Indians,  they  are  a 
retaining  fee  for  their  fidelity  and  friendship,  .  .  .  the  Indians  consider  them 
as  presents  to  them  as  friends  and  sillies,  not  as  subjects.  Satnc,  p.  41. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  BRITISH-ATTITUDE  TOWARDS   BRITISH   SOV- 
EREIGNTY. 

.     British  Case. 

The  Indians  of  Cruiana  submitted  to,  acknowledged,  and  supported  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Dutch  and  British  respectively  within  the  territory  now  in 
dispute,  B.  C,  up. 

The  Indians  there  [Barinia  region]  consider  themselves  and  are  treated 
as  British  subjects.  Same,  p.  i6j. 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

Even  after  the  coming  of  the  British,  the  Indians  continued  to  be  their 
own  avengers,  keeping  in  their  own  hands  the  execution  of  their  own  laws  in- 
stead of  submitting  to  British  authority.  V.  C.-C,  112. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

Though  beyond  the  Moruka  there  were  no  residents  on  British  grants,  that 
territory  was  at  this  time  .  .  .  comprised  within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  British 
Magistrate,  .  .  .  and  inliabited  by  aborigines  owning  tlie  supremacy  and 
claiming  the  protection  of  the  British  Crown.  B.  C.-C,  no. 

[1669].  Gov.  Byam's  journal. 

I  ordered  about  70  men  against  the  french  .  .  .  and  about  80  more 
Leeward  agst.  ye  Dutch  and  Arwacas  and  to  relieve  our  dear  countrymen 
Descacebe  and  Bawrrooonsa  \^sic\  who  we  feared  were  in  Distress — under  the 
command  of  Capt.  Christopher  Rendar.  Nor  was  Capt.  Rendar  unsuccessful 
at  leeward,  having  stormed  two  warehouses  of  the  Arwacas  and  had  other 
bickerings  wth.  them  wherein  he  slew  about  30  men  and  took  70  captives. 

B.  C,  I,  167. 

1834.     Court  of  Policy. 

The  River  Demerara  .  .  .  Indians  .  .  .  [are]  greatly  incensed,  and 
expressing  strong  resentment  on  account  of  the  discontinuance  of  the  annual 
presents  to  them,  and  .  .  .  some  .  .  .  declare  that,  in  case  the  negroes 
revolt,  that  they  [the  Indians]  will  assist  them.  The  whites,  they  say.  have 
done  them  no  service;  this  country  is  theirs,  they  have  their  own  lans,  and 
Mish  not  the  whites  to  govern  tliem.  B.  C,  V/,j6. 

1849.     [1897]  Sir  Henry  Barkly. 

Up  the  Pomeroon  .  .  .  several  hundreds  of  Indians  of  the  Carib  tribe 
who  came  together  in  my  honour,  and  marched  in  full  war-paint  and  feathers  to 
salute  me  as  Governor.  B.  C,  VII,  2j^. 


INDIANS.  6*r,d 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  BRITISH-ATTITUDE  TOWARDS    BRITISH  SOV- 
EREIGNTY-(Continued^ 

1849.     [1897]  Sir  Henry  Barkly. 

In  August,  1850  .  .  .  at  Point  Barima  .  .  .  we  landed  on  the  prom- 
ontory .  .  .  inhabited  by  a  tribe  called  the  Warrows,  ...  I  found  all 
these  Indians,  including-  the  AVarrow  tribe,  enthusiastically  loyal  and 
ready  to  do  anything  for  us  or  the  British  Ooverument  to  ^vhorn  they  looked 
for  protection.  B.  C,  VII,  235. 

1855.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Indians  themselves,  for  those  who  now  come  from  Bareema  all  the  way 
to  his  place  in  Upper  Pomeroon,  to  seek  the  redress  which,  as  British  subjects, 
they  are  as  much  entitled  as  other  labourers  of  Guiana.  B.  C,  VI,  igg. 

1 868.     Petition  of  John  Davidson,  an  Arawak  Indian. 

Since  the  death  of  our  Headman,  Captain  Calliestro,  all  the  buck  Indians 
up  that  side  of  the  Colony,  they  are  wholly  uugoverned,  making  wars  against 
themselves,  and  taking  each  others'  lives,  for  want  of  a  Chief  or  Captain  amongst 
them,  or  Headman  over  them,  .  .  .  under  these  circumstances,  your  peti- 
tioner respectfully  prays  to  recommend  himself  to  your  Excellency,  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  your  Excellency  as  Headman  or  Captain  over  the  other  buck  Indians 
in  the  room  of  the  late  Captain  Calliestro,  so  that  I  could  command  peace  and 
order  amongst  them  as  formerly  during  the  lifetime  of  Captain  Calliestro. 

Same,  p.  2og. 

1870.     Rev.  W.  H.  Brett. 

The  station  at  Waramuri  is  also  in  a  flourishing  condition.  .  .  .  The 
aboriginal  races  of  that  district  [covered  by  the  agreement  of  1850]  desire 
nothing  more  earnestly  than  to  he  subject  to  her  [Great  Britain]  and  under 
her  protection  and  laws,  as  in  former  years.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  310. 

1897.     Thomas  Thompson,  an  Akaway  Indian. 

I  consider  myself  an  English  subject,  and  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the 
Queen  of  England.  ^-  '^•'  ^^^'  -^9- 

1897.     Issokura,  an  Arawak  woman. 

All  my  people  always  been  belong  to  the  Dutch  and  then  to  the  English 
and  not  to  the  Spanish.  ^«'«^.  P-  ^^9- 

RELATIONS  TO  THE  VENEZUELANS. 

1847.     Andres  Level, 

A  large  number  of  the  Indians  have  proceeded  to  other  countries.    .    .    . 

In  this  way  .  .  .  those  who  dwell  in  the  forests  bordering  upon  our  territory 
are  attracted.  ...  All  along  that  frontier,  where  the  heads  of  the  rivers  inter- 
communicate, the  denaturalization  of  our  Indians  is  constantly  going  on. 
And  nothing  is  more  natural  than  that  they  should  protect  those  who  protect 
them,  when  on  this  side  they  are  obliged  to  flee  from  ill-treatment  and  de- 
ception. This  is  the  ostensible  origin  of  the  occupation  of  the  Guianese  ter- 
ritory by  the  foreigner,  who  claims  to  base  his  titles  upon  the  protection  for 
which  he  says  he  has  been  asked  by  the  persecuted  Venezuelans  fleeing  from 
our  towns.  For  it  is  not  the  mountain  dwellers,  who  have  never  shown  them- 
selves  in  a  town,  who  have  gone  over  to  the  foreigner,  but  those  fugitives  who, 


364  INDIANS. 

RELATIONS  TO  THE   VENEZUELANS-(Continued). 

from  having  dwelt  amongst  us,  have  been  enabled  to  draw  comparisons  between 
the  martyrdom  they  endure  here  and  the  very  flattering  way  in  which  they  are 
received  there.  B.  C,  VI,  rjy-i^S. 

1897,     Waiaree,  a  Carib  Indian. 

When  we  were  captured  [in  Barima  region]  by  the  Spaniards  it  was  done 
80  with  the  assistance  of  Spanish  Caribs,  who  accompanied  the  Spaniards. 

B.  C,  VII,  22g. 

PRESENTS  TO  INDIANS-BY  THE  SPANISH. 

1593.     Antonio  de  Berrio. 

God  was  pleased  to  send  us  guides,  in  the  form  of  two  pirogues  of  Caribs, 
who     .     .     .     came  with  me  for  presents.  B.  C,  I,  2. 

1682.     Governor  of  Trinidad. 

The  natives  in  this  island  [Trinidad]  and  in  Guayana,  all  in  this  jurisdiction, 
numbering  more  than  twenty-four  thousand,  and  who  communicate  with  us  and 
serve  us  for  certain  small  presents  tliat  are  given  to  tlieni. 

V.  C,  II,  269-270. 
1753.     Instructions  to  Iturriaga. 

It  will  be  necessary  that  such  persons  are  assured  of  receiving  a  reward  cor- 
responding to  the  work  and  danger,  which  your  Excellency  may  offer  them  in 
the  name  of  His  Majesty,  ....  you  migrht  oflTer  the  negToes  who 
may  wish  to  retire  to  civil  life,  liberty,  and  lauds,  where  tliey  may  settle,  .  .  . 
also  assisting-  them  with  presents  and  means  to  defray  the  expenses  of  their 
journey.  B.  C,  II,  Sy. 

The  King  wishes  that  in  your  journey  from  Cumana  to  the  Rio  Negro  you  will 
seek  an  opportunity  of  bringing  about  a  conference  of  the  Chiefs  of  that  nation, 
for  the  purpose  of  attaining  the  above-mentioned  end,  by  offering  them  in 
his  Royal  name  whatever  presents  might  appear  to  you  adequate  for 
the  purpose.  Same,  p.  Sg. 

1755.     Don  Eugenio  de  Alvarado. 

Patacon — who,  like  all  of  them  is  a  very  great  liar — when  he  saw  tlie 
presents  made  to  him  and  to  all  his  followers,  he  offered  to  bring"  to  me 
Thnmucu  and  otlier  Chiefs,  and  to  gather  a  number  of  Indians  forthwith  for  settle- 
ment in  the  Mission  of  Aguacagua.  He  fixed  a  month  for  this  service,  but  lie 
deceived  me,  for  he  did  nothing:.  Same,  p.  iii. 

1760.     Don  Jose  de  Iturriaga. 

I  have  treated  tlie  Caribs  with  liindness  and  presents,  in  order  that 
leaving  their  dwellings  on  the  hills,  they  mig'ht  come  to  settle  in  the  Missions. 

Same,  p.  iSj. 

1 77 1.     Don  Manuel  Centurion. 

A  chief  came  afterwards  from  I'arime  with  a  considerable  suite,  affracled 
by  the  presents  and  good  treatment  received  by  the  subjected  Indians  of 
the  Erevat<»  and  sources  of  tlie  Caura,  and  offered  to  guide  the  Spaniards. 
I  should  send  to  the  Lake  Parime,  and  put  them  in  possession  of  the  boasted 
hill  of  El  Dorado,  and  peaceably  subject  to  us  the  principal  savage  nations  that 
defend  and  inhabit  it.  B.  C,  I V,  g6. 


INDIANS.  3G5 

PRESENTS   TO    INDIANS-BY   THE    SPANISH-(Continued). 

1771.     Don  Manuel  Centurion. 

The  aforesaid  coiumaudin^  officer  sliall  .  .  .  make  friends  with  all 
these  nations,  especially  with  the  Maensi  and  Arecnnas,  presenting?  the 
Indians  with  such  charms  and  amulets  as  thej  esteem,  especially  the  Chiefs 
...  in  order  to  encoumise  them  all  to  snhinit  voluntarily  to  the  dominion 
of  the  King-,  our  master,  in  whose  name  the  said  officer  shall  formally  take 
possession  of  all  that  territory  with  as  much  solemnity  as  circumstances  may 
permit ;  demanding  an  oath  of  fidelity  from  the  Indians,  .  .  .  offering  them  help 
and  protection  in  the  King's  name,  promising  to  preserve  their  lands  and  goods  as 
those  of  faithful  subjects,  and  to  defend  them  from  their  enemies  that  they  may 
enjoy  the  many  other  advantages  of  those  who  subject  themselves  to 
the  just  and  gentle  dominion  of  our  Lord  the  King.  B.  C,  IV,  gS. 

1782.     Fray  Benito  de  la  Garriga. 

They  [in  CauraJ  may  find  out  whether  the  priests  of  other  towns  give  pres- 
ents to  their  parishioners  continually  as  theirs  have,  and  as  the  priest  now  at 
Upata  does.  B.  C,  V,  4-5. 

1790.     Lopez  de  la  Puente. 

It  would  be  much  to  our  advantage  to  acquire  the  friendship  of  the  Macusis, 
a  considerable  tribe,  and  the  largest  that  dwells  in  the  interior  of  the  country. 
This  would  not  be  difficult  by  means  of  the  Guaycas,  by  making  them  some 
presents,  such  as  looking-glasses  and  other  bagatelles  of  that  kind. 

Same,  p.  121. 

1804.     Court  of  Policy. 

Mr.  Mack  represented  to  the  Court  that  he  had  heard  from  different  quar- 
ters that  notwithstanding  the  measures  taken  last  year  by  the  Court  to  revive 
friendly  intercourse  with  the  Indians  there  still  existed  a  great  dissatisfaction, 
principally  among-  those  of  the  Caraiban  nation  in  the  Upper  Kiver  of 
Essequibo,  which  must  undoubtedly  be  ascribed  to  this— that  by  want  of  timely 
notice  these  Indians  have  not  shared  in  the  distribution  of  rations,  &c.,  done  in 
the  month  of  April,  1803  ;  that  in  the  meanwhile,  as  is  well  known,  the  Caraiban 
nations  .  .  .  have  .  .  .  often  proved  of  the  greatest  utility,  it  was  highly 
necessaiy  that  the  Colony  should  secure  their  assistance  in  case  of  need,  and  that 
he  therefore  suggested  to  the  Court  to  send  a  deputation.  ...  to  the 
Upper  River  of  Essequibo,  in  order  to  assemble  all  the  Indians  that  live  there. 
and  then  to  treat  them,  and  distribute  some  gunpowder  and  salt  among  them. 
Resolved  to  request  Messrs.  Mack  and  Clements,  along  with  the  Fiscal  of 
Essequibo,  Mr.  van  der  Hoff,  Protector  of  the  Indians  in  Essequibo,  .  .  . 
to  give  them  [Indians  of  the  Upper  Essequibo]  a  treat,  olfering  them  at  the 
same  time  some  trilling  gift  of  salt  and  gunpowder,  and  there  to  give  them 
such  assurances  in  the  name  of  the  Government  as  they  will  think  most  likely  to 
renew  their  attachment  to  these  Colonies.  Same,  p.  iSj. 

PRESENTS    TO    INDIANS-BY    THE    DUTCH,    ORIGIN    OF. 

1686.     Jacob  De  Jonge.  . 

Y  H.  will  be  pleased  to  send  me  f^ve  or  six  red  coats  and  breeches,  with  some 
sham  gold  and  silver  lace,  to  keep  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Chiefs  of 
,,     ,    ,.  B.  C,  I,  200. 

the  Indians. 


366  INDIANS. 

PRESENTS   TO    INDIANS-BY   THE    DUTCH,   ORIGIN    OF-(Continued). 

1735-     West  India  Company's  Account  Books. 

Goods  assiifiied  as  a  present  to  2  Indian  Captains,  i  being  of  the  Carib 
nation  and  i  of  the  Warauw  nation,  to  maintain  the  good  liarmony  with  both 
nations  :  2  hats,  4  ells  gold  lace,  6  coarse  Osnaburg.  B.  C,  VII,  lyg. 

1764.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  never  seen  so  many  Indians  together  before.  My  house  is  .  .  . 
full  .  .  .  [thej J  liave  asked  me  for  only  twelve  rifles,  powder,  and  shot 
for  the  Chiefs,  which  I  have  given  tliem.  B.  C,  III,  103. 

1784.     West  India  Company  (the  Ten). 

In  case  of  .  .  .  revolts  of  the  negroes,  .  .  .  these  troops  would  not 
be  sufficient  to  stop  them  :  it  w^ould,  therefore,  be  necessary  to  make  use  of  the 
Indians.  But,  in  order  to  make  somewhat  sure  of  this,  it  would,  in  our  opinion, 
be  necessary  that  the  Director-General,  .  .  .  send  a  letter  to  Mr.  Van  der 
Heiden,  requesting  him,  in  view  of  the  great  influence  he  has  over  the  Carib 
Indians,  &c.,  to  come  to  the  seat  of  Government  with  all  the  Chiefs  or  Owls  of 
that  nation,  and  all  otliers,  and  tliat  tlie  Director-dieneral  then  try  to  make 
tliose  people  understand  that  the  Dutch,  .  .  ,  desire  to  live  witii  them 
in  a  greater  and  more  familiar  friendship ;  that  we  had  observed  that  they 
were  withdrawing  more  and  more,  which  we  ascribed  to  the  uncertainty  in  which 
they  hitherto  had  been  with  respect  to  their  possessions ;  that  in  order  to  remove 
for  the  future  all  doubt  on  (his  point,  your  Honours  had  authorized  him,  the 
Director-General,  to  give  them  certain  pieces  of  land  in  full  and  free  owner- 
ship, .  .  .  that  .  .  .  the  Governor,  ought  to  give  them  a  deed  of  grant 
of  such  piece  of  land  in  such  creek  as  he  should  select,  but  that  they,  on  the 
other  hand,  should  be  obliged  to  pledge  themselves  to  come  to  the  fort  once 
every  year,  in  order  to  hand  to  the  Governor  a  list  or  enumeration  of  their 
men  in  each  village,  and  that  in  case  of  revolt  they  should  be  under  obligation  to 
aid  us  at  the  first  summons,  all  of  which,  .  .  .  should  be  accompanied  by 
some  presents  to  the  Chiefs  or  Owls,  .  .  .  they  should  be  obliged  to  come 
every  year  to  renew  this  compact  and  their  deed  of  grant,  for  which  trouble  some 
presents  could  also  be  made  to  them  every  year.  B.  C,  V,  2^-26. 

PRESENTS   TO    INDIANS-BY    THE    DUTCH,    FREQUENCY   OF. 

.     British  Case. 

This  system  [of  annual  presents  to  Indians]  appears  to  have  been  regularly 
continued  until  the  termination  of  Dutcli  rule.  B.  C,  gi. 

1777.     West  India  Company. 

We  confirm  by  these  presents  the  orders  already  given  several  times  to  culti- 
vate friendly  feelings  with  the  Indians,  which  same  may  be  of  great  serv'ice  in  re- 
covering fugitive  slaves,  and  .  .  .  that  they  may  be  always  at  the  service  of  the 
Government,  upon  which  the  security  of  both  colonies  so  greatly  depends. 

These  orders  .  .  .  have  been  so  badly  fulfilled  that  even  the  staffs 
witit  silver  knobs,  which  were  sent  to  be  presented  to  the  cliiefs  of  the 
Indians,  have  not  been  distributed  to  them. 

Besides  this,  .  .  .  the  Indian  Chiefs  never,  or  at  least  rarely,  present  them- 
selves because  they  are  not  invited  to  do  so,  this  being,  nevertheless,  very  neces- 
sary. ...  it  would  be  exi>edient  to  present,  from  time  to  time,  tliese 
trifles  to  the  Indian  chiefs,  in  order  to  stimulate  them  to  present  themselves. 

V,  C.-C,  III,  2(p7. 


INDIANS.  3G7 

PRESENTS   TO    INDIANS-BY  THE    DUTCH,    FREQUENCY    OF-^Con- 

tinued). 

1777.     Court  of  Policy. 

As  early  as  was  feasible,  the  Chiefs  of  the  Indians  should  be  summoned 
to  the  fort,  and  the  canes  ami  other  presents  conferred  [on  them],  and 
thereto  obliged,  twice  a-year,  to  come  do^vn  here  in  <u-der  to  hoM  revels  and 

receive  some  knick-knacks.  B.  C,  I V,  iSj. 

1779.     Government  Journal  in  Demerary. 

The  formal  distribution  of  presents  granted  by  their  Lordships  to  the 
Indians  took  place  to-day.  Sajjie,  p.  207. 

1785.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  request  your  Honours  to  send  out  yearly  constantly  a  consignment  to  be 
distributed  as  presents  to  the  IJucks  or  Indians,  as  also  for  gorgets  [metal 
collars]  to  gratify  their  Chiefs.  B.  C,  V,j6. 

1802.  Anonymous  Memorial. 

These  savage  nations,  such  as  the  Caribs,  Arawaks,  Warrows,  &c.,  have  al- 
ways lived  in  friendship  with  the  Dutch  Ooverument,  from  which  they  yearly 
received  some  presents,  such  as  hats  laced  with  point  d'Espagne,  long  walking 
sticks  with  large  silver  knobs,  and  muskets,  for  the  Chiefs,  together  with  axes,  a 
few  yards  of  salempouris,  knives,  scissors,  beads,  mirrors,  and  other  trifles  for 
the  common  people.  In  addition  to  this,  whenever  they  came  down  in  troops 
of  from  twelve  to  fifty  with  women  and  children,  the  Oovernment  of  Demerara 
and  the  Administration  of  Essequibo  provided  them  with  bananas,  rum, 
tobacco  and  negro  pipes,  and  moderately  supported  them  as  long  as  they  re- 
mained below.  Same,  pp.  176-177. 

1803.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  members  of  this  Court,     ...     are  of  opinion — 

The  Postholders  should,  from  time  to  time,  have  the  Indians  come  to 
them,  and  distribute  amongst  them  some  trifle  or  other,  in  order  to  remain  on 
good  terms  with  them,  and  thereby  inducing  them  to  live  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  whites,  so  as  to  be  more  readily  obtainable  to  give  assistance  to  the  Colony 
in  case  of  need.  Same,  p.  181. 

PRESENTS  TO  INDIANS-BY  THE  DUTCH,  CHARACTER  AND 

OBJECT  OF. 

.     British  Case. 

In  1778  the  Court  of  Policy,  on  the  occasion  of  a  distribution  of  presents 
to  Indian  Chiefs,  explained  to  them  that  when  the  Indians  had  any  griev- 
ances they  must  always  come  and  present  them.  B.  C,  86. 

In  1778,  a  number  of  Indian  Chiefs  were  summoned,  and  .  .  .  hats 
and  staves  then  presented  to  them.  Same,  p.  go. 

The  Dutch  from  very  early  times  had  been  accustomed  to  make  presents 
to  Indian  Chiefs  as  well  as  to  reward  them  and  their  followers  for  services 
rendered.  ^'^"^'^'  P'  9^' 


368  INDIANS. 

PRESENTS    TO     INDIANS-BY    THE     DUTCH,     CHARACTER     AND 
OBJECT   OF-(Continued). 

.     Venezuelan  Counter  Case. 

It  was  to  foster  this  sort  of  friciidsliip  tiiat  the  Dutch  made  presents  to 
the  Indians  ;  and  it  was  in  that  spirit  that  the  Indians  accepted  the  presents, 

V.  C.-C,  104. 

.     British  Counter  Case. 

The  Warow  Waiakumma  says  : — "  My  father  and  mother  told  me  about  the 
Dutch.  They  were  very  ^o(h1  to  the  Warows,  and  used  to  j;ive  them  clotli 
and  thing's.  They  told  me  that  the  Spanish  were  not  good  ;  I  must  keep  away 
from  their  country."  B.  C.-C,  22. 

1637.     Don  Pedro  de  Vivera. 

Products  which  are  being  worked  by  slaves  and  peaceful  Indians  and 
Caribs,  whom  they  have  attracted  to  their  [pirate  enemies]  service  by  many 
gifts  they  have  given  them.  B.  C,  /,  iii. 

1700.     Official  Uiaiy  at  Kijkoveral. 

March  27,  [1700]  ...  In  the  forenoon  there  appeared  here  the  Owl 
.  .  .  wiio  for  past,  and  as  an  encouragement  for  fnrtlier  services  w  as.  in  the 
name  of  the  Honourable  Company,  presented  by  the  Commandeur  with  a  new 

dress  of  honour,  and,  after  being  further  regaled,  he  departed  very  well  satis- 
fied. B.  C.-C,  App..  93. 

July  6,  [1700]  At  about  midday  to-day  the  said  Postholder,  his  Owl,  and 
some  Indians  again  set  out  from  here  for  Demerara  after  they  had  held 
some  revels  the  day  before,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  and  as  an 
encouragement  for  bringing  more  dye.  Same,  p.  loy. 

1714.     West  India  Company  (Secret  instructions). 

And  if,  in  order  to  facilitate  tlie  aforesaid  trade  it  should  be  necessary  to 
malve  some  presents  or  regalia  to  the  Chief  or  any  of  the  Headmen,  such  may 
be  made  out  of  the  merchandize.  B.  C,  I,  24J. 

1721.     West  India  Company  Account  Books. 

February  20,  (1721).  Goods  delivered  for  materials  for  a  coat  to  be  pre- 
sented to  tlie  Indian  Owl  who  delivers  most  dye  to  the  Company. 

B,  C ,  VII,  179. 
1739.     Marquis  de  San  Felipe  y  Santiago. 

The  Dutch  gain  their  [Carib]  goodwill  by  gifts  of  all  those  different  kinds 
of  goods  which  they  value,  also  maintaining  their  commerce  by  buying  from 
them  slaves  of  other  Indian  tribes  whom  the  Caribs  capture,  both  men  and 
women.  B.  C.-C,  App.,  1S2. 

1744.     [1897]  George  L.  Burr. 

The  Caribs  of  the  Barima  .  .  .  offered  [in  1744]  to  become  responsible 
for  all  future  runaways  escaping  toward  the  Orinoco  if  only  a  Postholder  might 
be  stationed  in  the  Barima — a  petition  not  so  strange  if  one  remembers  the  rum 
wliicli  was  always  on  tap  at  a  Dutcli  post  for  every  Indian  caller. 

Note  : — Its  consumption  at  the  Moruca  Post,  which  lay  nearest  the  Barima 
Caribs,  was  especially  large,  and  was  expressly  justified  by  this  need  of  hospitality 
to  the  Indians.  .  .  .  The  Spanish  Missionaries  complained  especially  of  their 
powerlessness  with  the  Indians  against  this  Dutch  means  of  allurement. 

V.  C.-C,  II,  J 21. 


INDIANS.  BOU 

PRESENTS    TO     INDIANS-BY    THE     DUTCH,     CHARACTER     AND 
OBJECT   OF-(Continued). 

1765.     Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  have  received  the  riiig'-collars  for  the  Iiuliniis  Chiefs;  they  are  very 
pretty— too  pretty,  in  fact,  and  too  heavy  for  Indians.  Those  which  they  use 
are  on  an  average  about  as  thick  as  a  shilhng,  and  set  in  a  piece  of  wood  to 
make  them  stronger. 

I  have  been  informed  that  the  two  Owls  (or  Chiefs)  of  Essequibo  and  Massa- 
runi  are  dead. 

I  have  sent  word  to  liim  of  Barinia  to  coiue  here,  when  I  will  ^ive  him 
one  of  the  ring-collars.  B.  C,  III,  126. 

1768.  West  India  Company  (Zeeland  Chamber). 

The  slaves  .  .  .  returned  ...  by  the  Warrows  in  return  for  pay 
.  .  .  shows  the  great  ntility  which  .  .  .  there  is  in  encouraging-  as 
much  as  possible  tlie  bringing'  in  of  rnuaway  slaves  by  the  due  payment  of 
adequate  rewards  to  the  Indians.  Same,  p.  lyg. 

1769.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

The  chief  of  the  Caribs,  who  is  now  here,  goes  up  the  river  to-day.  He  has 
promised  me  to  attack  the  murderers  of  the  Postholder,  and  to  hold  all  his  people 
in  readiness  in  case  we  might  have  need  of  them.  Commandant  Backer  told  him 
this  morning  that  he  would  like  to  come  up  the  river,  and  asked  him  whether  he 
would  then  let  him  be  master.''  He  answered  :  "  No,  I  am  master  of  the  Caribs. 
You  can  be  master  of  the  whites  and  of  the  other  nations,  and  then  we  can 
together  become  masters  of  everything."  I  let  him  see  one  of  the  silver  ring- 
collars  which  I  still  have,  and  promised  to  give  it  to  him,  and  to  give  him 
some  clothes  (of  which  they  are  very  fond)  if  he  behaved  well.       B.  C.,IV,  11. 

1769.     Acting  Postholder  in  Cuyuui. 

Hired  five  Indians  to  fell,  burn,  clean  and  plant  a  bread-garden;  paid  to 
each  Indian  five  yards  salempouris,  two  woodsman's  knives,  two  mirrors,  [&c]., 
and  this  is  payment  for  one  garden. 

Hired  five  more  Indians  for  the  second  bread-garden  ;  paid  to  each  Indian 
five  yards  red-fiowered  calico,  two  woodsman's  knives,  two  mirrors  [&c.]. 

This  is  payment  for  the  second  bread-garden.  Same,  p.  16. 

1773.  West  India  Company, 

It  was  resolved  ...  to  send  some  blue  drill,  combs,  corals,  mouth 
organs  and  looking  glasses  to  be  presented  to  the  Caribs,  who  liave  distin- 
guished themselves  in  suppressing  the  riot.  Same,  p.  loS. 

1774.  Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

We  were  also  much  honoured  with  your  Lordships'  respected  commands 
.  .  .  concerning  the  manner  in  which  we  were  to  deal  with  and  distribute 
the  silver  ring-collars,  salempouris,  combs,  beads,  mouth-drums,  and  mirrors. 

The  ring-collars  being  intended  as  a  present  for  the  Indian  Chiefs  .  .  . 
are  not  well  suited  for  that  purpose,  .  .  .  This  is  a  present  which  would 
have  been  very  acceptable  to  them  in  former  times.  .  .  .  but  the  Spaniards 
have  made  tliese  things  so  common  amongst  them  that  they  now  have  some  in 
gold  which  cover  their  whole  chest.  B.  C,  IV,  122, 


3Y0  INDIANS. 

PRESENTS    TO     INDIANS-BY    THE     DUTCH,     CHARACTER     AND 
OBJECT   OF-(Continued). 

1774.     Court  of  Policy  in  Essequibo. 

We  have  therefore  resolved  to  request  .  .  .  twelve  ordinary  canes  with 
knobs  covered  with  thin  silver,  and  twelve  common  hats  with  broad  sham  silver 
brims  or  points  d'Espagne  .  .  .  this  would  be  a  particularly  acceptable 
present  to  these  Indian  Owls. 

The  common  Caribs  having  been  already  sufficiently  rewarded  at  the  time 
of  the  revolt  ...  it  would  be  best  to  divide  the  salempouris  and  other  trinkets 
amongst  the  Honourable  Company's  slaves.  B.  C,  IV,  122, 

1774.  Commandeur  in  Demerary. 

Mr.  Van  der  Heydeii,  a  planter  of  Essequibo,  .  .  .  really  saved  the  whole 
Colony  in  the  last  revolt  with  the  help  of  his  Indians,  .  .  .  this  man  luis 
spent  more  than  a  thousand  guilders  in  mailing  the  Indians  presents,  and  in 
treating-  them.  Same,  p.  124. 

1775.  Courts  of  Policy  and  Justice. 

We  first  note  your  Lordships'  approval  concerning  the  gifts  of  ring-col- 
lars, salempouris,  &c.  .  .  .  We  shall  await  the  twelve  canes  with  silver 
knobs  and  the  twelve  hats  with  false  silver  trimmings,  or  point  d'Espagne,  and 
when  we  receive  the  same  we  shall  distribute  them  according  to  .  .  . 
orders.  Same,  p.  ijy. 

1778.    Court  of  Policy. 

The  Chiefs  of  the  Indians  .  .  .  and  their  attendants  who  were  at  the  fort 
having  appeared  in  Court,  .  .  .  the  President  of  the  Court  assured  them 
.  .  .  of  the  continuance  of  the  existing  friendly  relations  with  the  tribes,  and 
presented  them,  as  a  token  of  friendsliip,  sticks  with  large  silver  knobs, 
bearing  the  impression  of  the  seal  of  the  West  India  Company,  hats  with  large 
silver  pointed  plumes,  blue  drill  coloured  clothes,  axes,  ribbons,  looking-glasses, 
and  other  articles,  and  requested  them  to  visit  the  fort  from  time  to  time, 
and  keep  up  existing  friendly  relations. 

Accepted  gratefully  by  all  the  Chiefs,  being  well  pleased  with  their  gifts ; 
they  promised  to  be  always  willing  and  ready  in  rendering  every  assistance  when- 
ever required  and  called  upon  by  the  Government.  Same,  p.  i8j. 

The  interpreters  being  called  in,  they  were  told  to  inform  the  Indians  that  the 
Government  asked  them  to-day,  in  consideratl<ni  of  tlie  old  friendship,  to  ac- 
cept of  the  presents  and  to  cultivate  the  friendship,  as  the  presents  were 
given  to  them  as  a  token  of  friendsliip. 

That  it  is  expected  from  them  that  they  will  always  be  true  and  faithful  to 
the  Government  and  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  and,  when  called  upon,  to 
give  all  help  and  assistance. 

That  if  they  have  any  grievance  amongst  them,  to  come  forward  and  make  it 
known,  and  that  if  they  are  wishful  of  visiting  here,  they  shall  always  be  welcome 
and  be  well  received. 

That  the  hats  and  sticks  were  given  to  the  Chiefs  as  a  token  that  they  are  re- 
cognized as  such  by  the  Government. 

Tliat  if  tliey  want  to  appoint  new  ones  they  shall  choose  such  persons 
from  among  tliem  as  may  be  proposed  by  the  Government. 

Same,  pp.  1S7-1SS, 


INDIANS.  371 

PRESENTS    TO     INDIANS-BY    THE     DUTCH,     CHARACTER     AND 
OBJECT   OF-(Continued). 

Another  irans/at/on.  The  interpreters  having  been  called  in,  they  are 
directed  by  the  presiding  Captain  Commandant,  to  explain  to  the  Indians  that 
it  was  on  account  of  the  old  fricndshii)  that  Ihcy  were  invilcd  to  the  (jJov- 
ornmcnt  to  amuse  themselves,  and  in  order  to  cultivate  tliat  tricndsliip ; 
that,  as  a  proof  of  this,  the  presents  are  g:iven;  that  it  was  ekpecled  from 
their  side,  that  they  should  always  faithfully  adhere  to  the  Government  and  to 
the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  and  when  called  upon  give  all  help  and  support ; 
that,  when  they  have  any  grievances,  they  must  always  come  to  present  them  ; 
that,  whenever  they  wish  to  come  to  this  place,  they  shall  always  be  welcome  and 
be  received ;  that  the  hats  and  canes  are  given  to  the  owls  as  a  token  that  they 
are  recognized  as  such  by  the  Government. 

And  that,  when  wishing  to  appoint  new  chiefs,  they  may  to  that  end  offer 
to  the  Government  such  persons  among-  them  as  they  shall  choose  thereto. 

U.  S.  Com.,  II,  544-545. 

1785.     Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

I  had  the  honour  some  days  ago  to  have  here  some  (who  were  Caribs)  who 
were  very  insolent,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  negroes  said  that  if  they 
obtain  no  presents,  tliey,  if  onr:e  again  a  revolt  occurred,  would  not  alone  abstain 
from  helping  the  whites,  but  would  assist  the  negroes  and  murder  the  whites 
with  their  bananas,  salt  fish,  men  ;  so  much  they  desired  gifts  and  salempour 
(clothes),  cotton,  knives,  mirrors,  &c.,  out  of  the  store-house.  B.  C,  V,j6. 

I  have  had  different  parties  of  them  [Indians]  here,  and  I  have  also  already 
had  two  Commandos  of  them  in  the  forest  against  the  runaways,  .  .  . 
These  Commandos  cost  certainly  much,  through  the  manifold  presents  which 
we  must  (give)  to  the  Indians,  without  which  they  w  ill  not  move  a  step,  and 
especially  when  we  must  here  purchase  goods  therefor  ...  but  the  entire 
welfare  of  the  Colony  depends  thereon. 

I  am  obliged  to  your  Honours  for  dispatching  the  metal  collars,  which  I 
shall  distribute  among  the  Chiefs  of  the  Indians  according  to  their  merits. 

Same,  p.  jS, 

1785.  Government  Journal. 

December  30.  The  Postholder  Smith,  of  the  Post  up  in  Essequibo,  named 
Arinda,  came  .  .  .  with  108  free  Indian  Caribs  to  see  the  Governor  with 
three  of  their  Commanders  to  present  their  service  and  fidelity,  seeking 
presents  as  tokens  of  friendship,  upon  which  the  Commanders  each  obtained 
a  silver  metal  collar,  a  half  piece  of  salampore  (cloth),  two  flasks  gunpowder, 
and  the  others  each  5  ells  of  salampore,  besides  salt  fish,  soopye,  and  bananas, 
wherewith  they  all  departed  very  satisfied.  Same,  p.  40. 

1786.  Director-General  in  Essequibo. 

Herewith  Petition  from  the  store-house  of  the  Commissary  .  .  .  concern- 
ing the  canes  and  hats  for  the  Indians.     .     .     . 

The  canes  for  the  Indian  captain  must  be  a  genuine  cane,  otherwise  they 
will  despise  them,  and  they  know  quite  well  how  to  distinguish  them. 

Same,  p.  40, 


372  INDIANS. 

PRESENTS    TO     INDIANS-BY    THE     DUTCH,     CHARACTER     AND 
OBJECT   OF— (Continued). 

1790.     Reports  of  Commissioners  on  the  Condition  of  Essequibo  and  Demerara. 

It  would  therefore  be  better  if  the  Postholders  were  employes,  not  of  the 
Company,  but  of  the  Colony,  .  .  .  they  would  have  to  cultivate  their  [In- 
dian] friendship  and  always  make  them  consider  the  whites  as  neighbours 
from  whom  they  were  never  to  expect  anything  but  friendship,  good  treatment, 
and  prompt  help  in  case  of  necessity.  It  was,  therefore,  on  this  footing'  that 
the  Uudersi^ued  proceeded  in  distributing  to  the  various  nations  of  the 
Indians  the  presents  sent  them  in  the  name  of  tlie  Zeeland  Chamber. 

B.  C,  V,  Sj. 

1794.  Governor-General  in  Essequibo. 

We  again  went  on  land,  in  order  to  give  tlie  Indians  some  presents  for 
their  trouble  and  aid,  consisting  of  Indian  wares,  powder,  ball,  rum,  and  salem- 
pouris,    .    .    .    with  which  those  simple  people  were  very  content.    Same,  p.  1^2. 

1795.  Court  of  Policy. 

In  consequence  of  a  Resolution  of  your  Honours  ...  we  .  .  . 
commenced  making  the  payments  to  the  Indians  who  respectively  presented 
themselves.  Same,  p.  i^g. 

We  were  also  afterwards  informed  that  the  three  Indian  Captains,  Carrowe, 
AUert,  and  Hendrik,  were  called  Owls,  which  is  a  higher  rank  than  Captain, 
.  .  .  Besides  the  above-mentioned  13  Captains,  231  Indians  made  applica- 
tion, to  each  of  whom  we  dealt  out  the  ration  granted  by  your  Honour- 
able Resolution,  together  with  1 1  guilders,  or  a  half  Johannes.        Same,  p.  160. 

1803.     Court  of  Policy. 

Resolved  that,  in  order  to  carry  out  the  aforesaid  distribution  of  native  trad- 
ing wares  to  the  Indians,  the  Fiscal  van  der  Lott  and  Councillor  Plettner  are 
hereby  requested  and  authorized  to  purchase  the  necessary  articles  for  the 
native  trade  for  account  of  the  Colony,  and  subsequently  to  assemble  at  the 
Fort  Island  .  .  .  the  aforesaid  Indians  who  served  with  their  captains  in  the 
bush  commando  .  .  .  and  to  distribute  to  them  the  aforesaid  native 
trading  wares  and  money  gratifications  respectively  and  also  to  have  dealt 
out  to  them  the  necessary  rum  and  fish  for  a  feast.  Same,  p.  f/g. 

1803.     P.  C.  Ouckawa. 

I  certify  that  the  gratifications  granted  to  the  men  by  the  aforesaid  Reso- 
lution are  as  follows : 

F. 

To  3  free  men,  220  f.  each 660 

To  30  free  men,  1 10  f,  each 3.300 

To  5  native  Captains,  66  f.  each 33° 

To  68  Indians,  33  f.  each 2,244 

To  Captain  Hendrik 33 

To  Captain  Piramus no 

6,677 
Same,  p.  180. 


INDIANS.  373 

PRESENTS    TO     INDIANS-BY    THE     DUTCH,    CHARACTER     AND 
OBJECT   OF-(Continued). 

1803.     Court  of  Policy. 

List  of  Buck's  goods  ordered  from    .    .    .    Europe  in  compliance  with  the 
request  of  the  Court. 

18  pieces  Bucks'  cotton. 
18  pieces  checks. 
18  hats  with  lace  bands. 

18  sticks  like  those  used  by  the  drum-major  in  Europe. 
500  guns. 
2,000  razors. 
1,500  lbs.  powder. 
2,000  wooden  flint-boxes. 
2,000  gun  caps. 
2,000  pairs  scissors. 
2,000  Jews'  harps. 
6,000  bush  knives. 
2,000  looking-glasses. 
12,000  assorted  fish-hooks. 
12,000  ells'  salemporis. 
50,000  needles. 
50,000  pins. 
2,000  coarse  combs. 
10,000  beads  of  all  sorts  and  colours. 
12,000  flints. 
4,000  lbs.  assorted  shot. 
2,000  Bucks'  axes. 
2,000  cutlasses  with  yellow  handles. 

48  cassava  plates. 
1,500  thimbles. 
1,000  round  hats. 

36  checquered  shirts. 

18  silver  circular  collars,  engraved  with  the  lion,  bearing  the  inscription, 
"  Batavian  Republic    of  Essequibo  and  Demerary  "  around  and 
above  it,  with  the  necessary  national  ribbon. 
18  cases  claret,  of  18  bottles  in  each  case. 
18  cases  gin,  of  6  flasks  in  each  case. 
1,000  fish  harpoons,  from  4  to  5  inches  long,  as  per  annexed  design. 
1,000  ditto,  from  4  to  5  inches  long,  as  per  annexed  design. 
This  calculation  is  made  for  the  number  of  1,000  Indians,  each  of  whom  to 
receive  now  and  then  a  certain  quantity  of  each  article.  B.  C,  P,  iSo. 

PRESENTS  TO  INDIANS-BY  THE  BRITISH,  FREQUENCY  OF. 

.     British  Case. 

Up  to  the  present  time  [1S98]  a  sum  is  annually  voted  to  the  Governor 
under  the  heading  "  Contingencies  "  for  presents  to  Indians.  B.  C,  106. 

1807.     Court  of  Policy. 

Councillor  Knollman     .     .     .     Protector  of  the  Indians  in  Essequibo    .    .    . 
was  authorised     ...     to  share  every  three  months  among  the  Indians 

who  live  near  the  Post  of  Morocco  100  gallons  new  rum  and  a  proportiona- 
ble quantity  among  the  Indians  of  the  Upper  River  Essequibo. 

^  ^  B.  C.-C,  App.,  263. 


374  INDIANS. 

PRESENTS  TO  INDIANS-BY  THE   BRITISH,  FREQUENCY    OF-(Con- 

tlnucd). 

1810.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  result  of  a  very  long  conference  .  .  .  was  the  following  agreement, 
viz.: — 

That  the  Court  should  give  him  [Manariwan,  a  Carib  Chief]  and  his  people, 
in  the  first  instance,  such  articles  as  he  had  demanded  .  .  .  and  that  the 
same  kind  of  presents  should  be  distributed  to  tliem  auniially  when  called 
for  at  the  end  of  each  year. 

In  consideration  whereof  he,  the  said  Manariwan,  .  .  .  pledged  himself 
not  to  make  war  upon  the  Indians  residing  in  the  back  lands  or  connected  with 
this  Colony ;  that  he  would  spare  the  lives  of  the  prisoners  he  had  made,  .  .  . 
and  that,  finally,  he  and  his  people  would  behave  themselves  peaceably  and 
amicably  towards  the  whites  and  those  who  lived  under  their  protection,  expect- 
ing, in  case  of  his  being  molested  by  either  of  them,  to  obtain  such  redress  from 
the  Government  of  the  Colony  as  should  in  justice  appear  to  be  due  to  him. 

B.  C,  V,  193. 

181 1.  Court  of  Policy. 

The  Court  resolved  to  authorize  Mr.  G.  Timmerman,  Protector  of  Indians  in 
Essequibo,  to  purchase  the  following  articles  for  the  Indians  at  the  Post  of 
Bouroem,  viz.: — 

Resolved,  .  .  .  that  the  annual  payment  to  be  made  to  the  Indians 
employed  at  the  Post  of  Maroco,  and  at  all  other  Posts,  shall  henceforth  be 
as  follows,  they  having  been  paid  at  that  rate  to  the  9th  April,  1810. 

Same,  p.  ig6. 

Resolved  .  .  .  that  the  Protectors  and  Postholders  .  .  .  shall  be  di- 
rected to  repair  to  town  .  .  .  with  an  account  ...  of  the  number  of 
male  and  female  Indians  attached  to  the  respective  Posts,  ...  to  enable 
the  Court,  ...  to  come  to  a  determination  touching  the  quantity,  and 
the  best  means  of  procuring  .  .  .  the  articles  which  are  annually  to  be 
distributed  to  the  Indians  settled  at  or  attached  to  the  Posts.     Same,  p.  igy. 

His  Excellency  had  been  attended  yesterday  by  the  Protectors  of  the  Indians 
and  several  of  the  Postholders,  and  .  .  .  after  forming  an  estimate  of  the 
number  of  Indian  families  settled  near  the  different  Posts,  a  list  had  been  sub- 
mitted ...  of  the  presents  that  would  be  required  to  be  annually  dis- 
tributed to  the  said  Indians,  and  which  the  Governor  proposed  to  order  from 
England  for  that  purpose. 

The  Governor  further  added  that  it  was  computed  the  expense  of  ordering 
this  supply  would  amount  to  about  30,000  fr.  Same,  p.  igS. 

1830.  Estimates. 

Triennial  presents  to  the  Indians G.  33,000 

B.  C.-C.,App.,3gS. 

1 83 1.  Lieutenant-Governor  D'Urban. 

The  tribes  who  live  within  reach  of  civilization,  derive  most  solid  and  impor- 
tant benefits  from  our  regular  and  constant  assistance,  .  .  .  and  triennial 
presents  also  distributed  at  the  posts  on  the  river, 

Annual  supplies i  ,400 

Triennial  Presents 2,400 

Amountin  g  in  every  year  to 6,600 

B.C.,  VI,  43. 


INDIANS.  375 

PRESENTS   TO  INDIANS-BY  THE  BRITISH,    FREQUENCY   OF-(Con- 

tinued). 

1 83 1.     Second  Fiscal. 

The  Colony  pajsaiiunally  a  considerable  sum  for  allowances  and  rations 
to  the  Indians  .  .  .  and,  besides,  every  third  year  a  larare  amount  is 
expended  for  the  triennial  presents.  B.  C,  VI,  43. 

1834.     Court  of  Policy. 

[As  to]  the  triennial  presents  wliich  liitherto  it  had  been  customary  to  be- 
stow on  the  Indians  he  was  informed  that  the  period  of  giving  presents  had 
been  passed  over  last  year.  It  was  entirely  a  question  of  policy  whether  this  cus- 
tom of  giving  presents  to  the  Indians  should  be  continued  or  not.       Same,  p.  j^. 

The  Court  .  .  .  resolved  ...  to  place  on  the  respective  estimates  the 
following  item  : — 

Provisions  for  promoting  industr}'  amongst  the  Indians  within  this  territory — 
forDemerary  and  Essequibo,  25,000  f.  ;  for  Berbice,  5,000  f.  Same,  p.  jj. 

1836.  Postholder  in  Pomeroon. 

AVith  reg-ard  to  the  last  presents  g-iveu  out  to  the  Indians,  there  is  notli- 
ing'  on  record  at  the  Post ;  but  on  inquiry  I  have  ascertained  that  the  distribu- 
tion of  presents  to  the  Indians  was  in  November,  1830,  Same,  p.  61. 

1837.  Court  of  Policy. 

Allowances  and  rations  to  Indians  allowed,  with  notice  to  Postholders 
that  no  sucli  issues  can  in  future  be  defrayed  by  the  Court.  Same,  p.  61. 

1839.     William  Crichton,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

All  tlie  Indian  Captains  in  the  Wyena  and  Barima,  including  those  on  the 
left  bank,  of  the  latter  streams  with  its  tributary  Creeks,  have  received  their 
insignia  of  command  and  presents  when  this  custom  prevailed  from  this 
Colony,  and  look  one  and  all  for  its  protection.  Same,  p.  /6. 

1839.     Mr.  J.  Hadfield,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Indians  who  chose  to  reside  at  the  Posts  were  supplied  with  plantains, 
salt,  fish,  rum,  &c.,  and  presents  of  small  articles  .  .  .  were  periodically 
distributed  amongst  all  the  Indians  that  chose  to  assemble  at  the  Posts  on 
such  occasions,  which  induced  many  of  them  to  attach  themselves  to  the  Posts, 
or  locate  in  the  vicinity,  whose  services  could  be  obtained  at  an  easy  rate  by  the 
Postholders.  .  .  .  But  now  no  such  encouragement  is  given  them,  and  the 
consequence  is  that  not  an  Indian  is  to  be  found  at  any  of  the  Posts  who  may 
be  considered  as  attached  thereto.  Same,  p.  Sj. 

1845.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

The  Indians  almost  all  call  at  the  Post  on  their  way  going  and  coming 
where  they  expect  and  invariably  receive  salt  fish  and  other  little  matters 
of  supply  entirely  at  liis  [my]  expense.  Same,  p.  140. 

1846.  W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

Having  had  repeated  applications  from  Indians  for  medecines,  .  .  . 
furnishing  the  Post  with  a  large  chest  well  stocked  with  good  medecines 
.    .    .     would    .    .     .    be  an  act  of  the  greatest  charity.  Same,  p.  143. 


376  INDIANS. 

PRESENTS  TO   INDIANS-BY  THE    BRITISH,   FREQUENCY    OF-(Con- 

tinued). 

1850.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

During  the  dark  days  of  slavery  the  white  population  of  this  Colony  con- 
sidered it  indispensably  necessary  for  the  peace  of  society  generally,  to  grain, 
,  .  .  the  affections  ...  of  the  Indians,  which  .  .  .  was  accom- 
plished hyan  annnal  distribntion  of  presents;  but  the  free  use  of  rum  to  them 
who  called  at  the  respective  posts  cemented  still  tif^hter  the  honds  of  friendship. 
This  autliorized  system  of  demoralization  .  .  .  was  practised  at 
every  Indian  post  .  .  .  in  a  manner  recognized  as  one  of  the  then  laws  of 
the  land  .  .  .  until  freedom  to  the  Blacks  was  proclaimed ;  but  no  sooner 
had  this  .  .  .  been  granted  .  .  .  than  those  very  Indians  were  .  .  . 
cast  off,  the  Whites  telling  them  :  We  no  longer  require  your  assistance,  no 
more  presents  will  be  ^iven,  no  more  rations  of  fish,  plantains,  &c.,  issued, 
...  the  negroes  are  free,  and  you  can  withdraw  from  the  posts  and  return 
again  to  the  wilds.  B.  C,  VI,  iSj. 

PRESENTS    TO    INDIANS-BY  THE    BRITISH,    THEIR    OBJECT   AND 

CHARACTER. 

.     British  Case. 

The  British  employed  the  Indians  living  in  the  territory  now  in  dispute  in 
services  both  of  a  military  and  industrial  character. 

Subsidies  were  for  many  years  paid  to  the  Indians  for  military  services  by 
the  Dutch  and  British  Governments  respectively.  B.  C,  iig. 

1 797.     Captain-General  of  Caracas. 

Felix  de  Tarraga,  a  Capuchin  ecclesiastic,  a  missionary  of  thirty-one  years' 
residence.     .     .     . 

Having  arrived  by  the  Creek  Amacuro,  at  the  Savannah,  he  found  the  entry 
closed,  for  there  are  the  head-waters  of  the  River  Maruca,  where  the  Aruaca  In- 
dians, whom  he  there  found  posted,  informed  him  that  on  the  east  bank  opposite 
the  English  had  paid  Indians  in  their  service  who,  whenever  they  heard 
that  the  stakes  placed  at  the  entry  to  the  Savannah  were  being  destroyed, 
were  to  fell  others  at  the  entry  of  the  creek,  and  give  notice  to  tlie  guard 
placed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Maruca,  where  it  Hows  into  the  sea,  in  which  place 
they  told  him  they  [the  English]  had  a  number  of  cannon  planted  and  a  large 
force  of  soldiers.  B.  C,  V,  i6j. 

1802.     Anonymous  Memorial. 

Since  the  English  have  come  into  possession  of  the  Colonies,  the  Indian 
nations  have  retired  fartlier  inland,  because  they  got  no  encouragement  from 
the  English,  received  no  presents,  and  obtained  no  signs  of  that  esteem  and 
friendship  on  which  they  prided  themselves  upon  being  held  by  the  Dutch. 

Same,  p.  777. 
1807.     Estimates  and  Accounts. 

Examined  and  passed  the  following  accounts  against  the  Colony,  viz. : — 
Expenses  of  the  late  Bush  expedition. 

Account  of  J.  van  der  Haas  for   salempores  delivered  to  Mr.  Knollman  to  be 

distributed  amongst  the  Indians  of  Essequibo G.  4,125  o  o 

Gratuities  and  presents  to  the  Indians. 

An  account  of  H.  W.  Knollman  for  rum  and  plantains  furnished  to  the  In- 
dians   G.  545   II  4 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  jSg. 


INDIANS.  377 

PRESENTS    TO    INDIANS-BY  THE    BRITISH,   THEIR    OBJECT   AND 
CHARACTER-(Continued). 

1807.  Estimates  and  Accounts. 

Presents  and  rations  to  the  Indians G.  5,686 

B.  C.-C.,Afip.,jgo. 

1808.  Expenditures. 

H.  W.  Knollman,  for  ruin  for  the  Indians  G.     620  o 

"     "  "  "      "        "      "        "         G.   1,1223 

Same,  p.  jgo. 

1808.  Estimates,  1 808-1 809. 

Presents  and  rations  to  Indians G.  6,000 

The  two  Postholders  with  the  Indians  and  their  assistants G.  5,000 

Same,  p.  jgo. 

1809.  Accounts. 

G.  Timmerman,  Protector  of  Indians,  for  plaintains,  rum,  &c.,  furnished  to  the 
Indians G.  2,209  I7 

The  Widow  Clark,  for  presents  to  Indians G.    606    o  o 

The  heirs  of  H.  W.  Knollman,  for  goods  furnished  to  Indians. .  .  .G.  1,269  ^9  ^ 

Same,  p.  jgi. 

1809.  Estimates  1809-1810. 

Presents  to  the  Indians G.  6,000 

Same,  p.  jgi. 

1810.  Accounts. 

The  Governor  laid  before  the  Court  a  list  ...  of  the  articles  which 
would  be  procured  here,  to  be  given  as  a  present  to  the  Indian  Chief  Man- 
ariwau,  and  his  people,  agreeable  to  the  Court's  resolution  of  yesterday, 
[aggregating]  as  follows:  G.  12,620. 

Resolved  that  Mr.  Charles  Edmonstone  be  requested  to  charge  himself  with 
the  purchase  of  the  goods,  .  '  .  .  as  well  as  the  distribution  thereof  to  the 
Indians.  Same,  p.  jg2. 

1810.     Estimates. 

Presents  to  tlie  Indians G.  6,000 

Same,  p.  jg2. 

1810.     Protector  of  Indians. 

The  Indians  complained  to  me  that  they  were  grieved  to  find  that  they  were 
not  treated  with  that  consideration  by  the  British  Government  tliat  they  were 
by  the  Dutch,  as  they  do  not  receive  the  presents  they  used  to  have  from  the 
Dutch  Government.  -^^w^'  P-  -^7- 

1 8 10.     Court  of  Policy. 

Estimate  of  Colonial  Expenses  1810-1811. 

Expense  of  feeding,  clothing,  and  lodging  the  negroes  taken  in  the  Fl. 

last  expedition,  at  present  kept  at  Maroco  Post 6,000 

Occasional  expenses  for  Indians 6,000 

Presents  to  the  Carib  Chief 1-°°° 

Probable  expenses  of  sending  Mr.  Simon  and  others  in  the  interior  of 
the  country  to  ascertain  the  real  strength  of  the  Carib  tribes 

whose  Chief  lately  visited  the  Colony 4.ooo 

B.  C,  V,  ipj. 


3Y8  INDIANS. 

PRESENTS    TO    INDIANS-BY   THE    BRITISH,   THEIR    OBJECT   AND 
CHARACTER-(Contlnued). 

1811.  Court  of  Policy. 

Your  petitioner,  [C.  L.  Thomo,  wido%v\  having'  iucurrcMl  considerable  ex- 
pense in  consequence  of  the  place  of  her  residence  [up  in  Essequibo]  havins? 
been  selected  in  1.S05  for  the  general  distrihution  of  presents  made  at  that 
time,  to  the  Indians.  B,  C,  V,  igy, 

1812.  Estimates. 

Presents  to  Indians G.  6,000  o 

B.C..C.,App.,39j. 

181 2.  Court  of  Policy. 

Chief  Manarwan  having  been  now  admitted  in  Court,  .  .  .  his  Excellency 
.     .     .     demanded     .     .     .     the  reason  of  his  coming,  he  answered  : — 

That  the  presents  made  to  hiui  and  his  people  when  lie  was  last  in  this 
Colony  were  for  services  rendered  in  former  years  to  the  Colonics. 

That  Governor  Bentinck  and  the  Court  at  that  time  made  him  promise  not  to 
wage  wars  against  the  other  Indian  tribes  .  .  .  and  that  he  should  entirely 
give  up  the  Slave  Trade. 

That  his  Excellency  and  the  Court,  in  consideration  of  his  thus  leaving- the 
Slave  Trade,  had  promised  to  distribute  to  liim  and  his  people  annually, 
when  called  for,  similar  kinds  of  presents  as  those  then  given  to  him. 

That  he  had  faithfully  kept  his  word,  .  .  .  and  that  he  consequently 
expects  to  receive  the  presents  promised  him  and  his  people.     .     .     . 

The  Governor  .  .  .  explained  to  the  Chief  Manarwan  that,  he  having  so 
faithfully  kept  his  promise,  the  Government,  on  their  part,  would  give  him  the 
presents  he  and  his  people  had  come  down  for. 

His  Excellency  was  of  opinion  that  he  could  not  continue  this  annual  subsidy 
without  the  sanction  of  His  Majesty,  that  his  Excellency  therefore  would  give 
him  as  soon  as  they  would  arrive  the  presents  of  the  year,  but  that  he  could  not 
promise  anything  further  without  a  sanction  from  home. 

The  Chief  having  expressed  his  surprise  .  .  .  saying  Governor  Bentinck 
and  the  Court  had  stated  to  him  that  the  agreement  entered  into  .  .  .  was 
on  record,  and  that  provided  he  (Manarwan)  kept  his  promise  he  would  have  no 
trouble  in  obtaining  whatever  presents  had  been  promised,        B.  C,  F,  igg-200. 

1 81 3.  Estimate  of  Supplies. 

Occasional  expenses  for  Indians  visiting  the  seat   of  Govern- 
ment, or  settled  near  the  Posts,  and  working  there G.     12,000  o 

This  sum  wanted  to  purchase  in  Europe  presents  for  Indians        12,000  o 

Indians,  general  expenses  of 1 20,000  o 

B.  C.-C,  App.,  394. 
1 81 3.     Acting  Governor  Codd. 

I  .  .  .  agree  with  your  Lordship  on  the  rule  to  be  observed  in  g-iving: 
presents,  which  ought  to  be  performed  ...  by  the  Governor,  instead  of 
intrusting  it  to  Postholders  and  inferior  Agents.  ...  I  am  inclined  to 
believe  that  our  present  system  with  reg-ard  to  tlie  Indians  is  extremely 
defective.  B.  C,  V,  213. 

181 5.     Estimates. 

Presents  to  the  Indians G.  25,000 

B.C.-C,  App.,397. 


INDIANS,  370 

PRESENTS  TO    INDIANS-BY    THE     BRITISH,    THEIR    OBJECT   AND 
CHARACTER-(Continged). 

1823.     William  Hilhouse. 

No  way  appears  so  eligible  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  and  securing  a  per- 
manent and  respectable  Indian  force  as  the  putting  a  body  of  them  upon  per- 
manent pay,  and  forming  a  company  of  Indian  rangers,  with  Europeans  for 
superior  officers,  and  bush-captains  for  subalterns.  The  Indians  have  generally 
declared  their  willingness  and  consent  to  such  a  measure. 

The  adoption  of  a  measure  of  this  nature  will  have  the  effect  of  attaching  the 
Indians  most  strongly  to  the  interest  of  the  Colony.  B.  C,  VI,  28. 

The  (listribiitiou  of  Iiuiiau  presents  should  uiuinestionahly  be  made  sub- 
servient to  this  end.  It  would,  indeed,  be  impossible  to  explain  the  utility  of 
giving  these  presents  without  reference  to  some  such  service  being  implied.  The 
presents  to  Indians,  though  having  some  reference  to  the  occupation  of  Indian 
territory  by  the  whites  are  at  this  period  better  nnderstood  as  an  eqnivalent 
for  the  amity  and  assistance  of  onr  Indian  allies.  Same,  p.  2g. 

The  following  remarks  will  be  considered  as  coming  from  the  mouth  of  an 

Indian  Captain : 

Our  presents  are  of  bad  quality,  and  tliey  are  thrown  away,  .  .  .  amonarst 
tribes  not  belonging-  to  the  Colony,  and  amongst  people  who  liave  never 
helped  the  whites  in  trouble,  and  never  will  help  them.  We  who  live  near 
the  whites,  and  are  ready  at  every  call,  receive  no  more  presents  than  those  far 
in  the  interior,  and  who  are  never  called. 

Our  Protectors  are  appointed  without  reference  to  any  choice  of  ours,  and 
when  we  look  up  to  them  for  kindness  and  favour,we  receive  coldness  and  contempt. 

The  assurances  we  have  from  time  to  time  received  from  the  Government 
of  future  encouragement  and  better  treatment  have  passed  away  like  the  wind. 

Our  Postholders  we  know  not,  or,  knowing  them,  know  no  good  of  them. 
Our  territory  above  the  Post  is  taken  away  from  us  without  remuneration  or  notice. 

Give  us  arms  and  ammunition,  and  we  will  keep  the  land  of  our  forefathers 
though  the  savages  of  Africa  be  let  loose  upon  us  ;  and  if  the  whites  will  help 
themselves,  we  will  help  them.  But  give  us  the  means  of  self-defence,  or  we  must 
follow  the  Caribisce  to  a  happier  land  beyond  the  falls.  Same,  p.  32. 

The  Dutch  in  Surinam  have  paid  dearly  for  their  negligence  neglecting  to 
increase  the  strength  and  numbers  of  the  Indians  so  as  to  secure  them  the  perma- 
nent possession  of  the  bush.  They  are  now  in  consequence  obliged  to  pay  a 
tribute  of  no  small  amount  to  the  free  bush  negroes  to  insure  an  uncer- 
tain alliance,  and  to  prevent  the  open  encouragement  of  desertion  to  them 
from  the  plantations.  Same,  p.  33. 

I  .  .  .  solicit  .  .  .  thatapresentof  a  good  quality  patent  breeched 
fowling-piece  may  be  immediately  made  to  the  several  buck  Captains,  who 
have  actually  served  in  the  Bush.  Same,  p.  34. 

1 83 1.     A.  van  Ryck  de  Groot. 

I  give  presents  ...  to  the  Indians,  they  are  a  retaining  fee  for  their 
fidelity  and  friendship,  ...  the  Indians  consider  them  as  presents  to  them 
as  friends  and  allies,  not  as  subjects.  Same,  p.  41. 


380  INDIANS. 

PRESENTS  TO    INDIANS-BY  THE    BRITISH,    THEIR    OBJECT    AND 
CHARACTER-{Continued). 

1834.     George  Bagot. 

As  the  .  .  .  Warrow  Indians  appear  impressed  with  a  strong  suspicion 
that  the  Indian  Hendrick  came  unfairly  by  his  death,  and  the  family  of  the  de- 
ceased may  feel  themselves  bound  to  revenge  it  unless  some  compensation  be 
made,  I  would  recoiiimeiul  some  small  present  should  be  ottered  them,  on 
condition  of  their  giving  up  the  feud  ;  otherwise,  I  apprehend,  from  the  cus- 
toms of  these  people,  there  will  be  bloodshed,  and,  if  once  begun,  it  is  hard  to 
say  where  it  may  end.  B.C.,  VI,  jS-jp. 

1838.     Governor  Light. 

We  made  them  [Indians]  presents.    .    .     .   Their  influence  brought  much 
larger  numbers  of  Indians  than  at  present  are  ivithin  our  borders.     .     .    . 

if  some  equally  powerful  motive  were  presented  they  would  again  appear. 

Same,  p.  6j. 

1841.     W.  C.  McClintock,  Superintendent  of  Rivers  and  Creeks. 

There  are  but  two  places  within  the  districts  Nos.  1  and  2  where  Indian 
children  are  educated,  and  unfortunately  both  of  those  places  are  situated  on  the 
Arabian  Coast,  so  that  district  No.  i,  or  Pomeroou  is  totally  neglected,  al- 
thougli  tlie  .  .  .  Court  granted  about  two  years  ago  10,000  dollars  for 
the  benefit  of  Indians,  Spanish  Mission  St,  Roses  ...  in  the  Upper 
Morocco  [not  included].  Same,  p.  106. 

PRESENTS  TO  INDIANS-BY  THE    BRITISH,   TO    INDIANS  OUTSIDE 

THE  COLONY. 

1804.     Court  of  Policy. 

Mr.  Mack  represented  to  the  Court  that  he  had  heard  from  different  quarters 
that  notwithstanding  the  measures  taken  last  year  by  the  Court  to  revive 
friendly  intercourse  with  the  Indians  there  still  existed  a  great  dissatisfac- 
tion, principally  among  those  of  the  Caraiban  nation  in  the  Upper  River  of 
Essequibo,  which  must  undoubtedly  be  ascribed  to  this — that  by  want  of  timely 
notice  these  Indians  have  not  shared  in  the  distribution  of  rations,  &c.,  done  in 
the  month  of  April  1803  ;  that  in  the  meanwhile,  as  is  well  known,  the  Caraiban 
nations  .  .  .  have  .  .  .  often  proved  of  the  greatest  utility,  it  was 
highly  necessary  that  the  Colony  should  secure  their  assistance  in  case  of 
need,  and  that  he  therefore  suggested  to  the  Court  to  send  a  deputation,  .  .  . 
to  the  Upper  River  of  Essequibo,  in  order  to  assemble  all  the  Indians  that  live 
there,  and  then  to  treat  them,  and  distribute  some  gunpowder  and  salt  among 
them. 

Resolved  to  request  Messrs.  Mack  and  Clements  along  with  the  Fiscal  of 
Essequibo,  Mr.  van  der  Hoff,  Protector  of  the  Indians  in  Essequibo,  ...  to 
give  them  [Indians  of  the  Upper  Essequibo]  a  treat,  offering  them  at  the  same 
time  some  trifling  gift  of  salt  and  gunpowder,  and  there  to  give  them  such 
assurances  in  the  name  of  the  Government  as  they  will  think  most  likely  to  renew 
their  attachment  to  these  Colonies.  B.  C,  V,  iSj. 

1833.     Quarterly  Return  of  the  Pomeroon  Post. 

August  25.  I  in  addition  to  refreshments  given  to  other  Indians]  Spanish 
bucks  called  and  received  refreshments.  B.  C,  VI,  j/. 

[35 IW] 


f 


I 


